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February 11, 1986
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STAT Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/03/16: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000100090001-6 VILLAGE VOICE 11 February 1986 ! war crt a os ator, an a oDeration with the Central ence Agency allowed hhn to enter this country in 1949 and later become a U.S. citizen.- Subject a tory was supposed to re- main hidden; indeed, he felt so secure that his telephone number is listed under his real name. Now, after nearly 40 years, his secret is out. Last June, the General Accounting Of. fice-7GAO1'comp e a -year inves- ttoation of the eg postwar immigra- tion of Naztaa Nazi co ra rs,~ of the secret assistance they all re- ceived from U.S. intelligence agencies. This sends federal study was o e by the House Judiciary Committee to supplement a 1978 review of accusations that federal agencies obstructed the pros- ecution of alleged Nazi war criminals. After reviewing voluminous files and conducting many interviews, the GAO found "no evidence of any U.S. agency program to aid Nazis or Axis collabora- tors to immigrate to the United States." But among the 114 cases it reviewed- dealing with a small fraction of the sus- pected war criminals-the GAO did dis- cover five cases of Nazis or collaborators "with undesirable or questionable back- grounds who received some individual as- sistance in their U.S. immigrations." Al- though the 40-page report said that three of them were already dead, it named no names, or even nationalities, and referred to the five only as Subjects A through E. Much of the information about them and ed 'in e4e_rins the United States by the =the assisted individuals* were pro- b___ tected . their intell gence.contacte from- authorities seeking to _enforce, immure- tioh laws that prohibit the entry of war cniamale aa~ otbeL.Deraecutoii The authors of the GAO report seem eager to justify the actions of the govern- ment, and regardless of bias, their effort hardly represents a comprehensive ex- amination of this historic problem. Yet despite its shortcomings, the report ii -a lanarrk-an official admission that Nazis an~Nazi collaboratoce were assist- The Voice has learned that the collabo- rator discussed in. the GAO report as "Subject D" is a prominent Ukrainian nationalist. In 1934, he was imprisoned for attempting to assassinate the interior minister of Poland; he ran the security force of a Ukrainian fascist organization and has been accused of ordering the murders of many of his countrymen; he attended a Gestapo training school where Jews were murdered for practice. He was considered an extremely valuable intelli- gence asset by the CIA, which protected him from war-crimes prosecution by the.. $vieta,. roug . t. m to this country un- der an assumed name and concealed his.- true past from the.Im_migration and Nat- uralization Service. So important was his case tt~a in Attorney General James P. McGranery, the director of Central Intelligence, General Walter Bedell Smith. and the commissioner of the INS, Argyle R. Manley, secretly ageed to @a" mit his residence here. In 1957, he be- came a U.S. citizen. His name is Mykola Lebed, and he lives in Yonkers. MYKOLA LEBED IS 7S YEARS OLD, AND HAS resided in this country for nearly half his life. Several years ago he moved from Washington Heights, a largely Jewish neighborhood, to a modest two-family brick house on a pleasant Yonkers hill. side. Short, wiry, and bald, with alert blue eyes, the retired Lebed spends most of his days at home, where he is working on his memoirs. His recollections are likely to be cast in the heroic, patriotic light that illuminates most histories written by adherents and defenders of the Organization of Ukraini- an Nationalists (OUN) that he once helped lead. All that can be seen in these accounts is a fiery commitment to an in- dependent Ukrainian state and the re- .pulting con9i/ts?witb both German and Soviet oppressors. Obscured is the more complex story of OUN collaboration with Nazi war crimes, and the OUN's own fas- cist and racist ideology. TOCATCH A NAZI M IRUCT Or 811* LAIS '1 MOST 11E~M1 11- used by ? e eraf v ginme todee- acribe a certain ranking Nazi collaB m n'-T ar e or ll Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/03/16: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000100090001-6 thtb the ve been tieced from Army Counterintelligence ( files, -other military archives, and immirretion records* from interviews with Ukrainians: and from histories of the period. including an eyewitness as count in the files of the Holocaust docu- mentation center at a hem in Iara- e ~+ a portions of pa? from the CIC file on Lobed obtained under the Free- DetaL Copy Approved for Release 2010/03/16: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000100090001-6 dom of Information Act, were "saniti ' in-command, and he ran the Sk shba - (at is, obliterated) the X my before being released tote Voice. 