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Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 BIOGRAPHIES ON HOUSE PERMANENT SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE AND SENATE SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE MEMBERS 99th Congress February 1985 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 cn H Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R0004005 MEMBERSHIP FOR SENATE SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE Chairman Dave Durenberger (R., MN) William V. Roth, Jr. (R., DE) William S. Cohen (R., ME) Orrin G. Hatch (R., UT) ? Frank H. Murkowski (R., AK) Arlen Specter (R., PA) Chic Hecht (R., NV) Mitch McConnell (R., KY) Vice Chairman Patrick J. Leahy (D., VT) Lloyd Bentsen (D., TX) Sam Nunn (D., GA) Thomas F. Eagleton (D., MO) Ernest F. Hollings (D., SC) Bill Bradley (D., NJ) David L. Boren (D., OK) EX OFFICIO: Robert J. Dole (R., KS) Robert C. Byrd (D., WV) Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA- Dave Durenberger (R) Of Minneapolis - Elected 1978 Bore Aug. 19, 1934, St. Cloud, Minn. Education: St. John's U., BA 1955; U. of Minn., J.D. 1959. Military Career. Army Reserve, 1956-63. Occupation: Lawyer, adhesive manufacturing execu- tive. Family: Wife, Gilds Beth "Penny" Baran; four children. Religion: Roman Catholic. Political Career. No previous office. Capitol Office: 375 Russell Bldg. 20510; 224-3244. In Washington: When Durenberger won this seat in 1978, ending 20 years of Democratic control, he brought a change not only in party but in personality. Watching him puff on his pipe at a committee meeting, quietly question- ing the logic behind a tax subsidy, it is hard to imagine anyone less like the seat's former occu- pant, Hubert H. Humphrey. Durenberger after Humphrey is like chamber music after Tchai- kovsky. Ideologically, the difference is not so dra- matic. Durenberger pays his respects to the progressive traditions of his state on issues of social services and war and peace. But Hum- phrey was an effusive, charismatic liberal of the heart. Durenberger, good-humored but analyti- cal, hews to the middle and rarely lets his emotions show. As a member of Finance and Govern- mental Affairs, he has specialized in two topics that- do not much lend themselves to stem- winding rhetoric. One is his dogged promotion of a plan to rebuild the American health care system through tax incentives. The other is the soporific subject of federal-state relations. Durenberger's health bill, a Republican answer to Democratic proposals for national health insurance and hospital cost controls, would use tax incentives to induce employers to offer their workers a choice of health insurance plans. The increased competition, Durenberger contends, would force doctors and hospitals to offer better mare at a more reasonable price. The proposal grew out of the success of prepaid health plans in the Minneapolis-St. Paul area. It drew a good deal of attention in the 97th Congress, after the new Republican Senate majority made him chairman of the Finance subcommittee governing health, but it made no progress amid the furor over budget and taxes. In the 98th Congress, Durenberger's subcommittee has been immersed in the finan- cial problems of the Medicare program. Like his views on health can. Durenber- ger's views on state-federal relations were born in Minnesota. He had his fast taste of politics working in state government, and the experi. ence seemed to give him faith in the compe- tence of officials at that level to handle prob- lems. Durenburger has enhanced his reputation as a theorist of federal-state relations with his chairmanship of the Intergovernmental Rela- tions Subcommittee of Governmental Affairs. From that post, and as a member of various advisory groups on intergovernmental rela- tions, Durenberger has pressed the theory of "devolution" - returning power to the most appropriate level of government. Where Durenberger has differed sharply with the administration is on the financing of relocated programs. While be agrees with Presi- dent Reagan that the states can be trusted to run income security programs, he believes the federal government is the fairest source of revenue. Durenberger felt the Reagan New Federal- ism proposal of 1982 asked state and local governments to take on financial responsibil- ities they were in no shape to meet. "Some conclude that an appropriate federal partner- ship can be restored by simply abolishing much of the federal government," he said. "That argument fails to understand the recent history of this country." In a speech to a convention of county officials, he reviewed the Reagan assertion that the federal government had somehow usurped power from the states, and dismissed it as "baloney." During his first two years in the Senate, as the ranking Republican on the Finance sub- committee handling revenue sharing, Duren- berger emerged as a leading defender of no- strings-attached grants to state governments. Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 j In 1980 Durenberger got the Senate to vote down a House proposal requiring states that accept revenue-sharing to give up other federalsid, dollar-for-dollar. At House insis- tence, this tradeoff was later restored. In general, Durenberger has proved more amenable than most Republicans toward pres- erv ation of the federal regulatory system. In the 96th Congress, he supported a measure to subsidize consumers who want to participate in regulatory agency hearings. He also sided with supporters of a strong bill to regulate lobbyists. When that bill was foundering on the question of whether lobby groups should be forced to disclose their corporate financial backers. Du- renberger crafted a compromise requiring them to reveal the names of supporting organiza- tions, but not the amount of the backing; his amendment narrowly failed, and the bill died with it. During the 97th Congress, Durenberger generally supported President Reagan's budget and tax initiatives, while leaving plenty of distance between himself and the White House on other issues. Durenberger was a principal. author of the amendment to the 1981 tax bill that allowed unprofitable corporations to lease their unused tax breaks to other companies sitting on highly taxable profits. Tax leasing was intended as a way of assuring that needy Frost Belt indus- tries such as steel and railroads would reap some benefits from the tax cuts aimed at spur-. ring new industrial investment. A side effect, however, was that many profitable companies ended up wiping out their tax liability. Tax leasing became an embarrass- ment that Congress repealed the following year, over Durenberger's resistance. Durenberger fought Reagan administra- tion efforts to abolish the Legal Services pro- gram for the poor. He also issued a white paper on national defense-in 1982, taking the admin- istration to task for its nuclear weapons build- up and proposing that the United States work toward withdrawing nuclear weapons from Eu- rope. When Reagan showed up for a fund-raising event in Minnesota, a crowd of protestors gath- ered outside' Durenberger said if he were not a senator, "I'd be out there demonstrating my- self." At Home: Durenberger's image as a quiet problem-solver has won him two impressive Senate victories in a period of four years. His first campaign, in 1978, was the easier of the two. He rode a Minnesota Republican tide to a comfortable victory. Four years later he had to buck the economic failures of na- tional and state GOP administrations and the unlimited financial resources of his Democratic rival. Although he won by a narrower margin, his second victory represented a more striking personal triumph. Durenberger's presence in the Senate is the result of an unusual set of events. When the 1978 political year began, he was preparing a gubernatorial challenge that seemed to be going nowhere. When it ended, he was the state's senior senator. Durenberger had hovered on the periphery of public office for years, as chief aide to GOP Gov. Harold Levander during the late 1960s and as a well-connected Minneapolis lawyer after that. But he was politically untested, and, in spite of a year-long campaign, he was given little chance to take the nomination for gover- nor away from popular U.S. Rep. Albert H. Quie. When interim Sen. Muriel Humphrey an- nounced that she would not run for the remain- ing four years of her late husband's term, Republican leaders asked Durenberger to switch contests. He was easy to persuade. Democratic disunity aided Durenberger immensely. The party's endorsed candidate, U.S. Rep. Donald M. Fraser, was defeated in a primary by the late Bob Short. a blustery conservative whose campaign against environ- mentalists alienated much of the Democratic left. Some Democrats chose not to vote in the general election, but even more deserted to Durenberger, who had the endorsement of Americans for Democratic Action. As a result, the Republican won a solid victory. . Durenberger's moderate views antagonized some in the Republicans' conservative wing. At the 1980 state GOP convention, a group of conservative activists, mainly from southern Minnesota, warned him to move right if . be wanted their backing for re-election in 1982. Durenberger publicly dismissed their warning, calling it "minority party mentality." He cleared a major hurdle in early 1981 when former Vice President Walter F. Mon- dale, a Minnesota senator from 1964 to 1976, announced that he would not seek the office again. That made Durenberger a heavy favorite for re-election, while opening the Democratic side for Mark Dayton, liberal young heir to a department store empire. Although politically inexperienced, Dayton sunk about $7 million of his personal fortune into an intense two-year Senate campaign. Dayton made no apologies for his spend- ing, which threatened Jesse Helms' all-time Senate record of $7.5 million, set in 1978. He contended that unlike Durenberger, he was not Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Dave Dunnbaryer, R-Minn. dependent on special interest contributions, that while he was an independent voice in and that lavish spending was the only way be Washington, he had Reagan's respect and could could offset the incumbent's perquisites and help moderate the administration's course. hefty campaign treasury. Dayton swept the economically depressed For months Dayton saturated the media Iron Range and the Democratic Twin Cities, with advertising that sought to tie Durenberger but carried little else. Durenberger built a large to Reaganomice. This expensive blitz pulled lead in the suburbs of Minneapolis-St. Paul Dayton up in the polls, but Durenberger was and most of rural Minnesota that carried him J_J H l e oonten well positioned for re-e ectron. to a 109,000-vote victory statewide. Committees Voting Studies En snmsnt and Public Worts (8th of 9 Republicans) Toxic Substances and Environmental Oversight ) Enron nentai Pobution; Water Resources. Finance (8th of 11 Repubilans) Year 1 0 a 0 6 0 Health (chaimen): Energy and Agricultural Taxation; Social Se- curity and Income Maintenance Programs . ,11912 60 28 45 41 39 48 1181 73 24 68 25 59 33 OowrnmNntal Afbire (6th of 10 Republicans) 1810 64 42 64 38 42 49 intergovernmental Relations (ehairmant Energy, Nuclear Pro it. 1l76 68 30 60 43 33 59 oration and Government Processes: Information Management and Regulatory Affairs. Seed Ethia (3rd of 3 Republicans) S - Support O - Opposition Sorest HMelligence (6th of 6 Republiare) Legislation and the Rights of Americans (chairman): Budget Key Votes 1182 General Allow vote on alai-busing b81(1981) Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Dave Durenberger (R) 949207 D3%) index income taxes (1981) Mark Dayton (D) 640.401 ?7%) Cut off B-1 bomber funds (1981) tfa2 Primary Dave Durenberger (R) 287.651 (93%) Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Retain tobacco price supports (1982) Mary Jane Rach er (R) 20.101 (7%) Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Delete $12 billion for public works jobs (1982) fnaase gas tax by 5 cents per gallon (1982) MODUS Nf uur6mg Percentage: ? SpscW ekctlon 1871' (61%) Campaign Finance Raalpb Receipts Oran PACs Bras 1182 Durenberger(R) 83,974,10 $985.491 (25%) $3.90t,072 Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS-1 CCU$-3 11162 70 32 59 28 1181 40 62 26 72 11180 44 72 33 77 1611 63 36 67 45 50 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 William V. Roth Jr. (R) Of Wilmington - Elected 1970 Born: July 22, 1921, Great Falls, Mont. Education: U. of Ore., B.A. 1944; Harvard U.. M.B.A. 1947, LL.B. 1949. Military Career. Army, 1943-46. Occupation: Lawyer. Family: Wife, Jane Richards; two children. Religion: Episcopalian. Political Career. U.S. House, 1967-71; Republican nominee for Del. It. gov., 1960. Capitol Office: 104 Hart Bldg. 20510; 224-2441. .In Washington: After a season in the national spotlight as the original co-author of President Reagan's 1981 tax cut, Roth has returned to the low-key legislative role that has characterized most of his congressional career. The time since Congress passed the "Roth-. Kemp" tax bill has not been easy for him. Almost everybody outside his Senate office has continued to refer to the income tax cut, 25 percent across-the-board over three years, as "Kemp-Roth," " after the younger and more dynamic co-author, Republican Rep. Jack F. Kemp of New York. A symbol of Roth's frustration was the birthday party he organized on the first anni- versary of passage of the tax cut. The centerpeice of the celebration, a giant apple pie many feet across, was ruined by demonstrators who walked across it to protest the administra- tion's treatment of the poor. Actually, the two tax cut sponsors are not identical in their economic views. Kemp has never felt that the level of the federal deficit was a crucial issue as long as taxes were low enough. Roth has always worried about the effect of massive tax reduction on the deficit and the economy if there were no accompany- ing cut in spending. A year after the 1981 proposal was enacted, its disappointing result led Reagan to endorse a $98 billion, three-year tax increase to recover some of the lost revenue. Kemp led the opposi- tion to this move in the House; Roth voted for it in the Senate. But Roth is a determined and persistent man, and he believes his tax cut will eventually work. He is willing to fight to make sure Reagan keeps the faith as well - blocked by White House aides from meeting with the pres- ident in 1983 to urge preservation of the tax cut, Roth went outside normal channels and handed Reagan a letter on the issue during a bill-signing ceremony. Broad-stroke tax cuts are Roth's preoccu. pation at the Finance Committee. The panel is involved in health, welfare and a variety of other issues, but Roth's participation in many of them has been limited. One personal crusade for Roth is college tuition tax credits. The leading proponent of such a tax credit system in the Senate, he almost got it enacted in the 95th Congress. It passed the Senate without controversy, but died in the House after a dispute over whether it should also apply to tuition for private ele. mentary and secondary schools. Reagan has taken up the cause in the years since then, but Congress has moved no closer to passing it. A longtime advocate of government reorga- nization, Roth became chairman of the Govern- mental Affairs Committee in 1981. He sup- ported Reagan's proposal to do away with the Energy Department, but the committee was unable to reach a consensus on dismantling legislation in time for action in the 97th Con- gress. Roth opposed Reagan's plan to abolish the Education Department and took no action on it. Roth also wants to see reorganization of the way Congress writes the federal budget. He is the author of a major budget proposal that would establish a two-year budget system, with all government agencies funded under a single spending bill. Roth has joined his Delaware colleague, Democrat Joseph R. Biden Jr., in pushing anti- busing legislation in the Senate, seeking among other things to limit the power of federal courts to require busing for racial balance. As a mem- ber from a small state, he has also joined Biden in opposing direct election of the president and abolition of the Electoral College. Although Roth's focus these days is pri- Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 warily on domestic issues, he served on the Foreign Affairs Committee during his two terms in the House, from 1967 to 1971, and remains active in the Trilateral Commission, the private group that seeks ways to strengthen ties among the industrialized nations. At Home: A mild-mannered man, Roth has never been able to generate a great deal of emotion among Delaware voters. But he has been doggedly attentive to state interests, and he has been rewarded for that service with nearly two