SPEECH BY RICHARD VON WEIZSXCKER, PRESIDENT OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY, IN THE BUNDESTAG DURING THE CEREMONY COMMEMORATING THE 40TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE END OF THE WAR IN EUROPE AND OF NATIONAL SOCIALIST TYRANNY

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP87-00462R000100100008-7
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 11
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: December 10, 2009
• Sequence Number: 8
• Publication Date: May 9, 1985
• Content Type: MISC

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STAT
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Statements & Speeches
Vol. VII No. 16, May 9, 1985
SPEECH BY RICHARD VON WEIZSACKER,
PRESIDENT OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY,
IN THE BUNDESTAG DURING THE CEREMONY COMMEMORATING THE 40TH ANNIVERSARY
OF THE END OF THE WAR IN EUROPE AND OF NATIONAL SOCIALIST TYRANNY
May 8, 1985
Many nations are today commemorating the date on which World War II ended
in Europe. Every nation is doing so with different feelings, depending on
its fate. Be it victory or defeat, liberation from injustice and alien rule
or transition to new dependence, division, new alliances, vast shifts of
power - May 8, 1945, is a date of decisive historical importance for
Europe.
We Germans are commemorating that date amongst ourselves, as is indeed
necessary. We must find our own standards. We are not assisted in this task
if we or others spare our feelings. We need and we have the strength to
look truth straight in the eye - without embellishment and without
distortion.
For us, the 8th of May is above all a date to remember what people had to
suffer. It is also a date to reflect on the course taken by our history.
The greater honesty we show in commemorating this day, the freer we are to
face the consequences with due responsibility. For us Germans, May 8 is not
a day of celebration. Those who actually witnessed that day in 1945 think
back on highly personal and, hence ,highly different experiences. Some
returned home, others lost their homes. Some were liberated, while for
others it was the start of captivity. Many were simply grateful that the
bombing at night and fear had passed and that they had survived. Others
felt first and foremost grief at the complete defeat suffered by their
country. Some Germans felt bitterness about their shattered illusions,
while others were grateful for the gift of a new start.
It was difficult to find one's bearings straightaway. Uncertainty prevailed
throughout the country. The military capitulation was unconditional,
GERMAN INFORMATION CENTER, 950 THIRD AVENUE, NEW YORK, MY 10022 [phone]
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placing our destiny in the hands of our enemies. The past had been
terrible, especially for many of those enemies, too. Would they not make us
pay many times over for what we had done to them? Most Germans had believed
that they were fighting and suffering for the good of their country. And
now it turned out that their efforts were not only, in vain and futile, but
had served the inhuman goals of a criminal regime. The feelings of most
people were those of exhaustion, despair and new anxiety. Had one's next of
kin survived? Did a new start from those ruins make sense at all? Looking
back, they saw the dark abyss of the past and, looking forward, they saw an
uncertain, dark future.
Yet with every day something became clearer, and this must be stated on
behalf of all of us today: The 8th of May was a day of liberation. It
liberated all of us from the inhumanity and tyranny of the
National Socialist regime.
Nobody will, because of that liberation, forget the grave suffering that
only started for many people on May 8. But we must not regard the end of
the war as the cause of flight, expulsion and deprivation of freedom. The
cause goes back to the start of the tyranny that brought about war. We must
not separate May 8, 1945, from January 30, 1933.
There is truly no reason for us today to participate in victory
celebrations. But there is every reason for us to perceive May 8, 1945, as
the end of an aberration in German history, and end bearing seeds of hope
for a better future.
May 8 is a day of remembrance. Remembering means recalling an occurrence
honestly and undistortedly so that it becomes a part of our very beings.
This places high demands on our truthfulness.