'lb jus a withholding o certain e cited exem tiona to pro. tection o inte ence sources an Four a eti tern a events of the war, the hsaoey*fascism in East- ern Europe is no academic matter. In recent years, the U.S. government has finally begun to prosecute individual war criminal among the Nazi collaborators who found refuge on oe shores. Most of the 45 cases brought so far by the Justice Department's Office of Special Investiga- tions (OSI), set up in 1979 to find and deport immigrants who committed war crimes, involve not German Nazis but collaborators from other nations. The East European emigre commum- ties have reacted with a ferocious cam- paign to abolish OSI, though very few of their members are threatened in any way. (Only in the Polish-American community has the crusade against OSI failed to gain significant support, perhaps because so many Pol ih gentiles were also victims of Nazism) Each prosecution of a Nazi col- laborator from Eastern Europe discredits the version of history upheld by some emigres: that all the "anticommunists" of Eastern Europe were noble and free of any guilt for the crimes of Nazism. Ukrainian leaders have outspokenly denounced the OSI, partly because the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists still exists and remains influential in the Ukrainian communities here and abroad. The OUN's founders are revered by Ukrainian publications and groups, while their collaboration with Hitler is not dis- cussed. The OSI has made such evasion far more difficult According to Nazi War Criminals in America, the authoritative handbook published last year by Charles R. Allen Jr., about one-fourth of the 45 OSI deportation or denaturalization cases have been brought against Ukraini- ans; in at least two cases, the individuals accused of participating in Nazi persecu- tions and murders were proven to be members of the OUN. The Ukrainian targets of the OSI have so far been minor figures-_"policemen" in the service of the Nazi occupiers of the Ukraine, who don't figure as individuals in any of the histories of the period. Most wartime leaders of the OUN are dead, and thus safe from the varieties of justice meted out in U.S., Soviet, Polish, or Is- raeli courts. Mykola Lobed is_an excep- BezpekY. its reputedly murderous securi- tY force. Justice Department policy, which ap. li es to t h p strictly e Vol rohibit p , s com t b men a out pending cases, But the tibia has learned that the OSI maintains an open file on Lebed, making him a potential defendant in denaturalization proceedings. Materials Mining to ppee case from the CAO- .robe his p , glassed from theof militarx intalligthe CIA, were turned over to the OSI last summer. If the OSI determines that Lebed ought to be stripped of his citizenship and deported, the information in those files may become public. Although much of Lebed's histo remains iur , oon- ce in st -c ass overnment ar- _chivea. __ ere is little oubt that su a display would severely embarrass not- on1y the QUN and its supportere-Yu-t-tTle U.S. government as well-especially the CI A Under long-standing U.S. immigration laws, strengthened in 1978, those guilty of persecuting other people on the basis of race, religion, national origin, or politi- cal belief are barred from entering this country and are to be deported if they gain entry. Lobed escaped these sanc- tions because his sponsors mercifully cited-Scectiong of the CIA Act of 1949. An obscure portion of the legislation that es- tablisbed t-ee CI_A,~ecfton 8 permits the agency to bang 100 individuals a year to the U.-S. for reasons of national securi- ty=regardress of their past. Brooklyn District Attorney Elizabeth Holtzman. who issued a scathing critique of the GAO report, found this revelation about Subject D's immigration "extremely dis- turbing." As _a member of Congress in 1978, said Holtzman, "the CIA ... as- sured me in a meeting and in a Congres- sional hearing, that it never tined-the 100 numbers provision to fresh-fate - tEe entry Patti Volz, a spokeswoman for the CIA, declined to comment about Lebed or the GAO report. "We don't get into details," she said. "We don't confirm or deny that . someone has worked for us. We wouldn't have any comment on him." REPOt1S F1LED WIM THE ARM COUNTER intelligence Corps in the late '40s give various dates for the birth of Mykola Lobed, but his naturalization papers say November 23, 1910. He was born in the western