decades in statewide office. Born in Montana and educated at Har- vard, Roth came to Delaware to work as a lawyer for a chemical firm and got involved in politics. After narrowly losing a 1960 bid for lieutenant governor, he became state Republi- can chairman. Running for Delaware's at-large U.S. House seat in 1966, Roth entered the race against veteran Democrat Harris B. McDowell Jr. as a decided underdog. He talked about Vietnam - backing U.S. efforts there but berating the Johnson administration for not explaining the situation more fully - and about open housing legislation, saying he was opposed to it but willing to endorse state GOP convention language in favor of it. Riding the coattails of GOP Sen. J. Caleb Boggs and a national Republican wave that brought 47 GOP freshmen to the House in 1966, Roth pulled off an upset. McDowell tried for a comeback two years later. But he had alienated members of the state Democratic hierarchy by deploring their "old and tired leadership." Buoyed by his fust- term record of strong constituent service, Roth pushed his margin of victory to nearly 60 percent of the statewide vote. With the retirement of Republican Sen. John J. Williams in 1970, Roth became the uncontested choice of the party against the Democratic state House leader, Jacob W. Zimmerman. Zimmerman, a Vietnam dove, had little money or statewide name recognition, and the contest was never much in doubt. In 1976 -Roth had a strong Democratic challenger - Wilmington Mayor Thomas C. Maloney. But Roth's efforts against busing had William V. Roth Jr., R-Drl. given him an excellent issue to run on, and Maloney was hurt by the coolness of organized labor, which was upset over the mayor's frugal approach to municipal pay raises. One state labor leader openly called Maloney a "union buster." Roth's margin was down from 1970, but he was too strong in the suburbs for Maloney to have any chance to beat him state- wide. Running ' for a third term in 1982, Roth faced his most difficult Senate test. As cospon- sor of the supply-aide tax cut, Roth was a visible target for complaints about the economy - and, like other industrial states, Delaware had felt the effects of recession. David N. Levinson, Roth's hard-charging Democratic opponent, encouraged voters to link Roth to Reaganomics and the woes he claimed it had produced. Parodying John Steinbeck's novel about the Great Depression, Levinson branded the administration's eco- nomic blueprint "the grapes of Roth." The incumbent did not shy away from his legislation; billboards advertising his candidacy read, "Bill Roth, the Taxpayer's Best Friend." But he was careful to offer evidence of his concern for Frost Belt economic needs. When the Senate took up Reagan's first package of spending cuts in 1981, Roth voted against re- ductions in three programs important to Dela- ware: the Conrail transportation system, trade adjustment assistance to unemployed workers and energy subsidies for the poor. If Levinson was an aggressive candidate, he was also one with serious flaws. A wealthy real estate developer, he had made his fortune in the St. Louis area, not in Delaware, and Roth focused on that fact in radio spots, suggesting the Democrat had come into the state just to challenge him. Levinson campaigned for the seat for over two years; his efforts garnered him endorse- ments from labor and most of the other impor- tant groups Democrats need to be competitive statewide. But that was not enough. Roth lost Wilmington, but more than made up the differ- ence in suburban New Castle County and in the rural territory south of the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal. Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Committees aovernrn.ntal Affairs (Chairman) Permanent Subcommittee on Investigation (ctnairman). Finance (3rd of 11 Republicans) Economic Growth. Employment and Revenue Sharing; Interna- tionat Trade; Savings, Pensions and investment Policy. Mbct intelligence (7th of 8 Republicans) Analysis and Production; Budget. Joint Economic Trade, Product" and Economic Growth (drokmank Agrlcul- ture and Transportation. Joint Taxation Elections 1992 General William Roth (R) David Levinson (D) 105,357 (55%) 84.413 (44%) Previous Winning Palm ntages: 1979 (56%) 1970 (59%) 1189? (59%) 1966? (56%) Campaign Finance Receipts Rscsipts from PACs Expend- Itures 1992 Roth(A) $841,151 $350,073 (42%) $783,171 Levinson (D) $772,579 $184,636 (24%) $758,841 Voting Studies Presidential Party Conservative Support unity coalition Year $ 0 6 0 S 0 1982 77 20 76 22 83 16 1981 75 24 72 26 75 24 1980 41 55 85 12 87 10 1971 46 47 72 22 67 23 1978 32 62 82 14 80 15 1977 58 39 81 14 87 8 117$ 66 28 70 1975 63 33 65 ' 1974 (Ford) 54 46 1974 71 27 68 1973 71 25 76 1912 83 17 79 1971 65 15 84 Noun esrrla 1970 72 26 69 1989 70 30 85 1989 54 35 74 1997 52 48 84 24 75 19 : 29 64 28 . ,u 28 - 76 19 22 79 20 19 84 14 15 79 21 25 75 25 15 73 24 15 71 16 16 87 13 Key Votes Allow vote on anti-busing bill (1981) Y Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y index income taxes (1981) Y Cut off 8.1 bomber funds (1981) N Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) N Retain tobacco price supports (1982) N Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y Delete $ 1.2 billion for public works )obs (1982) Y Increase gas tax by S cents per gallon (1982) Y Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS-1 CCUS-2 1992 50 55 27 67 1981 20 70 32 78 1160 22 73 21 80 1979 21 70 21 64 73 1978 15 83 11 89 1977 20 Be 16 88 1976 10 84 26 56 1975 33 57 25 80 1974 38 74 18 80 1973 40 83 9 67 1972 25 73 10 80 1971 19 67 8 - House service 1970 20 79 29 100 