DCI BREAKFAST WITH SENATE SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE MEMBERS 26 SEPTEMBER 1985 8:00 A.M. DCI DINING ROOM

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP87B00342R000300630001-5
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: C
• Document Page Count: 26
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: November 25, 2009
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: September 26, 1985
• Content Type: MISC

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DCI BREAKFAST with
Senate Select Committee on Intelligence Members
26 September 1985
8:00 a.m.
DCI Dining Room
Dave Durenberger (R., MN)
Patrick J. Leahy (D., VT), Vice Chairman
William S. Cohen (R., ME) (Probable)
Orrin G. Hatch (R., UT)
Frank H. Murkowski (R., AK)
Mitch McConnell (R., KY)
Ernest F. Hollings (D., SC)
Bernard McMahon, Majority Staff Director
Eric Newsom, Minority Staff Director
Agency Participants:
DDCI
D/OLL
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CON HU tN I " ' *Revision-25 Sept. 85
TIME/DAY/DATE: 0800 -Thursday,
BREAKFAST XX
HOST : DC I XX ; DDCI
PLACE: DCI D.R. XX* EDR
GUEST LIST: Agency
DCI, host
DDCI, co-host
D/OLL
MENU: Juice
Fresh Fruit
English Muffins
Scrambled Eggs
Bacon (Serve on Platters)
Coffee/Tea
26 September 1985
DINNER
EX DIR
(W-DOOM )
(co-host)
Mr. John McMahon
Senator Dave Durenberger (R., MN),
Chairman, SSCI
Senator Patrick Leahy (D., VT),
Vice Chairman, SSCI
Senator William S. Cohen (R., ME)
Senator Orrin Hatch (R., UT)
Senator Frank Murkowski (R., AK)
Senator Mitch McConnell (R., KY)
Senator Ernest F. Hollings (D., SC)
Mr. Bernard F. McMahon, Staff Director
Mr. Eric D. Newsom, Min. Staff Director
TOTAL: 12
CON.FIDFNTIAI:
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Dave Durenberger (R)
Of MinE"POYW - I acted 1976
&ors; Aug. 19,19M, St Cloud, Minn.
8docatios St. John's U., BA 1955; U. of Minn., J.D.
1959.
Military Career. Army Reserve, 1956.63.
Occupation; Lawyer; adhesive manufacturing execu-
tive.
Family: Wife, Gilds Beth 'Penny' Baran; four children.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Career, No previous office.
Capitol Office: 375 Russell Bldg. 20510; 224-3244.
In Washington; When Durenberger won
this seat in 1978, ending 20 years of Democratic
Control, be brought a change not only in party
but in personality. Watching him puff on his
pipe at a Committee meeting, quietly question-
ing the logic behind a tax subsidy, it is hard to
imagine anyone less like the seat's former occu-
pant, Hubert H. Humphrey. Durenberger after
Humphrey is like chamber music after Tchai-
kovsky.
Ideologically, the difference is not so dra-
matic. Durenberger pays his respects to the
progressive traditions of his state on issues of
social services and war and peace. But Hum-
phrey was an effusive, charismatic liberal of the
heart. Durenberger, good-humored but analyti-
cal, hews to the middle and rarely lets his
emotions show.
As a member of Finance and Govern-
mental Affairs, he has specialized in two topics
that do not much lend themselves to stem-
winding rhetoric. One is his dogged promotion
of a plan to rebuild the American health can
system through tat incentives.. The other is the
soporific subject of federal-state relations.
Durenberger's health bill, ? Republican
answer to Democratic proposals for national
health insurance and hospital cost controls,
would use tax incentives to induce employers to
offer their workers a choice of health insurance
plans. The increased competition, Durenberger
contends, would force doctors and hospitals to
offer better acre at a more reasonable price.
The proposal grew out of the success of
prepaid health plans in the Minneapolis-St.
Paul area. It drew a good deal of attention in
the 97th Congress, after the new Republican
Senate majority made him chairman of the
Finance subcommittee governing bealth, but it
made no progress amid the furor over budget
and taxes. In the 98th Congress, Durenberger'&
subcommittee has been immersed in the finan-
cial problems of the Medicare program.
794
Like his views on health care. Durenber-
ger's views on state-federal relations were born
in Minnesota. He had his first taste of politics
working in state government, and the experi-
ence seemed to give him faith in the compe-
tence of officials at that level to handle prob-
lems.
Durenburger has enhanced his reputation
as a theorist of federal-state relations with his
chairmanship of the Intergovernmental Rela.
tions Subcommittee of Governmental Affairs.
From that post, and as a member of various
advisory groups on intergovernmental rela-
tions, Durenberger has pressed the theory of
'devolution" - returning power to the most
appropriate level of government.
Where Durenberger has differed sharply
with the administration is on the financing of
relocated programs. While be agrees with Presi-
dent Reagan that the states am be trusted to
run income security programs, he believes the
federal government is the fairest source of
revenue.
Durenberger felt the Reagan New Federal-
ism proposal of 1982 asked state and local
governments to take on financial responsibil-
ities they were in no shape to meet. "Some
conclude that an appropriate federal partner-
ship can be restored by simply abolishing much
of the federal government," be said. That
argument fails to understand the recent history
of this country."
In a speech to a convention of county
officials, he reviewed the Reagan assertion that
the federal government had somehow usurped
power from the states, and dismissed it as
"baloney.'
During his first two years in the Senate. as
the ranking Republican on the Finance sub-
committee handling revenue sharing, Duren-
berger emerged as a leading defender of no-
strings-attached grants to state governments.
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In 1980 Durenberger got the Senate to vote
d -n a House proposal requiring states that
accept revenue-sharing to give up other
federalaid, dollar-for-dollar. At House insis
tence, this tradeoff was later restored.
In general, Durenberger has proved more
amenable than most Republicans toward pres-
ervation of the federal regulatory system. In
the 16th Congress, be supported a measure to
subsidize consumers who want to participate in
regulatory agency bearings. He also sided with
supporters of a strong bill to regulate lobbyists.
When that bill was foundering on the question
of whether lobby groups should be forced to
disclose their corporate financial backers. Du-
renberger crafted a compromise requiring them
to reveal the names of supporting organiza-
tions, but not the amount of the backing; his
amendment narrowly failed, and the bill died
with it
During the 97th Congress, Durenberger
generally supported President Reagan's budget
and tax initiatives, while leaving plenty of
distance between himself and the White House
on other issues.
Durenberger was a principal author of the
amendment to the 1981 tai bill that allowed
unprofitable corporations to lease their unused
tax breaks to other companies sitting on highly
taxable profits. Tax leasing was intended as a
way of assuring that needy Frost Belt indus-
tries such as steel and railroads would reap
some benefits from the tax cuts aimed at spur-
rinf new industrial investment.
A side effect, however, was that many
profitable companies ended up wiping out their
tax liability. Tax leasing became an embarrass-
ment that Congress repealed the following year,
over Durenberger 's resistance.
Durenberger fought Reagan administra-
tion efforts to abolish the Legal Services pro-
gram for the poor. He also issued a white paper
on national defense in 1982, taking the admin-
istration to task for its nuclear weapons build-
up and proposing that the United States work
toward withdrawing nuclear weapons from Eu-
rope-When Reagan showed up for a fund-raising
event in Minnesota, a crowd of protestors gath-
ered outside! Durenberger said if he were not a
senator, "I'd be out there demonstrating my-
self."
At Home: Durenberger's image as a quiet
problem-solver has won him two impressive
Senate victories in a period of four years.
His first campaign, in 1978, was the easier
of the two. He rode a Minnesota Republican
tide to a comfortable victory. Four years later
he had to buck the economic failures of na-
Oivw Oarenbagar, t,Minn.
tional and state GOP administrations and the
unlimited financial resources of his Democratic
rival. Although he won by a narrower margin,
his second victory represented a more striking
personal triumph.
Durenberger's presence in the Senate is
the result of an unusual set of events. When the
1978 political year began, be was preparing a
gubernatorial challenge that seemed to be going
nowhere. When it ended, he was the state's
senior senator.
Durenberger had hovered on the periphery
of public office for years, as chief aide to GOP
Gov. Harold Levander during the late 11960.
and as a well-connected Minneapolis lawyer
after that. But he was politically untested, and,
in spite of a year-long campaign, be was given
little chance to take the nomination for gover-
nor away from popular US. Rep. Albert H.
Quit.
When interim Sen. Muriel Humphrey an-
nounced that the would not run for the remain-
ing four years of her late husband's term,
Republican leaders asked Durenberger to
switch contests. He was easy to persuade.
Democratic disunity aided Durenberger
immensely. The party's endorsed candidate,
U.S. Rep. Donald M. Fraser, was defeated in a
primary by the late Bob Short, a blustery,
conservative whose campaign against environ-
mentalists alienated much of the Democratic
left. Some Democrati chose not to vote in the
general election, but even more deserted to
Durenberger, who had the endorsement of
Americans for Democratic Action. As a result,
the Republican won a solid victory.