Ukrainian province of Galicia, an agricultural area controlled at various Fairer for a dalr. Stabs eaaders led His ON's sheet-Geed antsussors fascist state. times by Poland, the Soviet Union, and Germany. From his early school days in L'vov, the provincial capital, Lobed was involved in the right wing of the Ukraini- an nationalist movement, which from the early '309 to the present has been domi- nated by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists. The secretive, authoritarian OUN has constantly overshadowed Ukrainian politics, despite incessant fac. tional strife in its ranks, both in the Ukraine and abroad. Polish rule in the Ukraine during the '20s had been harsh, and the OUN's younger members included a number, who, like Lobed, were inclined to terror- ism. Among them was the OUN's eventu- al would-be filhrer, Stefan Bandera, who in 1934 joined with Lebed and several others in plotting the assassination of Polish interior minister Bronislaw Pier- acki. U.S. Arm Counterinte ' ence re- pQrtik sa'y t- e snits y escaped from Warsaw but was captured inStet- tin.rIDAD.Y d returned to~&And by the German authorities. Convicted in a mass tri a ems, B-aniera, and several others were condemned to death, but their sentences were commuted to life imprisonment. The most sympathetic, scholarly ac- count of the Ukrainian nationalist period is by John A. Armstrong, a strongly anti- Soviet and pro-Ukrainian historian who now teaches at the University of Wiscon- sin. His Ukrainian Nationalism 1939- 1945 notes that during the period Lebed and Bandera were imprisoned, the Ukrai- nian nationalist movement was solidify- ing its ties. to the Nazi regime in Germa- ny. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/03/16: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000100090001-6 tional secure One ocum parently withheld at the reguet",f "ate r government agency" and an. ofii docvea haaTieen=removed from thee Asti alGc ves Sanitized Copy Approved for Release "For many years," wrote Armstrong, "the OUN had been closely tied to Ger- man policy. This alignment was fur- thered by the semi-Fascist nature of its ideology, and in turn the dependence on Germany tended to intensify' Fascist trends in the organization." In fact most historians regard the OUN as who y faa- cist-ann tied to' German intelligence-' firm its inception. It was the Nazi inva- sion of Poland to September 1939 that allowed Lobed and the 0+. picted plotters to escape from Warsaw's Swiety Kroyc prison after serving five years. The xenophobic, antidemocratic, and anti-Semitic nationalism of the OUN meshed easily with Nazism The gompli- ment was not always returned, however. Within the Nazi hierarchy, opinions about the Ukrainians diverged. Powerful Nazi figures considered the Ukrainians an inferior people, unfit to govern them- selves. Lebed and the other OUN leaders hoped that they would be able to set up an autonomous fascist state, as part of Hitler's "New Europe," under a German protectorate. Such aspirations congealed into a mili- tary, political, and espionage alliance be- tween the OUN and the Nazi war ma- chine. Even after 1940, when the OUN split into two feuding factions-the more extremist led by Bandera, Lebed, and Yaroslav Stetako-both sought an ac- commodation with the German occupi- ers. Later in the war, the Germans alter- nated between courting and repressing the Ukrainians, but many OUN members served continuously in Nazi formations, from the Waffen-SS to the local police forces, which murdered thousands of Jews, Poles, communists, and socialists. DU N6 THE MONThS FOtLO III 1REftt Re- lease from prison, Lebed and the other OUN leaders chafed under the temporary constraints of the 1939 treaty between Hitler and Stalin. According to Arm- strong, they eagerly abetted the secret Nazi preparations for war against the So- viets, sending their young adherents for German military training in mountain camps set up as early as 1939. Sources friendly to Lebed-whose alanfi ac- counts may found in memoranda of the Army Counterintelligence Corps be- tween- 1947 and .1948-understandably pass over this period. Only hints of what Lebed was actually doing in 1940 and 1941 appear in the CIC file. A September 30, 1948, memo does mention that "For a short time, [Lebed) attempted to get an insight into the tac- tics of the German State Police and suc- ceeded in joining the GESTAPO school in ZAKOPANE (District of Krakow), from which he ultimately fled." And a card in the CIC file identifies Lebed as "a graduate of the Zakopane, Poland crimi- nal police school" A former OUN member, now dead, wrote in 1958 a different and more de- tailed eyewitness version of Lebed's so- journ with the