1969 7 65 30 - 1968 8 86 33 1967 7 90 8 90 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 William S. Cohen (R) Of Bangor - Elected 1978 Bore Aug. 28, 1940, Bangor, Maine. Education: Bowdoin College, B.A. 1962; Boston U., LL.B. 1965. Occupation: Lawyer. Family: Wife, Diane Dunn; two children. Religion: Unitarian. Political Career. Bangor City Council, 1969-72; mayor of Bangor, 1971-72; U.S. House, 1973-79. Capitol Office: 131 Dirksen Bldg. 20510; 224-2523. In Washington: Cohen no longer draws the headlines that he attracted a decade ago, when he argued for President Nixon's impeach. ment on the House Judiciary Committee. Since his arrival in the Senate in 1979, he has estab- lished a record of solid workaday productivity on his two major committees, Armed Services and Governmental Affairs. He still has a flair for subtle self-promo- tion - a diary of his first year in the Senate, published in 1981, portrays a senator almost too sincere and too thoughtful to be believed. But most of his legislative accomplishments have had little to do with public relations. On Armed Services, Cohen is respected for his work as chairman of the Sea Power Sub- committee. He has been sympathetic to the "military reform" proposals of Colorado Demo- crat Gary Hart, who feels the Navy should focus its efforts on building larger numbers of smaller ships. But he is generally on the side of substantially increased military spending, and he worries that the American public might never support the effort needed to match the Soviet Navy. "We live in a free society which simply will not appropriate the number of dollars neces- sary," be has said, "at a time in which the American people think they are at peace." He himself is not so sure we are at peace. A vigorous opponent of the SALT U treaty, Cohen has some novel ideas about arms control. Early in 1983 he began pushing the idea of a "guaranteed arms build-down," under which the superpowers would agree to elimi- pate two older nuclear warheads or bombers for every new one they built. The proposal, devel- oped with Georgia Democrat Sam Nunn, at- tracted considerable interest within the Reagan administration. While his Watergate fame has faded, Co- hen remains interested in the issues that emerged from it, such as the 1978 special Maine - Senior sonalg r prosecutor law. He agreed with the Reagan administration that the law was not working well - its provisions were put into effect too easily and applied to too many people. But Cohen refused to abandon the low, as the Reagan White House proposed. Instead, he developed legislation, reported by his Govern. mental Affairs Subcommittee on Overnight of Government Management, that tightened the standards for appointing a special prosecutor. The bill became law early in 1983. In that effort, Cohen worked closely with subcommittee Democrat Carl Levin of Michi- gan; the two also combined in 1982 to produce a law protecting Social Security disability recipi. ents from a rapid loss of benefits. Cohen was' sharply critical of President Reagan's campaign to cut disability rolls, which he said inflicted severe hardship on many innocent people. At Home: Cohen all but assured himself of a statewide political future on the day he spoke out for Nixon's impeachment, not only as a Republican of conscience, ~ utt asga man who knew how to give a good speech. His good looks, easygoing manner and .careful questioning were perfect for television. As one of just six Judiciary Committee Repub- licans favoring impeachment, he drew wide media attention, most of it favorable. Time magazine named him one of America's 200 future leaders, and the Jaycees called him one of the 10 outstanding young men in the nation. From that point on, his elevation to the Senate was pretty much a matter of time. If there had been no Watergate, however, the odds are be would be in the Senate by now anyway. His Judiciary Committee performance merely added to the "rising star" reputation he had carried with him most of his life, beginning in his high school and college days on the basketball court. Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MO William S. Cohn, R-Main. He thought about becoming a Latin scholar, but went to law school instead and finished among the top 10 members of his class. It was less than a decade from law school to the Bangor mayoralty. Cohen became mayor in 1971. after three years on the City Council. But he did not bold the job very long. Rep. William D. Hathaway was running for the Senate the same year, and his 2nd District was open. Cohen won it easily, doing exceptionally well for a Republican in many Democratic areas. After the 1974 period of Watergate celeb- rity, Cohen began to think about the proper timing for a Senate effort - he spent nearly a year considering a 1976 campaign against Maine's senior senator, Edmund S. Muskie. Private polls showed him close to Muskie. but challenging the state's most durable Democrat was no sure thing. Prudence dictated a two- year wait and a campaign against Hathaway, more liberal and less of an institution. .Knowing be was in trouble, Hathaway worked bard to save himself in 1978, but Cohen had almost no weaknesses. The personal glam. our of 1974 had never really worn off, and state and national media refurbished it for the canc. paign. Cohen shifted slightly to the right, argu. ing that Hathaway was too liberal for most of Maine. He also worked for Democratic votes, concentrating his efforts in such places as Port- "'a lrisb-Catholic Munjoy Hill: section. Hathaway had not done anything in par- ticular to offend the voters, but the challenger overwhelmed him. The Democrat was