Durenberger's moderate views antagonized
some in the Republicans' conservative wing. At
the 1980 state GOP convention, a group of
conservative activists, mainly from southern
Minnesota, warned him to move right if be
wanted their backing for reelection in 1982.
Durenberger publicly dismissed their warning,
calling it "minority party mentality."
He cleared a major hurdle in early 1981
when former Vice President Walter F. Mon-
dale, a Minnesota senator from 1964 to 1976,
announced that he would not seek the office
again. That made Durenberger a heavy favorite
for re-election, while opening the Democratic
side for Mark Dayton, liberal young heir to a
department store empire. Although politically
inexperienced, Dayton sunk about $7 million of
his personal fortune into an intense two-year
Senate campaign.
Dayton made no apologies for his spend-
ing, which threatened Jesse Helms' all-time
Senate record of $7.5 million, set in 1978. He
contended that unlike Durenberger, be was not
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Dow Dw.n6.ro r, R,Minn.
dependent on special interest contributions,
and that lavish spending was the only way he
could offset the incumbent's perquisites and
hefty campaign treasury.
For months Dayton saturated the media
with advertising that sought to tie Durenberger
to Reaganomia. This expensive blitz pulled
Dayton up in the polo, but Durenberger was
well positioned for re-election. He contended
Committees
Ee.Marnset slid P*Atic Warta (4th of 9 Rspubacarts)
Toxic Substances and Emhor mW", Oversight pWrman):
En*owrwttal Po8uIion. Wstr Rt sou ass
Pinwtos (4th 01 11 Napubioans)
Health (Otairntan): Energy and ApricsAtuN laxatbn: Social S.
aslty and Yteome Maintenance Programs.
oonra mmistal Afbin (4th of 10 Aapubica s)
MKpovernmental Relation (tinhman). Energy. Nudfnr Prow-
oration and Government Prot7s ass: Wornrtion Mansgerrient
and Regulatory Affairs.
select Ethia (3rd of 3 Ihpubicans)
tided rd lloance (6th 01 1 tipubloarn)
Legislation and the Rights of Americans (thtalrman): Budget.
15a Lewd
Dove Durenbow Mark Dayt
on (D) (R) 440 401 (4477%)
sop imy
Dave Durenberger (R) =47,451 (93%)
Mary Jene Radtner (R) 20.401 (7%)
Previous Winning Percentage: 1978? (61%)
cep cedar shicton
Campaign Finance
1uc.tb t G WE"
Mat
Durenberger (R) 83.974J8 8985,491 (25%) $3,901,072
Dayton (D) 87,175356 8200 (.002%) 57.167283
that white he was an independent voice in
Washington, he had Reagan's respect and could
help moderate the administration's course.
Dayton swept the economically depressed
Iron Range and the Democratic Tin Cities,
but carried little a se. Durenberger built a large
Isad in the suburbs of Minneapolis-61- Paul
and most of rural Minnesota that carried him
to a 109.000-vote victory statewide.
Voting Studies
)
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ran
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0
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SG
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41
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48
Mat
73
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25
59
33
1*0
44
42
64
84
42
49
15>
S4
80
50
43
$3
69
S ' &gport O ' Opposition
Key Votes
ADM vote on a ti-busing bIi (1481)
Disapprove sate of AWACS pintas to Saudi Arabia (1981)
ktdex ktconte tans (1981)
Cul Off S-1 bomber Minds (1981)
Subeidi:e Monte mortgage rates (1982)
1utain tobacco price supports (1982)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
Delete 51.2 billion tot public works jobs (1982)
ktasase gas tax by 5 cents per gallon (1982)
Interest Group Ratings
Vow
ADA
ACA AFL-CIO
CCU$-1
CCUS_2
Mat
7o
32
Be
28
1581
40
62
26
72
158.
44
72
33
77
1579
53
36
47
45
60
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Patrick J. Leahy (D)
Of BLaIington - Elected 1974
Born: March 31, 1940, Montpelier, Vt.
Education: St. Michael's College, B.A. 1961; George-
town U., J.D. 1964.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Marcelle Pomerleau; three children.
Religion Roman Catholic.
Political Career. Chittenden County state's attorney,
1967-75.
Capitol Office: 433A Russell Bldg. 20510; 224-4242.
In Washington: Smart, affable and un-
pretentious, Leahy has not only the affection of
Senate colleagues but their respect as well. An
Irish Catholic with some of the plain-spoken
qualities of a Vermont Yankee, he has survived
nearly a decade of Senate life without picking
up a trace of the self-importance that is the
chamber's occupational disease.
The homespun quality that helps Leahy
politically in Vermont also is helpful on the
Senate floor. During one debate on an appro-
priation for home beating aid for the North-
east, Leahy was able to speak from experience:
He had been home that weekend putting the
storm windows on his house.
But Leahy is no hick. While be works hard
to defend Vermont's dairy farmers, his inter-
ests are global - he spent much of the 97th
Congress resisting President Reagan's policies
on issues from arms control and foreign mili-
tary aid to government secrecy and nutrition.
Leahy started fighting with the adminis-
tration over agricultural issues almost as soon
as Reagan was inaugurated. He strongly op-
posed the new administration's request for a
cancellation in the scheduled increase in dairy
prices, and led the fight against confirmation of
John B. Crowell Jr. to be assistant secretary of
agriculture. He complained about Crowell's in-
volvement with a timber company whose sub-
sidiary had been held liable for price fixing.
Crowell was confirmed overwhelmingly,
but Leahy did have some success on the Agri-
culture Committee holding off efforts to make
severe cuts in the food stamp program. Work-
ing closely with Nutrition Subcommittee
Chairman Bob Dole of Kansas, he came up
with a series of moderate reductions in food
stamp spending that headed off a more draco-
nian package of cuts sponsored by full commit-
tee Chairman Jesse Helms of North Carolina.
Leahy followed a similar bipartisan ap-
proach on the Judiciary Committee, joining
1546
with Republican Paul Lexalt of Nevada in
pushing a bill to reform the federal govern.
ment's regulatory process. After lengthy negoti-
ations, the two Judiciary Committee members
came up with a compromise bill that passed the
Senate unanimously. It would have imposed
cost-benefit analysis on new federal rules and
given Congress more say in their approval.
"After all the years of people talking about
making government work better, we've actually
sat down and done something that mill," Leahy
said. But the bill never passed the House.
Leahy agreed to another Judiciary Com-
mittee compromise, this time with Republican
Orrin G. Hatch of Utah. on the Freedom of
Information Act. Although the landmark anti.
secrecy law is a subject close to Leahy's heart
- "it is sometimes difficult for me to remem-
ber that it is only a statute and not a part of the
Constitution," " he says - he helped work out a
proposal to provide new protections against
release of data relating to criminal investiga-
tions. But Leahy swore he would filibuster the
bill if any further weakening of the law was
approved on the Senate floor. As it turned out,
the measure never reached the floor.
And in a departure from the usual rules of
senatorial courtesy, Leahy.joined with Hatch in
persuading the Judiciary Committee that ethi-
cal indiscretions and a lack of experience dis-
qualified a Democratic colleague's former cam-
paign manager from serving as a federal judge.
It was the first time in 42 years that the
committee had rejected a judicial nominee.
Leahy refused to go along with Hatch and
other Republicans on a constitutional amend-
ment to balance the federal budget. An outspo-
ken opponent of the idea, Leahy offered four
unsuccessful floor amendments that would
have suspended the balanced budget require-
ment in times of high unemployment. Noting
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that the proposal allowed a budget waiver in
times of war, Leahy said the Senate votes
meant it was easier to send Americans to war
than to work. The constitutional change passed
the Senate but died in the House.
Leahy's seat on the Select Intelligence
Committee brought further occasions for con-
flict with the Reagan administration. A long-
time opponent of the administration's policy in
El Salvador. Leahy went to Central America
early in 1983. Without saying so directly, he
implied that the trip had convinced him that
the administration was violating the law by
providing aid to anti-Sandinista rebels in Nice-
ragua. Leahy also has been one of the strongest
proponents in the Senate of a nuclear weapons
freeze.
After a two-year stint on Armed Services
at the beginning of his Senate career, Leahy
went to Appropriations, where he has served
since 1977. That move proved to be a mixed
blessing; as the most junior member eligible to
chair a subcommittee, he had to spend four
years heading the panel responsible for the
District of Columbia's budget - a job with
virtually no political benefit.
Despite his distaste for the job and his
underlying belief in home rule for the District
of Columbia on budget matters, Leahy was far
from reticent about scrutinizing District spend-
ing requests and fighting those be considered
unjustified.
He called the city's proposed new conven-
tion center a "taxpayer rip-off," infuriating
D.C. Mayor Marion Barry, who called Leahy
"that rinky-dink senator from the state no-
body's ever heard of." Leahy had jerseys
printed up for his softball team that read
"Rinky Dink Senator from Vermont."
Although he eventually approved the con-
vention center project, Leahy remained skepti-
cal of its backers' plans even after he gave up
the District subcommittee chair. He offered an
amendment in 1982 to bar the center from
sponsoring sporting events or concerts for
profit, but it was defeated 40-54.