Gestapo. Retrieved from the files of Yad Vashem in Jerusalem, the declaration of Mykyta Kosakivs'kyy por. trays both Lebed and the OUN as eager pupils of the Gestapo. Kosakivs'kyy joined the OUN in 1933, and after sojourns in Czechoslovakia and Germany, returned to the Carpathian Ukraine late in 1939. He was among the older OUN officers present when the "Ukrainian 'Training Unit" was estab- lished at the Gestapo school in Zakopane that November. According to his declara- tion, the Ukrainian unit was "organized by the OUN leadership and by permis- sion of the German Security Service." It included 120 specially selected trainees, under the guidance of a Gestapo officer named Walter Kruger and his assistant, Wilhelm Rosenbaum, both Germans. "The Ukrainian commandant of the en- tire unit was Lieutenant Vil'nyy," wrote Kosakivs'kyy, "whose real name was My- kola Lebid [another transliteration of Lebed]." The curriculum included drills, intelligence and counterintelligence trainu and interrogation techniques, but emphasized "exercises in the harden- in of hearts.` - At sundown," recalled Kosakivs'kyy, "Kruger, Rosenbaum, Lebid and a few students would go to Zakopane, enter some Jewish home on the way, grab a Jew, and bring him to the Unit. One eve- ning, late in November or early in De- cember 1939. they returned with a young Jew. In the presence of Ukrainian se- niors, including myself, Kruger and Ro- senbaum, fortified with alcohol, proceed- ed with their demonstration of the proper methods of interrogation." Seeking to induce the innocent Jew to confess that he had raped an "Aryan'- woman, the German officers beat and tortured him, using their fists, a sword, and iron bars. When he was bloody from head to toe, they applied salt and dame to his wounds. The broken man then con- fessed his fictional crimes, but that was not the end. "Thereupon," Kosakivs'kyy continues, "he was taken to the corridor of the house and the 'co-eds' (three women members of the unit) were called in. In their presence, Rosenbaum beat the Jew again with an iron pipe and Lebid too assisted manually in that 'heroic action.' One of the senior Ukrainians and I with- drew from that spectacle to our rooms. We learned afterwards that the tortured man was stripped naked, stood-up in front of the school as 'a sentry' and doused with water in heavy frost." Kosakivs'kyy and his friend protested to Lebed the next day, but the comman- dant told them bluntly that "it was the duty of every member of the OUN to show the Germans that his nerves are just as tough as a German's and that the been of any nationalist is as hard as steel" Such "practical exercises" contin- ued unabated, according to Kosakiv- s'kyy's testimony, and he fled Zakopane in early January 1940. Others equally sickened, he learned, left later, but Lebed remained until at least March of that year, when the unit moved from Zakopa- ne to the nearby town of Rabka, where the Gestapo's depredations continued. When he finished his statement on De- cember 14, 1958, in Germany, the former OUN member already knew he was dying of heart disease, according to the intro- ductory note written by the late Dr. Panay Fedenko, a Ukrainian liberal and implacable critic of the OUN. "I owe it to my conscience to make this declaration public, to report openly the facts I wit- nessed myself," Kosakivs'kyy concluded. "Mykola Lebid evidently believes that his infamous accomplishments in the Ukraine and elsewhere are forgotten and so are the multitudes of his innocent vic- tims, that every witness of his torture activities is either murdered or dead. Only Lebid is mistaken right there." Kosakivs'kyy's angry testament must be read in context, as the product of one man's remorseful memory, and of Ukrai- nian emigre rivalries as well; obviously it was published to discredit Lebed and the OUN. Yet there is supporting evidence for his story in the historical record. The Zakopane school existed, according to Dr. Aharon Weiss of Yad Vashem. and was moved to the nearby town of Rabka .n 1940. There was a Captain Kruger, men- tioned above, who commanded a Gestapo unit in the area, and helped lead a joint Nazi-OUN pogrom when the German Army's Brandenburg regiment occupied the Galician capital of Lvov in late June 1941. And there is also no question that 3 German officer named Wilhelm Rt,,en- baum was a commandant at Zakopane and Rabka during the training of Ukrai- nians. In 1964, that same,Rosenbaum wee arrested in West Comer p ty and charged. among other crimes, with the murder of 200 Jews at Rabka between May 1942 and January 1943. According to Simon Wiesenthal's 1967 book The Murderers Among Us, the unit was a "training cen- ter for future cadres of 6S killers ... SS men