Today we mourn all the dead of the war and the tyranny. In particular we
commemorate the six million Jews who were murdered in German concentration
camps. We commemorate all nations who suffered in the war, especially the
countless citizens of the Soviet Union and Poland who lost their lives. As
Germans, we mourn our own compatriots who perished as soldiers, during air
raids at home, in captivity or during expulsion. We commemorate the Sinti
and Romany Gypsies, the homosexuals and the mentally ill who were killed,
as well as the people who had to die for their religious or political
beliefs. We commemorate the hostages who were executed. We recall the
victims of the resistance movements in all the countries occupied by us. As
Germans, we pay homage to the victims of the German resistance - among the
public, the military, the churches, the workers and trade unions, and the
Communists. We commemorate those who did not actively resist, but preferred
to'die instead of violating their consciences.
Alongside the endless army of the dead, mountains of human suffering arise
- grief over the dead, suffering from injury or crippling or barbarous
compulsory sterilization, suffering during the air raids, during flight and
expulsion, suffering because of rape and pillage, forced labor, injustice
and torture, ,hunger and hardship, suffering because of fear of arrest and
death, grief at the loss of everything which one had wrongly believed in
and worked for. Today we sorrowfully recall all this human suffering.
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Perhaps the greatest burden was borne by the women of all nations. Their
suffering, renunciation and silent strength are all too easily forgotten by
history. Filled with fear, they worked, bore human life and protected it.
They mourned their fallen fathers and sons, husbands, brothers and friends.
In the years of darkness, they ensured that the light of humanity was not
extinguished. After the war, with no prospect of a secure future, women
everywhere were the first to set about building homes again, the "rubble
women" in Berlin and elsewhere. When the men who had survived returned,
women had to take a back seat again. Because of the war, many women were
left alone and spent their lives in solitude. Yet it is first and foremost
thanks to the women that nations did not disintegrate spiritually on
account of the destruction, devastation, atrocities and inhumanity and that
they gradually regained their foothold after the war.
At the root of the tyranny was Hitler's immeasurable hatred against our
Jewish compatriots. Hitler had never concealed this hatred from the public,
but made the entire nation a tool of it. Only a day before his death, on
April 30, 1945, he concluded his so-called will with the words: "Above all,
I call upon the leaders of the nation and their followers to observe
painstakingly the race laws and to oppose ruthlessly the poisoners of all
nations: international Jewry." Hardly any country has in its history always
remained free from blame for war or violence. The genocide of the Jews is,
however, unparalleled in history.
The perpetration of this crime was in the hands of a few people. It was
concealed from the eyes of the public, but every German was able to
experience what his Jewish compatriots had to suffer, ranging from plain
apathy and hidden intolerance to outright hatred. Who could remain
unsuspecting after the burning of the synagogues, the plundering, the
stigmatization with the Star of David, the deprivation of rights, the
ceaseless violation of human dignity? Whoever opened his eyes and ears and
sought information could not fail to notice that Jews were being deported.
The nature and scope of the destruction may have exceeded human
imagination, but in reality there was, apart from the crime itself, the
attempt by too many people, including those of my generation, who were
young and were not involved in planning the events and carrying them out,
not to take note of what was happening. There were many ways of not
burdening one's conscience, of shunning responsibility, looking away,
keeping mum. When the unspeakable truth of the holocaust then became known
at the end of the war, all too many of us claimed that they had not known
anything about it or even suspected anything.
There is no such thing as the guilt or innocence of an entire nation. Guilt
is, like innocence, not collective, but personal. There is discovered or
concealed individual guilt. There is guilt which people acknowledge or
deny. Everyone who directly experienced that era should today quietly ask
himself about his involvement then.
The vast majority of today's population were either children then or had
not been born. They cannot profess a guilt of their own for crimes that
they did not commit. No discerning person can expect them to wear a
penitential robe simply because they are Germans. But their forefathers
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have left them a grave legacy. All of us, whether guilty or not, whether
old or young, must accept the past. We are all affected by its consequences
and liable for it. The young and old generations must and can help each
other to understand why it is vital to keep alive the memories. It is not a
case of coming to terms with the past. That is not possible. It cannot be
subsequently modified or made not to have happened. However, anyone who
closes his eyes to the past is blind to the present. Whoever refuses to
remember the inhumanity is prone to new risks of infection.