The'Appropriations Committee also pro-
vides Leahy with a vantage point from which to
attack enforcement of anti-pollution laws by
the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA).
A member of the subcommittee that has juris-
diction over the EPA budget, Leahy has been
one of the most outspoken critics of the agency
under Reagan, saying it has been unwilling or
Patrick J. loahy, D- Vt.
unable to carry out the environmental laws
passed by Congress.
At Home: Leahy has survived in Vermont
by emphasizing his roots in the state rather
than his roots in the Democratic Party. Cam-
paigning for a second term in 3980 against the
national Republican tide, be fought off a New
York-born GOP challenger with a carefully
designed slogan: "Pat Leahy: Of Vermont, For
Vermont."
It took that slogan and all the other inge-
nuity Leahy could summon to overcome the
challenge from Stewart Ledbetter. former state
banking and insurance commissioner. When
the centrist Ledbetter won a primary victory
over a more strident Republican, Leahy was
placed in instant jeopardy. With financial help
from national Republican groups, Ledbetter
sought to convince voters that the incumbent
was "out of touch with the thinking people of
our state."
Ledbetter said Leahy was a free-spender
and weak on defense. Leahy responded by
explaining in detail why -he opposed the B-1
bomber and citing cases in which he had sup-
ported the Pentagon.
It was well after midnight before the result
became clear, but the last trickle of ballots gave
Leahy re-election by less than 3,000 votes,
preserving his record of uninterrupted success
as a Democrat in a Republican state.
Leahy started that record in Burlington,
the state's one major Democratic stronghold,
by winning election as Chittenden County
state's attorney at age 26. He revamped the
office and beaded a national task force of
district attorneys probing the 1973-74 energy
crisis.
So when be decided in 1974 to run for the
Senate seat being vacated by Republican
George D. Aiken, he had a solid base in
Chittenden County to build on. At 34, Leahy
was still a little young to replace an 82-year-old
institution in a tradition-minded state, but he
was already balding and graying, and looked
older than be was.
Leahy was an underdog in 1974 against
US. Rep. Richard W. Mallary, who was widely
viewed as heir-apparent and promised to vote
in the Aiken tradition. But Mallary turned out
to be a rather awkward campaigner, and Wa-
tergate had made Vermont more receptive to
the heresy of voting Democratic than it had
been in modern times.
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P irkk r Mohr, t -Vt.
Committees
Aprkuftirn, NutrBien aid Forast7 and of 8 Demoats)
ion, & DpWOM-and 1, StaNIMAW Of P1
W,J,, iNra! PrOduetim-
O WW' and
Vaflk ing kr+uq~
). IkRrtlion
gnu
AgrVIriatieea (11th of $4 D mocrats)
Dnrkof Cokmla (*eV). Foapn Op atbna: NU
ads'
pndsnt Apsn0S*; ti>rbr and Adatod Ap.ndes
&Aie1r7 (6th of $ Democrats)
Security and terrorism (milibtp). C i 1ttUtion. Patents. Copy
ophts and Tradsmarts
6isIct In- - - - ros (6th of 7 Democrats)
Lapistation arts Cl. Nghts of Americans hies tirairrnanl lud
get.
Voting Studies
h..identiat ram ConseevNive
Slow Why GaMtien
Vet
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77
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i7
6 - Support O - Opposition
Key Votes
1190 Osrverd
Patrick Leahy (D)
6tewa!t Ledbemr (R)
Prsvi" W inNnp hreentsOI . 1974
1104,176
101.421 101.421
Campaign Finance
meows
bostpts from PAC$
1110
Leahy (D) 6525,547 $213,760 (11%)
Ledt ette? (R) 1535.06( $132,040 (25%)
I
Aso vote on em4uain0 bm (1981)
prcapprove Mk of AWACS planes to Saud; Arabia (1981)
hdex income taxes (1981)
Cut Oft &1 bomber Wads (1981) .
Subsidaa Mme mortgage rates (1982)
Setain tobacco price Supports (1982)
1982
N
N
r
V
M
-
N9%)
)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (
M
Delete $12 bnhon for public works jobs (1982)
tytcrsase pas tax by S cents per gollon 1
r
Interest Group Ratings
Vast
1112
ADA
90
ACA
19
AFL-CIO
92
CCU$
45
"It
95
5
as
6
1550
63
16
93
43
aw-Al-
We a
117$
11)1
as
65
19
21
79
79
9
24
1!177
a0
15
a0
17
6434644
1178
85
a
as
0
6532.90(
11175
72
19
90
25
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Mal" - Some, Senator
In Washington: Cohen no longer draws
the headlines that be attracted a decade ago,
when he argued for President Nixon's impeach-
ment on the House Judiciary Committee. Since
his arrival in the Senate in 1979, he has estab-
lished a record of solid workaday productivity
on his two major committees, Armed Services
and Governmental Affairs.
He still has a flair for subtle self-promo-
tion - a diary of his first year in the Senate,
published in 1981, portrays a senator almost
too sincere and too thoughtful to be believed.
But most of his legislative accomplishments
have had little to do with public relations.
On Armed Services, Cohen is respected for
his work as chairman of the Sea Power Sub-
committee. He has been sympathetic to the
.,military reform" proposals of Colorado Demo-
crat Gary Hart, who feels the Navy should
focus its efforts on building larger numbers of
smaller ships. But be is generally on the side of
substantially increased military spending, and
be worries that the American public might
never support the effort needed to match the
Soviet Navy.
"We live in a free society which simply will
not appropriate the number of dollars neces-
sary," he has said, "at a time in which the
American people think they are at peace." He
himself is not so sure we are at peace.
A vigorous opponent of the SALT II
treaty, Cohen has some -novel ideas about arms
control. Early in 1983 be began pushing the
idea of a "guaranteed arms build-down," under
which the superpowers would agree to elimi-
nate two older nuclear warheads or bombers for
every new one they built. The proposal, devel-
oped with Georgia Democrat Sam Nunn, at-
tracted considerable interest within the Reagan
administration.
While his Watergate fame has faded, Co-
hen remains interested in the issues that
emerged from it, such as the 1978 special
prosecutor law. He agreed with the Reagan
administration that the law was not working
well - its provisions were put into effect too
easily and applied to too many people.
But Cohen refused to abandon the law, as
the Reagan White House proposed. Instead, he
developed legislation, reported by his Govern.
mental Affairs Subcommittee on Oversight of
Government Management, that tightened the
standards for appointing a special prosecutor.
The bill became law early in 1983.
In that effort, Cohen worked closely with
subcommittee Democrat Carl Levin of Michi-
gan; the two also combined in 1982 to produce a
law protecting Social Security disability recipi-
ents from a rapid loss of benefits. Cohen was
sharply critical of President Reagan's campaign
to cut disability rolls, which he said inflicted
severe hardship on many innocent people.
At Home: Cohen all but assured himself of
a statewide political future on the day he spoke
out for Nixon's impeachment, carving an image
not only as a Republican of conscience, but as a
man who knew how to give a good speech.
His good looks, easygoing manner and
gareful questioning were perfect for television.
As one of just six Judiciary Committee Repub-
licans favoring impeachment, he drew wide
media attention, most of it favorable. 7Yme
magazine named him one of America's 200
future leaders, and the Jaycees called him one
of the 10 outstanding young men in the nation.
From that point on, his elevation to the
Senate was pretty much a matter of time.
If there had been no Watergate, however,
the odds are he would be in the Senate by now
anyway. His Judiciary Committee performance
merely added to the "rising star" reputation he
had carried with him most of his life, beginning
in his high school and college days on the
basketball court.
William S. Cohen (R)
Of Bangor - Effected 1878
Dom Aug. 28, 1940, Bangor, Maine.
Education: Bowdoin College, B.A. 1962; Boston U.,
LL.B. 1965.
Occupation; Lawyer.
family: Wife, Diane Dunn; two children.
Beligiom Unitarian.
Political Career. Bangor City Council, 1969-72; mayor
of Bangor, 1971-72; U.S. House, 1973.79.
Capitol Office: 131 Dirksen Bldg. 20510; 224.2523.
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Wilbom S. Cohan, E Moin1
He thought about becoming a Latin
scholar, but went to lsw school instead and
finished among the top 10 members of his class.
It was lass than a decade from law school to the
Bangor mayoralty.
Cohen became mayor in 1971, after three
years on the City Council. But he did not hold
the job very long. Rep. William D. Hathaway
was running for the Senate the same year, and
his 2nd District was open. Cohen won it easily,
doing exceptionally well for a Republican in
many Democratic areas.
After the 1974 period of Watergate celeb-
rity, Cohen began to think about the proper
timing for a Senate effort - he spent nearly a
year considering a 1976 campaign against
Maine's senior senator, Edmund S. Muskie.
Private polls showed him close to Muskie, but
challenging the state's most durable Democrat
was no sure thing. Prudence dictated a two-
year wait and a campaign against Hathaway,
more liberal and less of an institution.