at Rabka were -being hardened so they would not break after a few weeks of duty. They had to become insensitive to the sight of blood, to the agonized shouts of women and children. The job must be done with a minimum of fuss and a maxi- mum of efficiency. That was a Fflhrerbe- fehl-the Fuhrer's order." Rosenbaum was convicted in Hamburg in 1968 and sentenced to hard labor for life. ~ .1121"1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/03/16: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000100090001-6 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/03/16: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000100090001-6 Lobed declined to be interviewed by the Voice about Zakopane or any of his wartime activities. But in a brief conver- sation on the doorstep of his Yonkers home last month, he conceded that he had been at the Gestapo school, although he believed it had been during the winter of 1940-41, not 1939-40 as Koeakivs'kyy stated. "Oh yes," he said. "I left after five weeks. I have exactly the dates. I quit." LER~S TRANIO R ZLWAR IE, MOMIEva cursory, was soon recognized by his fel- low leaders in OUN-B, whose acronym designated its domination by the nation- alist fuhrer Benders. When their split from the old leadership became irrevoca- ble in 1941, Benders commissioned the creation of a "security service," the Siuzhba Bezpeky, under Lebed's com- mand. Historians of the OUN-B agree that he ran the SB not only during the war, but long afterward. Armstrong, who interviewed Lobed at length, stated the facts with characteristic discretion: "In Lobed-small in stature, quiet, yet deter- mined, hard-the SB found a well-quali- fied leader, but one who was to acquire for himself and his organization an unen- viable reputation for ruthlessness." In an interview last month Armstrong was still sympathetic to Lebed, but more candid. "He grew up fighting against the Poles," explained the historian, "and he devel- oped a terrible terrorist complex. He killed other Ukrainians, rivals in the or- ganization [OUNI." Yet Lebed told the Voice that he had never commanded the SB. He claimed that the SB had instead been run by someone named "Artanych ... He's dead now." Such reluctance to assume the SB's legacy is understandable. Even those Ukrainians who ignore the fascist brutal- ities against Jews and Poles are still trou- bled, and in some cases outraged, by the SB's infamous assaults on Ukrainians who dissented from the OUN-B leader. ship. Lebed's direct responsibility for crimes attributed to the OUN-B is difficult to establish. Perhaps the lowest point of the Banderites' alliance with Nazism was the occupation of Lvov in June and July 1941, when Yaroslav Stetako and a large contingent of OUN-B troops entered that city along with the Brandenburg regi- ment and other German detachments. Several days of mass murder followed. L'vov's Jewish population was decimat. ed, but Polish university professors and anyone who could be tied to the Commu- nists were also killed. Survivors reported that the Ukrainians were even more bloodthirsty than their German patrons. According to German Rule in Russia, by historian Alexander Dallin, "Bandera's followers, including those in the Nachti- gail regiment (a Ukrainian SS detach- ment), were displaying considerable ini- tiative, conducting purges and pogroms." Ironically, the alliance between the Na- zis and the OUN-B came apart that same week in Lvov, after Stetako proclaimed an independent Ukraine. Loyal to the Fuhrer, who was in their view creating a glorious new Europe, the Ukrainians still dreamed of their own state. Benders, the Ukrainian fahrw, named Stetako prime minister and Lebd minister of security. But the new regime didn't last long. By July 9 the Nazis would no longer put up with this "independent" charade, and arrested Benders, Stetako, and other niembers of the leadership. Lobed es- caped; the others were held under "house arrest" in Berlin but they were not mis- treated. According to Armstrong, the OUN leaders "were allowed to carry on their political activities in Berlin; Stetako was even able to go to Cracow, where he consulted with Lobed, whom he had se- cretly delegated to take command of all activities in the Ukrainian lands." Even pro-OUN writers admit that the German repression of the Ukrainian nationalists was mild, and cooperation continued on many levels throughout the war. There were periods when some of the nationalist Ukrainians, formed into guer- rilla groups, fought the Germans as well as the Soviet partisans, and there is evi. dence that Lobed took part in those ac- tions, especially after 1942. But by 1943, the Banderites were cooperating in the formation of a new Ukrainian SS