The Jewish nation remembers and will always remember. We seek reconcilia-
tion. Precisely for this reason we must understand that there can be no
reconciliation without remembrance. The experience of millionfold death is
part of the very being of every Jew in the world, not only because people
cannot forget such atrocities, but also because remembrance is part of the
Jewish faith.
"Seeking to forget makes exile all the longer. The secret of redemption
lies in remembrance." This oft-quoted Jewish adage surely expresses the
idea that faith in God is faith in the work of God in history. Remembrance
is experience of the work of God in history. It is the source of faith in
redemption. This experience creates hope, creates faith in redemption, in
reunification of the divided, in reconciliation. Whoever forgets this
experience loses his faith.
If we for our part sought to forget what has occurred, instead of
remembering it, this would not only be inhuman. We would also impinge upon
the faith of the Jews who survived and destroy the basis of reconciliation.
We must erect a memorial to thoughts and feelings in our own hearts.
The 8th of May marks a deep cut not only in German history but in the
history of Europe as a whole. The European civil war had come to an end,
the old world of Europe lay in ruins. "Europe had fought itself to a
standstill" (M. StUrmer). The meeting of American and Soviet Russian
soldiers on the Elbe became a symbol for the temporary end of a European
era.
True, all this was deeply rooted in history. For a century Europe had
suffered under the clash of extreme nationalistic aspirations. At the end
of the First World War peace treaties were signed but they lacked the power
to foster peace. Once more nationalistic passions flared up and were fanned
by the distress of the people at that time.
Along the road to disaster Hitler became the driving force. He whipped up
and exploited mass hysteria. A weak democracy was incapable of stopping
hits. And even the powers of Western Europe - in Churchill's judgment
unsuspecting but not without guilt - contributed through their weakness to
this fateful trend. After the First World War America had withdrawn and in
the thirties had no influence on Europe.
Hitler wanted to dominate Europe and to do so through war. He looked for
and found an excuse in Poland. On May 23, 1939, he told the German gen-
erals: "No further successes can be gained without bloodshed... Danzig is
not the objective. Our aim is to extend our Lebensraum in the East and
safeguard food supplies ...so there is no question of sparing Poland. And
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there remains the decision to attack Poland at the first suitable opportu-
nity...the object is to deliver the enemy a blow, or the annihilating blow,
at the start. In this, law, injustice or treaties do not matter."
On August 23, 1939, Germany and the Soviet Union signed a non-aggression
pact. The secret supplementary protocol made provision for the impending
partition of Poland. That pact was made to give Hitler an opportunity to
invade Poland. The Soviet leaders at the time were fully aware of this. And
all who understood politics realized that the implications of the German-
Soviet pact were Hitler's invastion of Poland and hence the Second World
War.
That does not mitigate Germany's responsibility for the outbreak of the
Second World War. The Soviet Union was prepared to allow other nations to
flight one another so that it could have a share of the spoils. The
initiative for the war, however, came from Germany, not from the Soviet
Union. It was Hitler who resorted to the use of force. The outbreak of the
Second World War remains linked with the name of Germany.
In the course of that war the Nazi regime tormented and defiled many
nations. At the end of it all only one nation remained to be tormented,
enslaved and defiled: the German nation. Time and again Hitler had declared
that if the German nation was not capable of winning the war it should be
left to perish. The other nations first became victims of a war started by
Germany before we became the victims of our own war.
The division of Germany into zones began on May 8. In the meantime the
Soviet Union had taken control in all countries of Eastern and
South Eastern Europe that had been occupied by Germany during the war. All
of them, with the exception of Greece, became socialist states. The
division of Europe into two different political systems took its course.