Knowing he was in trouble, Hathaway
worked hard to save himself in 1978, but Cohen
had almost no weaknesses. The personal Clam.
our of 1974 had never really worn off, and state
and national media refurbished it for the cam.
paign. Cohen shifted slightly to the right, argu.
ing that Hathaway was too liberal for most of
Maine. He also worked for Democratic votes,
concentrating his efforts in such places as Pon.
land's Irish-Catholic Munjoy Hill section.
Hathaway had not done anything in par.
ticular to offend the voters, but the challenger
overwhelmed him. The Democrat was held in a
three-way contest to 83.9 percent, one of the
lowest figure:, for any Senate incumbent.
One of Cohen's few political missteps was
his all-out support for Tennessee Sen. Howard
H. Baker Jr. for the 1960 Republican presiden.
tial nomination. Cohen tried to engineer a
straw-poll victory for Baker at a late 1979
statewide party gathering in Portland, but the
Tennessean lost in a surprise to George Bush.
Committees
1150
43
42
64
23
58 30
Armed Services (6th of 10 Republicans)
Sea Power and Force Projection Wwnyisn). Manpower and
1979
house service
55
37
62
34
55 36
Personnel: Strategic and Theater Nudear Forces
1971
39
37
68
27
59 24
1177
67
29
50
44
48 45
Oovartraental ARake (5th of 10 Republicans)
1379
43
57
41
68
50 50
Oversight of Goverrerieni Management (chair en). Energy, Nu-
1975
62
37
66
42
49 48
dear Proaleration rid Government Processes. Permanent Sub-
11974 (Ford)
46
37
comminee on anesbgetmons
1974
55
43
42
50
36 57
Select kttethpencs (8th of 8 Republicans)
1173
53
46
46
52
36 60
Budget, Collection and Foreip'. Operations. Legntatron and the
Rights of Americans
S ? Support
0- Opposition
Special Acing (5th of a Republican )
Elections
137$ 0eneret
William Cohen (R) 212294 (56'x)
Wdham Hathaway (D) 127.327 (34%)
Hayes Gahapan (I) 27.824 ( 7%)
tartvious Winning Psrcsntaps. 1976' (77%) 1974? (71%)
1372? (54%)
House elections
Campaign Finance
ttwoegb km PACs YYrM
1378
Cohen (R) $656254
Hathaway (D) $423.495
$157,551 (24%) $648,739
$166,594 (395;) $423.027
Voting Studies
Ff"Wofttwl
6vipat
rear $ O
1302 67 31
1101 76 129
Party Coneervatia
(laity Coabton
6 0 S O
62 36 47 52
69 25 59 36
Key Votes
Allow vote on anti-busirp bit (1981) N
Disapprove sate of AWACS planes to Saud- Arabia (1981) H
Index ricorne taxes (1961) Y
Cut ot1 & 1 bombe fords (1981) N .
Subsidize horse mortgage rates (1982) N
Retain tobacco price supports (1982) N
Amend Constitution to repuire balanced budget (1982) N
Delete $12 billion for public works jobs (1982) N
Dnaease pas tax by 5 Dents pre gallon (1982) N
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS-1 CCUS-2
1152 55 57 27 42
11181 35 61 33 76
1180 33 66 22 70
1979 42 62 39 64 53
house service
1176 30 58 21 63
1177 65 48 59 62
11976 50 16 52 38
1175 74 54 57 69
1174 61 27 64 40
11173 52 27 64 AS
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Orrin G. Hatch (R)
Of Midvale - Elected 1976
Borg March 22, 1934, Pittsburgh, Pa.
lirducation Brigham Young U., B.S. 1959; U. of Pitts.
burgh, LLB. 1962.
poeupation. Lawyer.
pamUy: Wife, Elaine Hansen; six children.
Belicion: Mormon.
PoIItkal Career. No previous office.
Capitol Office: 185 Russell Bldg. 20515; 224-5251.
Is Washington: Hatch's rapid rise to
power in the Senate has been accompanied by a
shift toward the political center, one that has
lessened the aura of militance that made him a
"New Right" favorite during his first years in
office.
Hatch insists he has not changed much -
he says be never deserved the "ultra-conserva-
tive" label. But if his ideology is not greatly
different, his style certainly is: Over two years
as chairman of the Labor and Human Re-
sources Committee and the Constitution Sub-
committee at Judiciary, Hatch has sometimes
sounded so conciliatory that those watching
have wondered what happened to him.
"If I didn't know better," " a liberal House
Democrat remarked after watching Hatch dur-
ing a 1981 budget conference, "I would have
thought I beard the distinct accents of a born-
again liberal." At the time, Hatch was fighting
successfully to retain 81 billion in the budget
for education and training programs. He had
just finished persuading the Reagan adminis-
tration not to seek cuts in funding for the Job
Corps. He was not the labor-baiting Republican
they had come to know.
"Tbe chairman can't just amp his fingers
and expect things to happen," Hatch has said,
and his experience as head of his two panels
bears him out. He was repeatedly frustrated in
the 97th Congress, and had to make major
compromises in hopes of passing legislation.
Those deals sometimes angered his hard-line
supporters.
Tie Labor Committee under Hatch has
been deadlocked between liberals and conser-
vatives. His Judiciary panel has considered an
ambitious agenda of longtime goals of conser-
vatives, such as a balanced federal budget and
abortion curbs, but none of the proposals has
yet become law.
As he searches patiently for compromise,
Hatch seems far different from the aggressive
outsider who arrived in 1977, ready to do battle
with the Washington establishment and its
Utah - Jvna. Srnotor
"soft-headed inheritors of wealth." He was an
angry man in those days, and be quickly drew- a
reputation as a humorless person who did not
fit well into Senate camaraderie.
"Bonin' Orrin," critics called him, after his
slow monotone occupied the Senate for weeks
as he mounted a successful filibuster against
the 1978 labor law revision bill. That was partly
sour grapes from backers of the bill, but it
reflected a widespread perception even on his
own side of the aisle. In 1979, when be ran for
the chairmanship of the Senate GOP campaign
committee, Hatch thought he had enough com-
mitments of support to win. But when the vote
was taken, John Heinz of Pennsylvania had
beaten him. Some senators said afterward that
Hatch's reputation as a strident conservative
ideologue had cost him votes.
The perception had begun to change by
the time Hatch took over the Labor Committee
in 1981. It evolved further as be worked to
resolve the deep disagreements on the panel
over President Reagan's proposed budget cuts.
The Reagan administration proposed end-
ing many of the existing programs and replac-
ing them with "block grants " to the states, at a
lower level of funding. But there was no major-
ity for that approach. Hatch labored through
the spring to find a compromise position that
could win a committee majority without losing
the support of the administration. Ultimately,
he agreed to a compromise turning some of the
programs into block grants, but leaving many
of them intact.
Meanwhile, Hatch had shown considerable
skill in managing the committee through an
earlier controversy - the nomination of Ray-
mond J. Donovan to be secretary of labor.
Despite criticism from the White House, Hatch
insisted on a vigorous investigation of Donovan,
who was accused of having ties to organized
crime.
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Orrin G. Match, R-Utah
Even after he was confirmed by the Sen-
ate. however, Donovan's legal problems per-
sisted, and Hatch was dragged further into the
case. When committee staffers renewed their
investigation, Donovan associates hired private
detectives to investigate the staffers. There was
even an alleged death threat against one staff
member. A special federal prosecutor eventu-
ally declined to indict Donovan, but not until
after Hatch learned with some irritation that
White House officials had withheld damaging
information from the committee during the
nomination bearings.
Many labor loyalists were sure that
Hatch's chairmanship would guarantee angry
confrontations between him and the unions.
Ever since be led the 1978 labor law filibuster,
Hatch had been viewed by labor as its arch-
enemy in the Senate. The reality has been for
less cataclysmic.
As chairman in the 97th Congress, Hatch
did win committee approval for a few relatively
minor bills righting labor corruption. But more
controversial proposals, such as changes in pen-
sion laws, went nowhere. "It is next to impossi-
ble to do anything on that committee without
the approval of labor union leaders in Washing-
ton," be has complained.
Another Hatch proposal, which got
through the Labor panel but not much further,
would have allowed help for people in Utah and
other Western states who had been exposed to
radiation during the atomic bomb tests of the
1950x. Hatch proposed that cancer victims be
eligible for claims against the government if
they could show that there was even a small
statistical chance that their disease was caused
by the radiation exposure. But the proposal
had high potential costs and complex legal
implications, and it never reached the floor.
Hatch's job on the Judiciary Committee
changed in 1981 from one of blocking liberal
legislation to that of trying to advance conser-
vative proposals.
His most notable success during the 97th
Congress as chairman of the Constitution Sub-
committee was the narrow Senate approval in
1982 of a constitutional amendment requiring a
balanced federal budget. With strong backing
from President Reagan, Hatch secured the two-
thirds majority needed for passage. The House
rejected the amendment.