divi- sion, and in 1944 Bandera himself- though he had been interned at Sachsen- hausen concentration camp-was still as- sisting the German war effort against the Russians. Lobed, who had meanwhile adopted the nom de guerre Mazym Ruben, tried to seize control of all factions in the na- tionalist movement. Independent nation- alist bands were carrying out guerrilla actions in Volhynia and the western Ukraine under the name of the Ukrainian Partisan Army (UPA). This was intoler- able to Lebed, who demanded that all the Ukrainian guerrillas come under his com- mand. The result was vicious internecine warfare among the nationalists, a period from which Lebed's reputation did not emerge unscathed. Leading figures of the non-OUN forces were "liquidated," ac- cording to a 1948 CIC memo: "As a re- sult, the Ukrainians now have difficulty forgetting the fact that booed killed some Ukrainian partisans who. were fighting for the same cause." Other writers, like the Ukrainians Panes Fedenko and 0. Shuliak, con. demned Lobed in harsh terms for these killings after the war. Shuliak wrote in 1947 that Lebed's SB men carried out the murders of dissenters from the OUN line. "It is perfectly evident that neither sol- diers nor officers of the UPA had any- thing to do with these atrocities. The do- era were the Security men under the orders of Lobed." Massacres and other acts of terror were also carried out against civilians, against Soviet prisoners of war, against entire Polish villages in the Ukraine, kand against Jews fleeing persecution. In his own booklet on the history of the UPA, published in 1946, Lobed says its aim was "to clear the forests and the surrounding areas of foreign elements." According to the late historian Philip Friedman, this meant not only Poles but Jews and Russian partisans as well. Friedman says that postwar OUN efforts to disclaim responsibility for anti-Jewish atrocities "cannot be taken seriously." LEBED'S cum AFTER UE war is difficult to trace. By then the OUN had established a new front-group, the Supreme Ukrainian Liberation Council- known by its transliterated initials, UHVR-of which Lobed became "For- eign Secretary." Several CIC documents report that his wife and daughter were held in Buchenwald concentration camp by the Germans for several months as hostages against Lobed's guerrilla activi. ties, but they were released in 1944, well before the war's end. After 1945 he mainly lived in Rome and Munich, seeking Allied support for the remnants of the UPA to fight against the victorious Soviets. A "political histo- ry" in the CIC file says that he traveled illegally around Western Europe, orga- nizing the foreign offices of the UHVR By the end of 1947, conditions in Rome were growing uncomfortable for Lobed, who was afraid that the Soviets might attempt to seize him thete. He sought and apparently received-ille, help of U.S. intelligence to leave Rome safely. Lebed's file also shows that around the same time, he and other OUN leaders began to proclaim the evolution of their politics in a more democrptic direction. The motive behind such declarations is clear. In the cold war that was already taking shape, only self-styled democrats could partake of Uncle Sam's largesse. But whether Lebed actually converted to Western liberalism is unclear from the CIC file. Several reports note that when the OUN-B split at a Munich conference in 1947, Lobed gave a speech berating the "weakening and democratization of the party line," which other members in turn denounced as redolent of fascism. Regardless of his postwar political views, however, it is clear from the GAO report that Subject D was used as an American agent soon after the war's end. (Bandera, too, obtained a post with a Western intelligence agency-the West German BND, run by the former Nazi Abwehr chief Reinhard Gehlen, who re- cruited scores of ex-Nazis and collabora- tors for his network. In his memoirs, Gehlen identifies Benders as one of his men.) flonfi- NM Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/03/16: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000100090001-6 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/03/16: CIA-RDP87M0l 152R000100090001-6 "Because of fear for his personal safety Prolog was, in fact, at least partly a front and his f y1-wt~ [TB, rata for the former Banderites grouped operations, t"hee section in the GAD re- around the UI VR and Lobed. Dort on Sub MOP: explains, "the CIA The sources of its funding are mysteri- brought him United States under ous. Prolog's current officers insist that it an assumed His na on has always been financially self-suf- papers, in January 1957. show that cient, with adequate support "from the Lebed arrived in New