True, it was the postwar developments which cemented that division, but
without the war started by Hitler it would not have happened at all. That
is what first comes to the minds of the nations concerned when they recall
the war unleashed by the German leaders. And we think of that too when we
ponder the division of our own country and the loss of huge sections of
German territory. In a sermon in East Berlin commemorating the 8th of May,
Cardinal Meissner said: "the pathetic result of sin is always division."
The arbitrariness of destruction continued to be felt in the arbitrary
distribution of burdens. There were innocent people who were persecuted and
guilty ones who got away. Some were lucky to be able to begin life all over
again at home in familiar surroundings. Other were expelled from the lands
of their fathers. We in what was to become the Federal Republic of Germany
were given the priceless opportunity to live in freedom. Many millions of
our countrymen have been denied that opportunity to this day.
Learning to accept mentally this arbitrary allocation of fate was the first
task, alongside the material task of rebuilding the country. That had to be
the test of the human strength to recognize the burdens of others, to help
bear them over time, not to forget them. It had to be the test of our
ability to work for peace, of our willingness to foster the spirit of re-
conciliation both at home and. in our external relations, an ability and a
readiness which not only others expected of us but which we most of all
demanded of ourselves.
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V -
We cannot commemorate the 8th of May without being conscious of the great
effort required on the part of our former enemies to set out on the road of
reconciliation with us. Can we really place ourselves in the position of
relatives of the victims of the Warsaw Ghetto or of the Lidice massacre?
And how hard must it have been for the citizens of Rotterdam or London to
support the rebuilding of our country from where the bombs came which not
long before had been dropped on their cities? To be able to do so they had
gradually to gain the assurance that the Germans would not again try to
make good their defeat by use of force.
In our country the biggest sacrifice was demanded of those who had been
driven out of their homeland. They were to experience suffering and
injustice long after the 8th of May. Those of us who were born here often
do not have the imagination or the open heart with which to grasp the real
meaning of their harsh fate.
But soon there were great signs of readiness to help. Many millions of
refugees and expellees were taken in who over the years were able to strike
new roots. Their children and grandchildren have in many different ways
formed a loving attachment to the culture and the homeland of their
ancestors. That is a great treasure in their lives. But they themselves
have found a new home where they are growing up and integrating with the
local people of the same age, sharing their dialect and their customs.
Their young life is proof of their ability to be at peace with themselves.
Their grandparents or parents were once driven out. They themselves,
however, are now at home.
Very soon and in exemplary fashion the expellees identified themselves with
the renunciation of force. That was no passing declaration in the early
stages of helplessness but a commitment which has retained its validity.
Renouncing the use of force means allowing trust to grow on all sides. It
means that a Germany that has regained its strength remains bound by it.
The expellees' own homeland has meanwhile become a homeland for others. In
many of the old cemeteries in Eastern Europe you will today find more
Polish than German graves. The compulsory migration of millions of Germans
to the West was followed by the..-migration of millions of Poles and, in
their wake, millions of Russians. These are all people who were not asked,
people who suffered injustice, people who became defenseless objects of
political events and to whom no compensation for those injustices and no
offsetting of claims can make up for what has been done to them.
Renouncing force today means giving them lasting security, unchallenged on
political grounds, for their future in the place where fate drove them
after the 8th of May and were they have been living in the decades since.
It means placing the dictate of understanding above conflicting legal
claims. That is the true, the human contribution to a peaceful order in
Europe which we can provide.
The new beginning in Europe after 1945 has brought both victory and defeat
for the notion of freedom and self-determination. Our aim is to seize the
opportunity to draw a line under a long period of European history in which
to every country peace seemed conceivable and safe only as a result of its
own supremacy, and in which peace meant a period of preparation for the
next war.
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The peoples of Europe love their homelands. The Germans are no different.
