STAFF NOTES: SOVIET UNION EASTERN EUROPE
Document Type:
Collection:
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST):
CIA-RDP86T00608R000400090021-7
Release Decision:
RIPPUB
Original Classification:
T
Document Page Count:
11
Document Creation Date:
December 16, 2016
Document Release Date:
November 16, 2004
Sequence Number:
21
Case Number:
Publication Date:
June 25, 1975
Content Type:
REPORT
File:
Attachment | Size |
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~S~GI ~~ a04f~
Soviet Union
Eastern Euro.e
State Department review completed
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SOVIET UNION - EASTERN EUROPE
P090021-7
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June 25, 1975
Ponomarev in Damascus: Smoothing
Over Strains?
Croinyko to Italy for Periodic
Consultations . .
Czechoslovakia: Ultraconservatives
Win One . . . . . . . . . .
Bulgaria: New High Priestess of
Cultural Affairs .
Romania and the CEirIA Statutes . . . .
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Ponomarev in Dammascus:
Smoot Over tra ns?
Soviet Party Secretary Ponomarev's visit to
Syria, which ended today, may have been aimed at
:smoothing over differences between Damascus and
Moscow.
In recent weeks there have been some indica-
tions that Soviet-Syrian relations have been uneasy.
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--The Soviets I blv also agree with
riticism of Syria's
rucent grant of off-shore oil prospecting
rights.to a US company. The Soviets
have not commented on this themselves,
but they probably fear that it could lead
to further Syrian economic liberalization
and increased economic dealings with the
West. In addition, the action undercuts
the monopoly the Soviets and their East
European allies have heretofore had in
oil exploration in Syria.
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,;`he timing of Ponomarev' s trip may have been
rela`t,csd to Foreign Minister IE'haddam's visit last
week' to Washington. Ponomarev plays an acti,:'e role
in :1"'a.ddle East matters and his visit could have
beeX.designed to buck up Syrian resistance to
W, ~s7'Pington's entreaties as well as obtain a reading
dkirc;haddam's conversations with Secretary Kissinger.
Ponomarev seemed defensive about the impact of
Uri ;'!Soviet detente on Moscow's ra.iations with the
A'i.Abs. In a television address, he argued that
dente was not inconsistent with Moscow's support
1:/,r Syria and the Arabs, but instead should be viewed
ljrr an integral part of the struggle against imperialism.
Ponomarev apparently did not have great success
in soothing the Syrians. He spent most of his time
with secondary figures and met only once with Asad.
A Soviet commentator characterized the atmosphere of
the trip as one of "frankness and cordial understanding"--
a euphemism for tough talk.
Despite these signs of trouble, it seems unlikely
that Moscow and Syria will let their relations
deteriorate significantly. Both need the other too
much, particularly now that there is a renewed prospect
of US-sponsored negotiations between Egypt and Israel.
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Gromyko To Italy
for Fe r'.od .c COnc Rations
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Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko w:il.l arrive
in Italy tomorrow for two days of talks. In 1972,
the Soviets and Italians agreed to hold j.mnriodic
political consultations; the last talks took
place in Moscow a year age).
Gromyko will cover the usual range of topics
---the European security summit, the Vienna force
reduction talks, the Middle East, Cyprus, disarma-
menc, and bilateral economic relations. He may
also lay the groundwork for a projected visit by
General Secretary Brezhnev to Romo,l.ater this year.
The substance of these consultations is not
likely to be very important. They will serve as an
expression of Moscow's continuing interest in main-
taininq cordial state-to-state relations with the
government in Rome even while Soviet media hail
the victory of the Italian Communists and the 5'e-
buff of the "anti-Soviet" campaign waged by the
Christian Democrats and their allies.