The debate over the balanced budget pro-
posal was mild, however, compared with the
storm of controversy Hatch encountered on the
abortion issue. Hatch ended up thoroughly
angering many militant "right-to-life" anti-
abortionists, but not making much progress on
his own anti-abortion proposal.
Hatch argued that a my ? Constitutional
amendment would be sufficient to overturn the
Supreme Court's decision permitting abortion
- a crucial difference with militant groups
that wanted to ban abortion by statute and
thus avoid the constitutional amendment pro.
cess.
Moreover, Hatch's amendment in effect
turned the issue over to the states, allowing
them to make any decision they wanted, while
some right-to-life groups sought a national pro.
hibition. Hatch's constitutional amendment
was approved by the Judiciary Committee, but
never made it to the Senate floor.
Before the Republican takeover of the
Senate, Hatch won a notable victory on Judi.
ciary in blocking legislation to strengthen fed-
eral enforcement of open housing laws. He led a
successful filibuster against the bill late in the
1980 congressional session.
He sought to add to the bill a requirement
that the government prove that alleged vio-
lators of open housing laws had intended to
discriminate in the sale or rental of housing.
But last-minute negotiations broke down, and
the bill died.
In the 97th Congress, the most important
civil rights issue at Judiciary was extension of
the 1965 Voting Rights Act, and here too Hatch
was one of the critics.
He focused on the "intent" concept. Civil
rights groups were pushing to expand the law
to allow voting rights violations to be proved by
showing that an election law or procedure pro-
duced a discriminatory result, whether inten-
tional or not.
Hatch fought to retain the existing law's
standard, which required proof that there had
been an intent to discriminate in setting up
election laws. The "results" test, he warned,
would lead to proportional representation of
minorities in Congress and state legislatures.
But the Judiciary Committee approved a com-
promise version essentially retaining the "re-
sults" test.
At Home: If Hatch has changed in Wash-
ington, the perception of him by his critics in
Utah has not. Bidding for a second term in
1982, he found himself under strong challenge
for being rigid both in his conservative views
and his personal style.
Ted Wilson, his affable Democratic oppo-
nent, was a more than credible candidate. As
two-term mayor of Salt Lake City, Wilson had
become a well-known figure throughout the
state, and he carefully began building his chal-
lenge to Hatch a year in advance. With Wilson
trailing the incumbent by only 7 percentage
points in a January 1982 poll taken by the
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prsrrrt News in Salt Lake City. Hatch looked
vulnerable.
Wilson was not the only one with designs
on the incumbent. After Hatch blocked labor
pq revision in 1978, the late AFL-CIO Presi-
dent George Meany had vowed, "Well defeat
you no matter what . it takes." But while
Hatch's longtime status as a labor antagonist
guaranteed Wilson strong union support.
unions are not the most useful allies in eonser-
vative Utah. Being a labor target almost cer-
tainly did Hatch more good than harm.
Hatch also sought to meet complaints
about his demeanor. Funding a television cam-
paign with a treasury nearly three times the
site of his opponent's, be ran ads that showed
him playing with children and dogs.
Wilson, hoping to maintain his early mo-
mentum, spent much of the campaign sifting
through various strategies searching for a way
to undo the incumbent. He branded Hatch's
politics as extremist, indicted his style as "stri-
dent and contentious," accused him of caring
more about national conservative causes than
about Utah, and, finally, criticized the Reagan
economic philosophy that Hatch vowed he
would continue to fight for if re-elected.
The latter approach probably did not help.
Utah gave Reagan 73 percent of its presidential
ballots in 1980 - his best showing in the
country - and the president's popularity re-
mained high there in late 1982. Buoyed by two
Reagan visits to the state during the campaign,
Hatch held onto his seat with nearly 60 percent
of the vote.
Reagan also played an important role in
Hatch's path to Washington in 1976. Then a
political neophyte, Hatch mounted a Senate
candidacy that represented as pure an example
of anti-Washington politics as the nation has
seen in recent years.
Hatch's lack of government experience at
any level almost certainly helped him. In his
private legal practice, he had represented eli.
ents fighting federal regulations.
Hatch was recruited for the Senate cam-
paign against incumbent Democrat Frank E.
Moss by conservative leader Ernest Wilkerson,
who had challenged Moss in 1964. The cam-
paign attracted the seal and money of some
conservatives who had been politically inactive.
Hatch's competitor for the Republican
nomination was Jack W. Carlson, former U.S.
assistant secretary of the interior. Carlson, seen
as the front-runner, underscored his extensive
Washington experience, arguing that it would
make him a more effective senator. Besides the
Interior Department, he had served with the
Office of Management and Budget, the Council
of Economic Advisers and the Defense Depart-
ment.
That was the wrong record for Utah in
1976. Hatch, seeing that the state was fed up
with federal rules, took the opposite approach.
The party convention gave him 778 votes to 930
for Carlson, a Ford supporter. In the weeks that
remained before the primary, Hatch won nu-
merous converts. The day before the voting, he
reinforced his conservative credentials by run-
ning newspaper ads trumpeting his endorse-
ment by Reagan. Hatch won by almost 2-to-1.
The primary gave Hatch a publicity bonus
that helped him catch up to Moss, who faced no
party competitors. Moss, seen as a liberal by
Utah standards, had helped himself at home by
investigating Medicaid abuses and fighting to
ban cigarette advertising from television. He
stressed his seniority and the tangible benefits
it had brought the state. But Hatch argued
successfully that the real issue was limiting
government and taxes, and that he would be
more likely to do that than Moss.
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Committees
Labor Said IMtrn Mawess (Chairman)
Eoucatan. Arts and tea 1Mrwnties, Enpbynwn Uxd ho-
Au Oft. Labs.
Arrkshm.'-, 11 Sad Potash, (10th of 101hpu0acana)
ApricAtu-a possrdr and Onrra& LopYtatxon; Mrtr4 ; be
and WSW Coneer o . forestry arid Enatonnwt
wepa (5th to u ap~)
~rdieb) (4m of 10 R~pu i canc)
Cowmution Idiabnwxx Patents. Cepyriphts .nd Traderxwka;
bwtty and Tarrortsm.
sitar Business (3rd of 10 Mpubkwrtc)
Govarnrtwn Mpxrtation and Paperwork 4di.imw+k Cap" for-
mation and Retention.
1662 pen sal
Orrin G. Match (R) 909.312 06%)
Tad Wilson (D) 219.492 (41%)
plow ioa Warming P"Venteps: 1071 (54%)
Campaign Finance
Modph ?err AP Ce
1652
Hatch (R) 63.634,90E 6884.762 (23%) 43.190.953
Wdon (D) 61.706.409 1339.784 (20%) 61.670,409
Voting Studies
Suepport I
C=
VW
9
0
E
O
E
0
1w2
79
14
so
12
90
*1
57
11
II
9
91
7
two
61
95
79
1$
92
15
1971
n
98
90
3
90
6
1971
w
76
93
3
93
3
1077
11
49
9e
1
91
1
6 - Support O - Opposition
Key Votes
Allow vote on W6-bLwng bill (1981)
Deapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
Mader income tuxes (1951)
Cut oft &1 bombr funds (198 1)
Subaldae horns mortgage rates (1982)
stain tobacco price pons (1912)
Amend Conetltution to repuire balanced budget (1982)
Delete $1.2 billion lox public works Jobs (1982)
Mtaase psi tax by S cents per palion (1982)
Interest Group Ratings
Year
ADA
ACA
AFL-CIO
CCU$-1 ccut-3
1012
S
95
5
70
1w i
0
65
11
100
IPSO
17
96
11
90
167$
11
96
6
100 67
1671
5
96
11
94
1m
0
92
.12
100
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Funk H. Murkowski (R)
Of Fairbanks - Elected 1880
Born March 28, 1933, Seattle, Wash?
Education Seattle University, B.A. 1955.
Military Career. Coast Guard, 1955-b6.
Occupation Banker.
Family-. Wife, Nancy Gore; six children.
Religion Roman Catholic.
Political Career. Alaska commissioner of economic
development, 1967-70; Republican nominee for U.S.
House, 1970.
Capitol Office: 254 Dirkaen Bldg. 20510; 224-6665.
In Washington Murkowski, unlike most
of the 16 Republicans in the Senate class of
1980, went virtually unnoticed by the national
media during his first two years in office. While
Jeremiah Denton, John P. East, Paula Hawkins
and other freshman senators were grabbing
headlines - many of them unflattering -
Murkowski kept a very low profile.
Most of his work was as a junior partner to
Alaska's senior senator, Ted Stevens, the GOP
majority whip. Murkowski, Stevens and two
other senators played a key role in prodding
construction of the Alaska Natural Gas Pipe-
line. The pipeline is to deliver gas from Prud-
hoe Bay, Alaska, to users throughout the conti-
nental United States.
The 1977 law authorizing construction of
the pipeline stipulated that the project would
be privately financed, and that gas consumers
could not be billed for the construction costs
until the line was completed and operating. But
construction costs have quadrupled beyond
original estimates.