Who could trust in a people's love of peace if it were capable of
forgetting its homeland? No, love of peace manifests itself precisely in
the fact that one does not forget one's homeland and is for that very
reason resolved to do everything in one's power to live together with
others in lasting peace. An expellee's love for his homeland is in no way
revanchism.
The last war has aroused a stronger desire for peace in the hearts of men
than in times past. The work of the churches in promoting reconciliation
met with a tremendous response. The "Aktion SUhnezeichen", a campaign in
which young people carry out atonement activity in Poland and Israel, is
one example of such practical efforts to promote understanding. Recently,
the town of Kleve on the Lower Rhine received loaves of bread from Polish
towns as a token of reconciliation and fellowship. The town council sent
one of those loaves to a teacher in England because he had discarded his
anonymity and written to say that as a member of a bomber crew during the
war he had destroyed the church and houses in Kleve and wanted to take part
in some gesture of reconciliation. In seeking peace it is a tremendous help
if, instead of waiting for the other to come to us, we go towards him, as
this man did.
In the wake of the war, old enemies were brought closer together. As early
as 1946, the American Secretary of State, James F. Byrnes, called in his
memorable Stuttgart address for understanding in Europe and for assistance
to the German nation on its way to a free and peaceable future. Innumerable
Americans assisted us Germans, who had lost the war, with their own private
means so as to heal the wounds of war. Thanks to the vision of the
Frenchmen Jean Monnet and Robert Schuman and their cooperation with Konrad
Adenauer, the traditional enmity between the French and Germans was buried
forever.
A new will and energy to reconstruct Germany surged through the country.
Many an old trench was filled in, religious differences and social strains
were defused. People set to work in a spirit of partnership.
There was no "zero hour," but we had the opportunity to make a fresh start.
We have used this opportunity as well as we could.
We have put democratic freedom in the place of oppression. Four years after
the end of the war, on this May 8, in 1949, the Parliamentary Council
adopted our Basic Law. Transcending party differences, the democrats on the
council gave their answer to war and tyranny an Article 1 of our
constitution: "The German people acknowledge inviolable and inalienable
human rights as the basis of any community, of peace and of justice in the
world." This further significance of May 8 should also be remembered today.
The Federal Republic of Germany has become an internationally respected
state. It is one of the most highly developed industrial countries in the
world. It knows that its economic strength commits it to share responsi-
bility for the struggle against hunger and need in the world and for
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for social adjustment between nations. For 40 years we have been living in
peace and freedom, to which we, through our policy in union with the free
nations of the Atlantic alliance and the European Community, have ourselves
rendered a major contribution. The freedom of the individual has never
received better protection in Germany than it does today. A comprehensive
system of social welfare that can stand comparison with any other ensures
the subsistence of the population. Whereas at the end of the war many
Germans tried to hide their passports or to exchange them for another one,
German nationality today is highly valued.
We certainly have no reason to be arrogant and self-righteous. But we may
look back with gratitude on our development over these 40 years, if we use
the memory of our own history as a guideline for our future behavior.
- If we remember that mentally disturbed persons were put to death in the
Third Reich, we will see care of people with psychiatric disorders as our
own responsibility.
- If we remember how people persecuted on grounds of race, religion and
politics and threatend with certain death often stood before the closed
borders with other countries, we shall not close the door today on those
who are genuinely persecuted and seek protection with us.
- If we reflect on the penalties for free thinking under the dictatorship,
we will protect the freedom of every idea and every criticism, however much
it may be directed against ourselves.
- Whoever criticizes the situation in the Middle East should think of the
fate to which Germans condemned their Jewish fellow human beings, a fate
that led to the establishment of the state of Israel under conditions which
continue to burden people in that region even today.