held in, a three-way contest to 33.9 percent, one of the lowest figures for any Senate incumbent. One of Cohen's few political missteps was his all-out support for Tennessee Sen. Howard. H. Baker Jr. for the 1980 Republican presiden- tial nomination. Cohen tried to engineer a straw-poll victory for Baker at a late 1979 statewide party gathering in Portland, but the Tennessean lost in a surprise to George Bush. 1560 43 42 64 23 58 30 Committees 1571 55 37 62 34 55 38 Armed Servioa (6th of 10 Republicans). Sea Power and Force Protection (chain): Manpower and Notes m vice 1571 39 37 58 27 59 24 Personnel; Strategic and Theater Nuclear Forces. an 67 29 50 44 48 45 Gorammentat Affairs (5th of 10 Republicans) 1976 43 57 41 58 50 50 Oversight of Government Management (chairmant Energy. Nu- 1175 62 37 56 42 49 48 clear Proliferation and Government Processes; Permanent Sub- 1174 (Ford) 48 37 committee on Investigations. 1974 55 43 42 50 38 57 6 1575 53 46 46 52 38 0 Nlsef Intelligence (8th of 8 Republicans) Budget; Collection and Foreign Operations; Legislation and the S - Support 0 - Opposition Rights of Americans. Special Aging (5th of 8 Republicans) Elections 1911 Ger>ra William Cohen (R) 212.294 (56%) William Hathawa i (D) 127.327 (4%) Hayes Gahagan() Previous Winning Pereartfapas: 11W (77%) 1574? (71%) 1172' (54%) Mouse elections. Campaign Finance psaipts $m PACs mutts 1578 C;ohien (R) Hathaway (D) 1423,499 $166,594 (39%) 54233.027 Voting Studies CoroKntive Unity sww Coalition Year 8 0 $ 0 S 0 1982. 67 31 62 36 47 52 1181 76 19 69 25 59 36 Key Votes Alow vote on anti-busing big (1981) N Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) V ind Co off 134 bomber hinds ex income taxes (1981) N Subsidee home mortgage rates (1982) N Retain tobaC price supports (1982) N Amend Constitution to require balanced budge! (1982) N Delete $1.2 billion for public works jobs (1982) N Increase gas tax by 5 cents per gallon (1982) N Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS-1 CCUS-2 1562 55 57 27 42 1181 35 61 33 76 1180 33 68 22 70 1579 42 62 39 64 Noose sarvica 1578 30 58 21 63 1977 65 48 59 62 1576 50 18 52 38 1575 74 54 57 59 1174 61 27 64 40 1573 52 27 64 45 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MOl152ROO0400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Orrin G. Hatch (R) Of Midvale - Elected 1976 Born: March 22, 1934, Pittsburgh, Pa. Education: Brigham Young U., B.S. 1959; U. of Pitts- burgh, LL.B. 1962. Occupation: Lawyer. Family-. Wife, Elaine Hansen; six children. Religion: Mormon. political Career. No previous office. Capitol Office: 135 Russell Bldg. 20515; 224-5251. In Washington: Hatch's rapid rise to power in the Senate has been accompanied by a shift toward the political center, one that has lessened the aura of militance that made him a New Right" favorite during his first years in office. Hatch insists he has not changed much - he says he never deserved the "ultra-conserva- tive" label. But if his ideology is not greatly different, his style certainly is: Over two years as chairman of the Labor and Human Re- sources Committee and the Constitution Sub- committee at Judiciary, Hatch has sometimes sounded so conciliatory that those watching have wondered what happened to him. "If I didn't know better," a liberal House Democrat remarked after watching Hatch dur- ing a 1981 budget conference, "I would have thought I heard the distinct accents of a born- again liberal." At the time, Hatch was fighting successfully to retain $1 billion in the budget for education and training programs. He had just finished persuading the Reagan adminis- tration not to seek cuts in funding for the Job Corps. He was not the laboi-baiting Republican they had come to know. "The chairman can't just snap his fingers and expect things to happen," Hatch has said, and his experience as head of his two panels bears him out. He was repeatedly frustrated in the 97th Congress, and had to make major compromises in hopes of passing legislation. Those deals sometimes angered his hard-line supporteis. The Labor Committee under Hatch has been deadlocked between liberals and conser- vatives. His Judiciary panel has considered an ambitious agenda of longtime goals of conser- vatives, such as a balanced federal budget and abortion curbs, but none of the proposals has yet become law. As he searches patiently for compromise, Hatch seems far different from the aggressive outsider who arrived in 1977, ready to do battle with the Washington establishment and its "soft-headed inheritors of wealth." He was an angry man in those days, and he quickly drew a reputation as a humorless person who did not fit well into Senate camaraderie. "Bonn' Orrin," critics called him, after his slow monotone occupied the Senate for weeks as he mounted a successful filibuster against the 1978 labor law revision bill. That was partly sour grapes from backers of the bill, but it reflected a widespread perception even on his own side of the aisle. In 1979, when he ran for the chairmanship of the Senate GOP campaign committee, Hatch thought he had enough com- mitments of support to win. But when the vote was taken, John Heinz of Pennsylvania had beaten him. Some senators said afterward that Hatch's reputation as a strident conservative ideologue had cost him votes. The perception had begun to change by the time Hatch took over the Labor Committee in 1981. It evolved further as he worked to resolve the deep disagreements on the panel over President Reagan's proposed budget cuts. The Reagan administration proposed end. ing many of the existing programs and replac- ing them with "block grants " to the states, at a lower level of funding. But there was no major- ity for that approach. Hatch labored through the spring to find a compromise position that could win a committee majority without losing the support of the administration. Ultimately, he agreed to a compromise turning some of the programs into block grants, but leaving many of them intact. Meanwhile, Hatch had shown considerable skill in managing the committee through an earlier controversy - the nomination of Ray- mond J. Donovan to be secretary of labor. Despite criticism from the White House, Hatch insisted on a vigorous investigation of Donovan, who was accused of having ties to organized crime. Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Orrin G. Hatch, R-Utah Even after he was confirmed by the Sen- ate, however, Donovan's legal problems per- sisted, and Hatch was dragged further into the case. When committee staffers renewed their investigation, Donovan associates hired private detectives to investigate the staffers. There was even an alleged death threat against one staff member. A special federal prosecutor eventu- ally declined to indict Donovan, but not until after Hatch learned with some irritation that White House officials had withheld damaging information from the committee during the nomination hearings. Many labor loyalists were sure' that Hatch's chairmanship would guarantee angry confrontations between him and the unions. Ever since he led the 1978 labor law filibuster, Hatch had been viewed by labor as its arch- enemy in the Senate. The reality has been far less cataclysmic. As chairman in the 97th Congress, Hatch did win committee approval for a few relatively minor bills fighting labor corruption. But more controversial proposals, such as changes in pen- sion laws, went nowhere. "it is next to impossi- ble to do anything on that committee without the approval of labor union leaders in Washing- ton," he has complained. Another Hatch proposal, which got through the Labor panel but not much further, would have allowed help for people in Utah and other Western states who had been exposed to radiation during the atomic bomb tests of the 1950s. Hatch proposed that cancer victims be eligible for claims against the government if they could show that there was even a small statistical chance that their disease was caused by the radiation exposure. But the proposal had high potential costs and complex legal implications, and it never reached the floor. Hatch's job on the -Judiciary Committee changed in 1981 from one of blocking liberal legislation to that of trying to advance conser- vative proposals. His most notable success during the 97th Congress as chairman of the Constitution Sub- committee was the narrow Senate approval in 1982 of a constitutional amendment requiring a balanced federal budget. With strong backing from President Reagan, Hatch secured the two- thirds majority needed for passage. The House rejected the amendment. The debate over the balanced budget pro- posal was mild, however, compared with the storm of controversy Hatch encountered on the abortion issue. Hatch ended up thoroughly angering many militant "right-to-life" anti- abortionists, but not making much progress on his own anti-abortion proposal. Hatch argued that tnly a constitutional amendment would be sufficient to overturn the Supreme Court's decision permitting abortion - a crucial difference with militant groups that wanted to ban abortion by statute and thus avoid the constitutional amendment pro. cess. Moreover, Hatch's amendment in effect turned the issue over to the states, allowing them to make any decision they wanted, while some right-to-life groups sought a national pro. hibition. Hatch's constitutional amendment was approved by the Judiciary Committee, but never made it to the Senate floor. Before the Republican takeover of the Senate, Hatch won a notable victory on Judi. ciary in blocking legislation to strengthen fed- eral enforcement of open housing laws. He led a successful filibuster against the bill late in the 1980 congressional session. He sought to add to the bill a requirement that the government prove that alleged vio- lators of open housing laws had intended to discriminate in the sale or rental of housing. But last-minute negotiations broke down, and the bill died. In the 97th Congress, the most important civil rights issue at Judiciary was extension of the 1965 Voting Rights Act, and here too Hatch was one of the critics. He focused on the "intent" concept. Civil rights groups were pushing to expand the law to allow voting rights violations to be proved by showing that an election law or procedure pro- duced a discriminatory result, whether inten- tional or not. Hatch fought to retain the existing law's standard, which required proof that there had been an intent to discriminate in setting up election laws. The "results" test, he warned, would lead to proportional representation of minorities in Congress and state legislatures. But the Judiciary Committee approved a com- promise version essentially retaining the "re- sults" test. At Home: If Hatch has changed in Wash- ington, the perception of him by his critics in Utah has not. Bidding for a second term in 1982, he found himself under strong challenge for being rigid both in his conservative views and his personal style. Ted Wilson, his affable Democratic oppo- nent, was a more than credible candidate. As two-term mayor of Salt Lake City, Wilson had become a well-known figure throughout the state, and he carefully began building his chal- lenge to Hatch a year in advance. With Wilson trailing the incumbent by only 7 percentage points in a January 1982 