Murkowski joined in an effort to write a
partial waiver of the 1977 law so that consum-
ers would be billed as large portions of the
pipeline were completed. Despite objections
that the waivers were a consumer rip-off, both
the House and the Senate approved them.
Murkowski also has worked with Stevens
in pushing for a bill directing the federal gov-
ernment to share with coastal states some of
the revenue from offshore oil and gas leases. No
other state has as much of its offshore acreage
leased for drilling as Alaska.
Efforts by some senators to reduce the seal
harvest on Alaska's Pribilof Islands prompted
Murkowski to enter foreign policy. The federal
government pays Aleuts on the Pribilofs
$250,000 to harvest the seal skins during the
five-week summer breeding season. The har-
vest is then distributed among U.S., Canada,
Japan and the Soviet Union.
Murkowski says this arrangement provides
much-needed jobs for the Aleuts. But Christo-
pher J. Dodd of Connecticut, a member of
Foreign Relations, argued in the 97th Congress
that taxpayers' money should not be spent on
killing seals.
Dodd's proposal for a drastic reduction in
the harvest was beaten 9-6 in the Foreign
Relations Committee. On the floor, the ar-
rangement was extended after Dodd's side at-
tached a provision calling for a study to explore
alternative sources of employment for the
Aleuts.
At the beginning of the 98th Congress,
Murkowski left his seat on Environment and
Public Works to become the only newly added
member of Foreign Relations. Murkowaki's
presence does nothing to shift the balance on
the committee, where the GOP has a 9-8 ad-
vantage. Murkowski follows the same pro-ad-
ministration line as the man he replaced, re-
tired California Sen. S. 1. -Sam- Hayakawa.
Murkowski took Hayakawa's spot as chair-
man of the Foreign Relations subcommittee on
East Asian and Pacific Affairs, a useful forum
to speak for his constituents who are concerned
about Japanese fishing in Alaskan waters.
At Home: Except for three years in state
government and one failed campaign for the
House, Murkowski had spent his entire adult
We in banking before be announced for the
Senate in June of 1980.
His status as a relative newcomer to poli-
tics hardly seemed an advantage against Demo-
crat Clark S. Gruening, ? popular two-term
state legislator and grandson of the legendary
Ernest Gruening, a former Alaska senator and
governor. But Democratic disunity and the
Reagan tide brought Murkowski a solid victory.
Throughout much of the early campaign
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Kwon. Murkow?ski's effort was obscured by the
bitter Democratic primary. To win the Demo-
erstic nomination, Gruening had to get past
Sen. Mike Gravel, the two-term incumbent It
was a matter of revenge for Gruening; Grovel
years ousted his before. grandfather
rotn the Senate 12 had
Gravel's legislative behavior helped make
Gruening's primary victory possible. Battling
to prevent the Senate from enacting legislation
restricting development of Alaska's lands,
Gravel resorted to an obstructionism so stri-
dent and obnoxious that be did his cause more
harm than good. A few days before the primary.
the Senate succeeded in closing debate on a
Gravel filibuster against the Alaska bill. lend-
ing credence to Gruening's charges that he had
k t influence in the chamber. Although fore-
casters had predicted a tight race, Gruening
won by s comfortable margin.
Gruening also outpolled Murkowski by
more than 2-to-I in Alaska's open primary, in
which all candidates appear on the same ballot
regardless of party affiliation. Although Mur-
kowski took the GOP nomination with ease, the
comparison seemed significant - historically,
the top vote getter in the primary has gone on
to win the general election.
But Murkowski was able to buck tradition
Committees
Leah and Natural Resouron (7th 0111 Republicans)
Energy Regulation (chairman). Energy and timers' Resources.
Wale and Pare;.
faraiOn Ralatiotr (9th Cl 9 RsprAieans)
fast Attum and VaellE Aram prlrnnnt Ys$emaba" Ec -
oww Pdicy Wsstwn Honiaplrra Affairs
Salad billion As (4th of 4 Raptttcwa)
tfabrarr AMairs (4th of 7 ReprAiwis)
Fronk N. Murkowski, R-Aiasko
by keeping attention focused on Gruening's
record in the Legislature. Accusing him of
being too liberal for the state's electorate,
Murkowski claimed the Democrat had sup.
ported the legalization of marijuana. He also
tied Gruening to the environmentalist Sierra
Club, anathema to pro-development Alaskans.
Gruening claimed his legislative experience
made him more qualified to be a U.S. senator.
But most voters did not agree. Buoyed by
national Republican help and a treasury as-
ceeding $700,000 - nearly half of which came
from political action committees - Murkowski
did very well in his Fairbanks base and upset
Gruening in the Democrat's hometown of An-
chorage, Alaska's largest city.
A Seattle native who moved to Alaska
while in high school, Murkowaki got his first
taste of elective politics in 1970. That year he
defeated a member of the John Birch Society in
a Republican primary for Alaska's at-large
House seat, left vacant when Rep. Howard W.
Pollock sought the governorship. He lost the
general election to Democratic state Sen. Nick
Begich, but the experience whet his appetite.
After serving for nine years as president of the
Alaska National Bank of the North, at Fair-
banks, he quit banking and announced for the
Senate.
Voting Studies
Pruidentul hgtt Conservative
support unit) Coalition
Tow 6 0 $ 0 $ 0
1t12 79 11 91 6 $9 1
lilt $2 11 93 11 $5 9
Key Votes
1540 Gamral
A9ow vote on ant-busing bbl (1981) Y
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saud1 Arabia (1981) N
Frw* Makowski (R)
04.159(54%)
Yrdex income taxes (1981) Y
Clark Greening (D)
72.007 (46X)
CAA off B-1 bomber lads (1981) N
Tobacco price supports (1982)2) 7
Fnnk Murltowski
)
116"2 (59%)
Amend Constitution to esquire balanced budget (1982) Y
AAfsrr Kennedy (R))
5.527(20%)
Delete 112 bW*n tot public works pbs (1982) Y
Nozzle Thompson (R)
Campaign Finance
Sa,,a pb s om PAC.
3,635 (13%)
Ikww
Increase gas tax by 5 cents per gallon (1982) V
Interest Group Ratings
7w
ADA
ACA
AFL-C10
CCUS
Makowski (R)
$712.137
$304,971
(43%)
$697,387
1511
10
70
24
70
Gruering (D)
$512.411
$2,750
(.1%)
=507,445
1551
15
65
24
93
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Mitch McConnell (R)
of Louisville - Elected 1984
Born: Feb. 20. 1942. Sheffield. Ala.
Education: U. of Louisville. B.A. 1964: U. of Kentucky.
J.D. 1967.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Divorced: three children,
Religion: Baptist.
Political Career. Jefferson County judge lexecu-tive.
19-1 8-85.
Capitol Office: 120 Russell Bldg. 20510: 224-2541
The Path to Washington: Three things
brought McConnell to Congress: Bloodhounds.
Ronald Reagan and dogged persistence in the
face of seeming] daunting odds.
For much of 1984. few people believed
McConnell had much chance of defeating two-
term Democratic Sen. Walter D. Huddleston.
Even some Republican leaders complained that
McConnell had a "citified" image that would
not play well in most parts of Kentucky: his
base was metropolitan Louisville. where he had
twice been elected Jefferson County judge. the
county's top administrative post.
But McConnell hit upon a clever, homey
advertising gimmick to get across his claim that
Huddleston had been a "shadow senator" of
limited influence who was often absent from
committee meetings. McConnell aired TV ads
showing a pack of bloodhounds sniffing franti-
cally around Washington in search of the in-
cumbent.
The hound dog gimmick got people talking
about a race they previously had ignored as
humdrum. and many voters concluded that
McConnell had a point - they were not exactly
sure what Huddleston had been doing since he
went to Congress in 1973. With President Rea-
gan crushing Walter F. Mondale by more than
280.000 votes statewide. McConnell was offered
long coattails to latch onto, and he won by four-
tenths of a percentage point.
McConnell's effective use of the absentee-
ism issue so concerned Democratic senators
facing re-election in 1986 that when the 99th
Congress convened, many of them made a new
habit of attending every meeting of their com-
mittees. Republicans, fearing the hound dogs
would be turned on them in 1986, followed the
Democrats' practice. prompting GOP whip
Alan Simpson to complain that the obsession
with attendance was "like being in third
grade."
Until the final weeks of the campaign. 1984
had been a good year for Huddleston. Prodi-
gi-ws early fund-raising and organizing helped
him scare away a primary challenge from for.
mer Gov. John Y. Brown Jr. Brown actually
launched a campaign, but after several weeks of
failing to shake Democrats loose from Huddles.
ton. the ex-governor withdrew. citing lingering
health problems from 1983 heart surgery.
Meanwhile. McConnell was struggling.