Gromyko will want to get a feel for how the
swing to the legit in Italy, about which the Soviet
press is talking, can be turned into a net gain for
the Soviets. He will. probably touch base with PCI
conference.
chief Berlinguer, although Gromyko will anticipate
that Bt_r inguer will. use the election results to
buttres.7 his long-standing arguments that the Ital-
ian Communists do not need advice from Moscow on
how to make their way in Italian politics. Gromyko
also would like to get some idea of how hard Ber
linguer. is likely to push his ideas on the proper
role of a Communist party in Western Europe in the
preparatory meetings for a European Communist parry
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Czechoslovakia: Ultraconservatives
Thy naming of ultraconservative Viliam Salgovic
to thc; Presidium Politburo of the Slovak Communist
Party strengthens the conservatives' hold on the
leadership in Bratislava. Salgovic's promotion is
also a tactical blow to the moderate faction of the
national party. He is reportedly a personal friend
of Vasil Bilak, a like-minded Slovak who is considered
to be party leader Husak's chief rival in the leader-
ship.
Salgovic evidently replaces the moderate, Ondrej
Klokoc, the chairman of the Slovak National Council,
who died in March. No successor to Klokoc's gov-
ernment post has been named, and Salgovic may now
have the inside track for that slot. The delay in
naming a successor to Klokoc suggests that the
moderates lost that political struggle too.
Salgovic is one of the most unsavory of the
Czechoslovak ultraconservatives. During the 1968
"Prague Spring," when he was deputy minister of
interior, he served as a willing tool of the Soviets.
With advance knowledge of the August invasion,
Salgovic plotted the arrest of the reform leaders.
He reportedly was to be a key figure in the aborted
pro-Soviet coup. Salgovic's open :collaboration with
the Soviets in the immediate wake of the invasion
led to his dismissal from the Interior Ministry.
Along with numerous other ultraconservativ'.s,
Salgovic began to re-enter the political arena
under.Husak's policy of "normalization." Since
1970, he has served as chairman of the Slovak party's
Control and Auditing Commission and deputy chairman
of the national party's Central Control and Auditing
Commission. Salgovic is now expected to relinquish
these positions.
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Bulgaria: New High Priestess
o. Cultural A. 'fairs
Lyudmila Zhivkova, daughter of.3ulgarian leader.
Todor Zhivkov, yesterday was named to head the Com-
mittee for Art and Culture, which is attached to the
Council of Ministers. She recently has been assuming
a more prominent role in governmental affairs, and
her new position--which carries ministerial rank--
will increase her prestige.
Zhivkova, formerly a first deputy minister of
art and culture, replaces Pavel Matev, who was shifted
to the Department for Art .and Culture at the Central
Committee. Her appointmen',and Matev's reassignment
suggest that Zhivkova has been calling the shots on
the cultural scene for some time. Matev's transfer
could be a demotion--since his new post was not
filled for over two years.
. The regime may be grooming Zhivkova for an even
more prestigious position. She serves as official
hostess for her father, a widower, and has long been
prominent in official state functions. She accom-
panied Foreign Minister Mladenov on his recent trips
to Egypt and West, Germany, and led a cultural delega-
tion to Austria eiarlier this year.
Zhivkova's appointment will probably produce
reverberations in neighboring' Yugoslavia. The Yugo-
slavs last February lambasted her for saying Mace-
donians are ethnic Bulgarians. Belgrade may view her
promotion as a further indication of Sofia's intran-
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I..
Bucharesst iz:t fighting arear-guard action against
the impact Of, CEMA's revisec . t :at:;ites on its sover--
eignty and f~,t;eedom of maneu~;.~- t:, The new statutes,
aggre,ed upon by CEMA member: ~ last June but only ratified
by Romania on May 30, are .ittended to strengthen CEMA's
authority ovcii:r its memberst,' Romania apparently put
off ratification as long as it reasrnably.could.
The modified statutes refer both to "socialist
economic integration"--opposed by Bucharest--and to
the "gradualcqualization of levels of economic
development,' which Romania favors. The Romanians
are now try ini,