York harbor on Ukrainian community." Although the October 4, 1949. The truth about his market for its books and magazines is identity and history was concealed from tiny, Prolog is now a for-profit corpora- e on and a ur on tion. It has at various times maintained vice. But two years ter, the INS earn - offices in Munich, London, and Cairo as wYoTibed was and opened an investiga- well as New York. During the '70s Prolog tion t. a C I A was informed. might published eight to 10 volumes annually, lea to his deportation. "According to the plus two or three small-circulation maga-"INS had CDC BE tae sub' rt a conviction had - xina on Soviet and Ukrainian affairs, bon for involvement in an assaeetnation familiar with the Workings opt ione of terrorism a of Prolog say thacould not have sus- atainat him, "'1 protect the oxen- ins itself so a om s es o its pu im invoked Section Act. - cations-many o w c were Ar v is because, according to the GAD, smuggled into the boviet.ptilarl "The subject that it probably received sect was considered extremely from a overnmen valuabTebyy U.S. intelligence," ter 412-41- I & Jew years, it Uz~e' impossible to let didn't know whether Prolog had received him go, use of "fear for his personal any such subsidies. "They keep some sty and tv with into - things hidden," he said. But he believes linee operations." Once he knew the Lebed "has some connections with the CLA's secrets, the is couldn't p81- American authorities. What kind of con. utted to capture him Lobed i~_ amu into the Ulu help, I son t know. None or the be became a citizen on March 18. other Ukrainians who discussed prolog Washington Heights as his home, and "journalist" as his profession. He had two witnesses: Bohdan Czajkowskyj, also a writer and a longtime friend of Lebed; and Alexander S. Alexander, who listed his job as "government employee." The new citizen was entitled to call himself a journalist because of his posi- tion as president of the Prolog Research and Publishing Association, Inc. Found- ed as a nonprofit publisher in the early '50s, it has always specialized in Ukrainian-language books and maga- zines, many of them with anti-Commu- nist political themes. Prolog's certificate of incorporation filed in New York in 1956 lists Lobed as a director and gives as its Purposes "investigation of the history, economics, politics and culture of the Ukraine," and "exposing to the public opinion of the world the true nature of communist dictatorship and the threat of international communism to freedom everywhere.". Roman Ilnytzkyji, a longtime Lebed associate who worked for Prolog, says that Lobed was "completely absorbed" in his work at the Ukrainian publishing company's tiny, cramped offices in mid- town M an editor. Aside- ftin keeping Prolog Lobed's vocation until he .retired in 1980 was to promote the views opt the, UHVR,. the faction of the Orpmitstiap.d Ukranian Nationalists which he headed. used. As one put it, "People simply don't talk about these things." VERY LITTLE ABOUT SUBJECT D'S FAST AP pears in the GAO report, although clues were present in the records available to government investigators; three years of research are boiled down to three vague paragraphs. Because it omits nearly all the si ificant acts t e re su e rom the same moral obtuseness that tainted the A s re atioress_iip with Le bed. __ EG-Misenbaum, a former OSI prosecu- tor and now general counsel to the World Jewish Congress, recently examined the declassified CIC files and other docu. ments on Mykola Lobed. "I'm particular- ly dismayed," he said, "by the absence of even the slightest indication that any of the government agencies cared to ascer- tain the truth of the damning and very specific charges against Lobed contained in these files. It's as though they assumed the charges to be true, and proceeded to bring him here anyway." After 40 years, a government agency- the Office of Special Investigations-is finally examining the evidence against Lobed. But difficult legal and historical questions must be answered before the OSI can consider denaturalization pro- ceedings against Lobed: Did the 1949 CIA Act which permitted ifi a ems'- affow him to me a citizen, sups o _ er immi anon ova w c w or t it. Can the egatons about past ~e proved in court? The confidentiality of the OSI's opera- tions is so strict that if the case is dropped the public will probably never know why. Mykola Lobed is, and has been for 29 years, a citizen with constitu- tional rights. All we know for now is that the file on Subject D is still open. ^ Research assistance by Ellen McGa--i- han, Leslie Yenkin, and Kevin Coogan. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/03/16: CIA-RDP87M0l 152R000100090001-6