One of his early strategies for criticizing Hud-
dle ston's record - a series of weekly forums at
which he hammered at the incumbent's short-
comings - had fizzled, partly because
McConnell called the forums "Dope on Dee."
prompting widespread snickers that the
"Dope" was McConnell himself. The challenger
was similarly unsuccessful in trying to focus
attention on a subject rarely mentioned any
more - the Panama Canal transfer treaties.
which Huddleston had voted for in 1978. Still
another blow to McConnell's prestige came
when Huddleston won the endorsement of
Marlow W. Cook. the last Republican to win a
Senate election in Kentucky, even though
McConnell had worked in Washington as
Cook's chief legislative aide.
At times. it seemed that McConnell's cam-
paign was surviving on little more than the
candidate's fierce ambition to be a senator, a
goal he admitted having harbored for two de-
cade,. But McConnell ignored his lack of
progress and maintained an active campaigning
and fund-raising schedule. He highlighted his
record as Jefferson County judge and kept
searching for some way to undermine Huddles-
ton.
National Republican officials also retained
interest in the Kentucky race. Few Democratic
senators up in 1984 seemed highly vulnerable:
GOP strategists were determined to find at
least one with less-than-solid bases of support.
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1984 General
Mitch McConnell (RI 644.990 (5050
Walter D. Huddieston (D) 639.721 (50h)
It?
tort' marked the first time since Cook's win in
196F that the G01' had won an election for
statewide office in Kentucky.
A lifelong political overachiever, McCon?
nell was student body president in high school
and college, and president of the student bar
association at law school. After earning his law
degree in 1967. he worked for GOP Sen. Cook
and then served as deputy assistant U.S. attor?
net' general in the Ford administration. In his
19-7 campaign for Jefferson County judge.
McConnell defeated a Democratic incumbent:
four years later, he won re-election by a narrow
margin.
As county judge. McConnell was conserva?
tire. but not particularly partisan. By stream.
lining the county budget and staff. he was able
to increase the number of police on patrol. in
spite of spending constraints. He improved
conditions at the county jail and youth deten.
tion center and appointed the county's first
black female department head. but voters twice
rejected his urgings to merge Jefferson Countv
and Louisville city government.
Many Kentuckians first heard of McCon-
nell thorough his work as founder and chair.
man of the Kentucky Task Force on Exploited
and Missing Children. The task force held
hearings across the state and encouraged coun-
ties to take such steps as establishing youth
fingerprinting programs to aid in the tracing of
missing children. In his Senate race. McConnell
heavily touted his work on the issue.
1984 Primary
Mitch McConnell (R;
39.465
(79%)
C Rope, Hakes (R)
3,798
(6?io)
Tommy Klein (R)
3.352
( 714?1
Thurman J Hamlin (R)
3.202
6%
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs itures
Huddleston (D) 52.189.001 5808.479 (37 i?) $2.380.239
Key Votes
Authorize procurement of 21 MX missiles (1985) Y
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Mitch McConnell, R-Ky.
Huddleston fit into that category. An easygoing
mainstream Democrat who had moved from
the state Senate to Washington. he worked
behind the scenes on Kentucky issues. such as
tobacco and coal, never causing much contro
versy and never earning much publicity. He did
not build a devoted following in the state.
unlike his ally and Kentucky's junior senator.
Democrat Wendell H. Ford. who served as
governor before moving to the Senate.
When McConnell unleashed the hounds on
Huddleston in late August and began to gain
momentum. the incumbent had trouble rousing
his organization. It had been lulled into over-
confidence by Brown's exit from the primary:
Huddleston backers could not imagine a first-
time GOP candidate succeeding where a color-
ful former Democratic governor had failed. The
Huddleston campaign failed to devise an imagi-
native counter to McConnell's advertising.
McConnell carried the major metropolitan
areas - his own Jefferson County. the .North-
ern Kentucky suburbs of Cincinnati. Fayette
County (Lexington) and Daviess County (Ow-
enshoro). and he took a huge 37,000.vote ma-
jority out of the 5th Congressional District.
where Rep. Hal Rogers worked hard to con-
vince the traditionally Republican rural voters
that a Louisvillian like McConnell could repre-
sent their interests. A mass exodus from Walter
Mondale hurt Huddleston in rural eastern and
western Kentucky; he carried most counties in
those regions, but not by the margins Demo-
crats typically roll up there. McConnell's vic-
Committees
Agriculture, Nutrition and Forestry (9th of 9 Repubhcansl
Agricultural Production, Marketing and Stabilization o' Prices.
Agricultural Research. Conservation. Forestry and General Leg-
islation: Foreign Agricultural Policy.
Judiciary (10th of 10 Republicans)
Juvenile Justice, Security and Terrorism.
Select Intelligence (8th of 8 Republicans)
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I
Sou-h Corobno - Junior fonetor
Ernest F. Hollings (D)
Of Charleston - Defied 1966
Family Wife, Rita Louise Liddy; four children.
Religion: Lutheran.
Political Career. S.C. House, 1949-55; S.C. It gov.,
1855-59; gov., 1959-63; sought Democratic nomina-
tion for U.S. Senate. 1962.
Capitol Office: 125 Russell Bldg. 20510; 224-6121.
1947.
Military Career. Army, 1942-45.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Born: Jan. 1. 1922. Charleston, S.C.
Education: The Citadel, B.A. 1942; U. of S.C., LL.B.
In Washington: Hollings is a military
school product who prides himself on realism
and discipline - and in recent years he has
focused that approach on economic problems.
As a senior member of the Budget Committee,
he has sounded the same call to national sacri-
fice that has marked his campaign for the 1984
presidential nomination.
Hollings insists that everyone in society -
from generals in the Pentagon to Social Secu-
rity recipients - must agree to give up some-
thing if the federal budget is ever to be bal-
anced and the economy repaired. He has
advocated a freeze on domestic and military
spending levels that would not spare any of the
major beneficiaries of federal money.
Few in the Senate challenge the intellec-
tual rigor of Hollings' approach or the sincerity
behind it. His ideas, particularly the proposal
for a spending freeze, have significantly influ-
enced the budget debates of the 1980x.
Sometimes, however, Hollings' style is a
hindrance. He is supremely confident of the
rightness of his economic views, and it shows.
Candid to the point of occasional rudeness, he
is openly scornful of colleagues who are reluc-
tant to make the political decisions implicit in
his program. Colleagues who disagree with his
brand of sacrifice run the risk of being labeled
not only mistaken but muddle-headed and soft.
Handsome, graceful and perfectly tailored,
Hollings is a symbol of Southern breeding and
education. He looks every inch the president he
aspires to become; with his booming voice and
rich Tidewater accent, he is an impressive,
almost overwhelming presence in committee or
on the Senate floor.
He has a sharp tongue, and little hesitation
about using it in public. It can cause trouble,
however; during a 1981 debate on his effort to
stop the Justice Department from trying to
block voluntary school prayer, be described
Ohio Democrat Howard M. Metzenbaum as
the senator from B'nai B'rith." "I am the
senator from Ohio," responded Metzenbaum,
who is Jewish. "I was not throwing off on his
religion," Hollings apologized. "I said it only in
fun." But the memory of the incident lingered.
Hollings' strengths and weaknesses as a
national leader were evident during his three
years as the senior Democrat on the Budget
Committee. He became chairman of the panel
in 1980 after Edmund S. Muskie resigned to
become Secretary of State, and he served as
ranking Democrat during the 97th Congress.
During his brief tenure as chairman, Hol-
lings promoted and moved through the Senate
a 1981 budget resolution drawn up to be in
balance - the first such achievement in the
history of the budget process. While recession
eventually forced a deficit of $50 billion, Hol-
lings remained proud of the effort and sensitive
to mention of its failure.
After moving into the minority, however,
Hollings did not expend much effort trying to
arrive at a unified Democratic response to
President Reagan's budget. He seemed more
interested in putting forth his own ideas than
in establishing a consensus in his party.
The crux of Hollings' budget plan is that
the federal government simply stop, for a time,
doing the things that contributed to its massive
deficits. He would eliminate scheduled tax cuts,
halt automatic benefit increases to individuals
and slow the growth in Pentagon spending.
Perhaps the most interesting aspect of that
plan, given Hollings' background, was its 3
percent annual limit on the inflation-adjusted
growth of defense spending. During the 1970s,
Hollings was known as a vigorous backer of
more dollars for the Defense Department and a
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sharp critic of arms limitation treaties with the
Soviet Union. He has emerged, however. as a
leading critic of the Reagan defense buildup.
The B-I bomber and the MX missile are
two of Hollings' special targets. He offered an
amendment in 1981 to eliminate funds for the
8- 1. which he said would be outmoded by 1990.
That amendment was defeated 28-66, but his
1982 effort against the MX missile came within
four votes, b0-46, of blocking funding until
Congress approved a design for its installation.
Then be helped work out an agreement with
the House that essentially killed the "dense
pack" basing system the administratiom sug-
gested for the MX.
Hollings chose to give up his ranking seat
on the Budget Committee at the beginning of
the 98th Congress, opting instead to become
the leading Democrat on Commerce. He had
seemed frustrated by his role as a member of
the minority on budget, and the committee's
interminable debates and markup sessions
would have made a full-scale presidential cam-
paign difficult for its ranking Democrat. Hol-
lings had not played a particularly prominent
role on the Commerce Committee before 1983,
taking a back seat with the rest of the Demo-
crats to former chairman Howard W. Cannon
of Nevada. His most outspoken position was
against deregulation proposals for industries
such as trucking and railroads. Part of his
opposition was due to South Carolina's experi-
ence with airline deregulation, which sharply
cut the number of flights into the state.