- If we think of what our Eastern neighbors had to suffer during the war,
we will find it easier to understand that accommodation and peaceful
neighborly relations with these countries remain central tasks of German
foreign policy. It is important that both sides remember and that both
sides respect each other. Mikhail Gorbachev, General Secretary of the
Soviet Communist Party, declared that it was not the intention of the
Soviet leaders at the 40th anniversary of the end of the war to stir up
anti-German feelings. The Soviet Union, he said, was committed to
friendship between nations. Particularly if we have doubts about Soviet
contributions to understanding between East and West and about respect for
human rights in all parts of Europe, we must not ignore this signal from
Moscow. We seek friendship with the peoples of the Soviet Union.
Forty years after the end of the war, the German nation remains divided.
At a commemorative service in the Church of the Holy Cross in Dresden held
in February of this year, Bishop Hempel said: "It is a burden and a scourge
that two German states have emerged with their harsh border. The very
multitude of borders is a burden and a scourge. Weapons are a burden."
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Recently in Baltimore in the United States, an exhibition on "Jews in
Germany" was opened. The ambassadors of both German states accepted the
invitation to attend. The host, the President of the Johns Hopkins
University, welcomed them together. He stated that all Germans share the
same historical development. Their joint past is a bond that links them.
Such a bond, he said, could be a blessing or a problem, but was always a
source of hope.
We Germans are one people and one nation. We feel that we belong together
because we have lived through the same past. We also experienced the 8th of
May 1945 as part of the common fate of our nation, which unites us. We feel
bound together in our desire for peace. Peace and good neighborly relations
with all countries should radiate from the German soil in both states. And
no other states should let that soil become a source of danger to peace,
either. The people of Germany are united in desiring a peace that
encompasses justice and human rights for all peoples, including our own.
Reconciliation that transcends boundaries cannot be provided by a walled
Europe but only by a continent that removes the divisive elements from its
borders. That is the exhortation given us by the end of the Second World
War. We are confident that the 8th of May is not the last date in the
common history of all Germans.
Many young people have in recent months asked themselves and us why such
animated discussions about the past have arisen 40 years after the end of
the war. Why are they more animated than after 25 or 30 years? What is the
inherent necessity of this development?
It is not easy to answer such questions. But we should not seek the reasons
primarily in external influences. In the life span of men and in the
destiny of nations, 40 years play a great role. Permit me at this point to
return again to the Old Testament, which contains deep insights for every
person, irrespective of his own faith. There, 40 years frequently play a
vital part. The Israelites were to remain in the desert for 40 years before
a new stage in their history began with their arrival in the Promised Land.
40 years were required for a complete transfer of responsibility from the
generation of the fathers.
Elsewhere, too (in the Book of Judges), it is described how often the
memory of experienced assistance and rescue lasted only for 40 years. When
their memory faded, tranquility was at an end. Forty years invariably
constitute a significant time span. Man perceives them as the end of a dark
age bringing hope for a new and prosperous future, or as the onset of
danger that the past might be forgotten and a warning of the consequences.
It is worth reflecting on both of these perceptions.
In our country, a new generation has grown up to assume political respon-
sibility. Our young people are not responsible for what happened over 40
years ago. But they are responsible for the historical consequences.
We in the older generation owe to young people not the fulfillment of
dreams but honesty. We must help younger people to understand why it is
vital to keep memories alive. We want to help them to accept historical
truth soberly, not one-sidedly, without taking refuge in utopian doctrines,
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but also without moral arrogance. From our own history we learn what man is
capable of. For that reason we must not imagine that we are quite different
and have become better. There is no ultimately achievable moral perfection.
We have learned as human beings, and as human beings we remain in danger.
But we have the strength to overcome such danger again and again.
Hitler's constant approach was to stir up prejudices, enmity and hatred.
What is asked of young people today is this: do not let yourselves be
forced into enmity and hatred of other people, of Russians or Americans,
Jews or Turks, of alternatives or conservatives, blacks or whites.
Let us honor freedom.
Let us work for peace.
Let us respect the rule of law.
Let us be true to our own conception of justice.
On this 8th of May, let us face up as well as we can to the truth.
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