In the 96th Congress, as chairman of the
Commerce Subcommittee on Communications,
Hollings met out on an unsuccessful effort to
rewrite the Communications Act of 1934. He
introduced a bill to substitute market compe-
tition for federal regulation of many aspects of
the telephone. telegraph and cable TV indus-
tries,. insisting that monopolies and federal
regulation were ideas of the past, and "compe-
tition and diversity" were "ideas of the future."
Hollings has threaded his way carefully
through civil rights issues during his long ca-
reer. Although associated in earlier years with
President Kennedy, Hollings voted against
some major civil rights legislation as a junior
senator during Lyndon Johnson's presidency.
He opposed the 1968 open housing bill, but
backed an unsuccessful attempt in 1980 to
strengthen it. He has consistently supported
the 1965 Voting Rights Act and its extensions.
He drew support in civil rights circles in
1969 when he made a tour of rural areas of his
state, said be had found hunger and poverty to
a degree be had never realized existed, and
came out for free food stamps for the neediest.
bnes- F. HsTnps, D- .c.
He was active in the Senate on nutrition issues
in the years after that. More recently he hat,
talked about abuses in the food stamp Program,
but be still votes for money to support it.
Hollings long had aspirations to the Senate
leadership. When former Majority Leader Mike
Mansfield announced his retirement is 1976,
Hollings announced his candidacy Immedi-
ately. He later dropped out of the race, how-
ever, to give Hubert H. Humphrey of Minne?
cote a "ckar Shot" against West Virginian
Robert C. Byrd. Humphrey eventually with-
drew, and Byrd won by acclamation.
At Home: Hollings built his political ca-
reer in South Carolina at a time of emotional
argument about racial issues. He succeeded in
combining old-time rhetoric with a tangible
record of moderation.
As a candidate in the late 1950s. be firmly
espoused states' rights and condemned school
integration. In his inaugural speech as governor
in 1959, Hollings criticized President Eisen-
bower for commanding a "marching army, this
time not against Berlin, but against Little
Rock." But as chief executive of the state, he
quietly integrated the public schools.
in fact, despite grumblings about his rhet-
oric, blacks provided Hollings' margin of vic-
tory? in 1966, when he won his Senate seat
against a more conservative Republican oppo-
nent. Since then, he never has faced a credible
candidate to his left, and blacks have generally
supported him.
During the Depression, the Hollings family
paper business went bankrupt, so an uncle had
to borrow money to send him to The Citadel,
where be received an Army commission. Hol-
lings returned home from World War 11 for low
school and a legal career. That soon led to
Politics.
As a young state legislator, he attracted
notice with his plan to solve the problem of
inferior black schools without integration. He
said a special sales tax should be imposed to
upgrade the black schools.
Hollings twice won unanimous election to
the state House speakership and in 1954 moved
up to lieutenant governor. In 1958, Democratic
Gov. George B. Timmerman was ineligible to
succeed himself. Hollings won a heated three-
way race for the nomination, defeating Donald
S. Russell, former University of South Carolina
president and a protege of ex-Gov. James F.
Byrnes. The primary turned on political lli-
ances and geography. Hollings' base lay in
Tidewater and Russell's in Piedmont.
As governor, Hollings worked hard to
strengthen his state's educational system,
establishing a commission on higher education.
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iirnest F. MoIinps, P-S.C.
in 1960 he Campaigned for John F. Kennedy,
who Carried South Carolina.
Barred from seeking a second ruberna-
toria) term in 1962, be challenged Democratic
Sen. Olin D. Johnston. Portraying himself as "a
young man cc the go," Hollings attacked John.
ton'. endorsement by the state AFL-CIO and
charged that "foreign labor boeaes" were seek -
Ing to control the state. Hollings failed to draw
much more than a third of the vote.
The senator died in 1965. however. and
Donald Russell - by then governor - had
himself appointed to the seat- That provided
an issue for Hollirtgs' comeback in 1966. He
ousted Russell in the special primary to Isaiah
Johnston's term.
The 1966 election year was not an ordinary
one in South Carolina. The national Demo.
critic Party was unpopular. and Republican
Mate Sen. Marshall Parker seized on Hollings'
Connections to h in an effort to defeat him. He
nearly made it, but Hollings matched his con.
servative rhetoric and survived by 11,7b8 votes.
Running for a full term two Yvan later,
Hollings had little trouble turning back Parker.
Since then, be has rolled over weak opponents.
Committees
1171
67
37
62
31 75
20
1576
46
23
61
33 to
95
Cearaa.oa, seer, and trarsper1M cr (Pankinpl
1177
66
31
65
29 40
64
Ganmunlcatiom (rsr*rc). Nations. Ocean Poky Study (rsnk-
1171
49
40
65
29 40
65
4e
45
61
32 66
36
AppnWristioes (5th of 14 t7.nwcrsts)
Cornrtwee. Justice, State and Judiciary and Paned Ape'i ss
1174
45
39
42
41 66
24
(rankWvl: De4wue, Erwpy and Water Devoopment. Labor.
11573
43
49
63
29 63
39
Health and 4kanan Srvi a.
[duration and Pealed Agencies:
1572
57
35
61
31 46
45
,
tapisatna am-0.
171
43
29
53
35 63
2e
170
59
as
62
31 50
33
SIldgat (2nd of 10 Democrats)
1M
a8
32 .
61
35 66
17
US!
24
37
41
24 47
14
167
54
35
47
37 61
13
1M0 General
Linen HAngs (D)
Maratell Mari (R)
612.554 (70%)
257.546 p0%)
?0 Prksar7
Lineal H05rpt (D) 366.796 (51%)
N o w Didceraon (D) 34.720 (11%)
WNham Krsml (D) 27.049 (6%)
Pmriow Weetklp hncentopas: 174 (70%) 1111! (62 %)
1161' (51%)
6pex:ia a+aclron
Campaign Finance
0 1 4 Espend-
Aaosbb ham PACs mac
190
Holhrps (D) $810270 1249.515 (31%) 1723,427
Mays (R) 666.322 65200 (e%) $66,044
Voting Studies
-seatderttial
sow
Tow $ O
192 43 45
let 54 38
1160 63 28
Oft CaaRtion
6 0 6 0
73 20 55 36
58 35 67 30
55 33 64 23
Key Votes
Maw- vote on and bO (1981)
Daapprove ask of AWACS planes to Sa Arabia (1981)
kdex Wrcome taus (1981)
Cut or 6-1 bomber rvrds (1981)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Petain tobacco price supports (1982)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (19B2)
Delete t 12 billion for public works jobs (1962)
finesse gat tax by 5 Darts per palon (1962)
Interest Group Ratings
Vow ADA ACA AFL00, CCU$
192 65 s0 74 63
gall 55 29 58 35
tart. 39 43 22 62
1173 32 35 ' 41 30
171 30 52 39 69
177 30 52 56 61
179 40 28 . s0 25
175 44 33 42 27
1W4 24 50 50 75
173 45 44 60 67
1972 25 40 40 20
171 44 39 75
l70 22 5 50 71
1M 22 55 33
l67 6 65 17 so
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PROTOCOL BRANCH
Office of Personnel
Routing Slip
ADDSBT
DCI Security
REMARKS:
Attached is background material for
^ Honor and Merit Award Ceremony
? DCI's Breakfast-Revision
Date/Time:
0800-Thursday, 26 September 1985
P&"BSD/OP
25SEP 196z
(Date)
- 183M 4240 (40)
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'" a DINING ROOM EVENTS
TIME/DAY/DATE: 0800-Thursd, 26 September 1985
BREAKFAST XX LUNCHEON DINNER
HOST: DCI XX DDCI EX DIR OTHER:
PLACE: DCI D.R. XX EDR OTHER:
GUEST LIST: Agency Hill
host Senator Dave burenber er;
g (Ii`t. , MN), Chairman,
DDCI, co-host SSCI
D/OLL Senator Patrick Leahy (D., VT) Vice Chairman,
ADDO SSCI
Senator William S. Cohen (R., ME)
Senator Orrin Hatch (R., UT)
Senator Frank Murkowski (R., AK)
Senator Mitch McConnell (R., KY)
Senator Ernest F. Hollings (D., SC)
Mr. Bernard F. McMahon, Staff Director
Mr. Eric D. Newsom, Min. Staff Director
MENU : Juice
Fresh Fruit
English Muffins
Scrambled Eggs
Bacon (Serve on Platters)
Coffee/Tea
SEATING ARRANG 4ENT: (WINDOWS )
Mr. Johns IdcNTahon
VS
enator McConnell
Mr. Briggs
Mr. Casey
(host)
enator Durenberger
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/11/25: CIA-RDP87B00342R000300630001-5