poll taken by the Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Deseret News in Salt Lake City, Hatch looked vulnerable. Wilson was not the only one with designs on the incumbent. After Hatch blocked labor low revision in' 1978. the late AFL-CIO Presi- dent George Meany had vowed, "Well defeat you no matter what it takes." But while Hatch's longtime status as a labor antagonist guaranteed Wilson strong union support, unions are not the most useful allies in conser- vative Utah. Being a labor target almost cer- tainly did Hatch more good than harm. Hatch also sought to meet complaints about his demeanor. Funding a television cam- paign with a treasury nearly three times the size of his opponent's, he ran ads that showed him playing with children and dogs. Wilson, hoping to maintain his early mo- mentum, spent much of the campaign sifting through various strategies searching for a way to undo the incumbent. He branded Hatch's politics as extremist, indicted his style as "stri- dent and contentious," accused him of caring more about national conservative causes than about Utah, and, finally, criticized the Reagan economic philosophy that Hatch vowed he would continue to fight for if re-elected. The latter approach probably did not help. Utah gave Reagan 73 percent of its presidential ballots in 1980 - his best showing in the country - and the president's popularity re- mained high there in late 1982. Buoyed by two Reagan visits to the state during the campaign, Hatch held onto his seat with nearly 60 percent of the vote. Reagan also played an important role in Hatch's path to Washington in 1976. Then a political neophyte, Hatch mounted a Senate candidacy that represented as pure an example of anti-Washington politics as the nation has seen in recent years. Hatch's lack of government experience. any level almost certainly helped him. In liii private legal practice, he'.had represented ants fighting federal regulations. ''? Hatch was recruited for the Senate ani paign against incumbent Democrat Frank !~E- Moss by conservative leader Ernest' Wikerson" who had challenged Moss in 1964. The,} paign attracted the zeal and money of some conservatives who had been politically-inactive.,, Hatch's competitor for the .Republi a `n nomination was Jack W. Carlson, former t S. assistant secretary of the interior. Carlson 'seen as the front-runner, underscored his extensive Washington experience, arguing that it ow u1 make him a more effective senator. Besides the Interior Department, he had served aith~the's Office of Management and Budget, the;Couneil of Economic Advisers and the DefenseDpart- went. That was the wrong, record for Utah m 1976. Hatch, seeing that the state was fed up'i with federal rules, took the opposite approac} `' The party convention gave him 778 votes to 930'., for Carlson, a Ford supporter. In the weeks that remained before the primary, Hatch won nu- merous converts. The day before the voting, her reinforced his conservative credentials by?run-'' ping newspaper ads trumpeting his endorse- ` ment by Reagan. Hatch won by almost 2-to-'l. ; The primary gave Hatch a publicity bonus' that helped him catch up to Moss, who faced not party competitors. Moss, seen as a liberal by , Utah standards, had helped himself at home by, i' investigating Medicaid abuses and fighting to ban cigarette advertising from television. He', stressed his seniority and the tangible benefits it had brought the state. But Hatch argued d successfully that the real issue was limiting government and taxes, and that. he would be more likely to do that than Moss. Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Committees Labor and PMrman Resources (Chairman) Education. Arts and the Nnxnan ltlas; Employrrsnt and Pro- durtM Labor. Agrladhae, Nutrition and Forestry (10th of 10 Republicans) AgrfuAtural Research and General lsistion; Nutrition; Soil and Water Conservation, Forestry amddEEmioment. Budget (5th o112 Republican) idlclay (4th 0110 Republicans) Constitution (cfalrman); Patents. Copyrkphts and Trademarks; Se uft and Terrorism. $mall business (3rd of 10 Republicans) Government Regulation and Paperwork (ehaimen); Capital For- mation and Retention. 11982 General Orrin G. Match (R) 309,332 (58%) Ted Wilson (D) 219,482 (41%) Previous Winning Percentage: 1976 (54%) Campaign Finance Voting Studies Presidential Party Conservative Blow {Minify C" HUM Tow S 0 8 0 S 0 1992 79 14 60 12 90 6 11111 87 11 69 6 91 7 11*0 31 65 79 15 62 15 1979 27 66 90 3 90 3 1979 19 75 93 3 93 3 1977 41 49 68 1 91 1 S - Support 0 - Opposition Key Votes Allow vote on anti-busing bill (1981) Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Index income taxes (1981) Cut off B-1 bomber funds (1981) Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Retain tobacco price supports (1982) Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Delete $12 billion for public works lobs (1982) Increase gas tax by 5 cents per gallon (1982) Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-= CCUS-1 CCUS-2 Expend- 1162 5 95 5 70 Rea" Iron PACs Nuns 1111 0 85 11 100 1910 17 96 11 90 1912 11176 11 96 6 100 87 Match (R) 83,834,906 $881,762 (23%) $3,490,953 1979 5 96 11 94 Wilson(D) $1,706,409 $338,764 (20%) $1,670,409 1977 0 92 12 100 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 f Frank H. Murkowski (R) Of Fairbanks - Elected 1980 Born March 28, 1933, Seattle, Wash. Education Seattle University, B.A. 1955. Military Career. Coast Guard, 1955-56. Occupation. Banker. Family: Wife. Nancy Gore; six children. Religion: Roman Catholic. Political Caner. Alaska commissioner of economic development, 1967-70; Republican nominee for U.S. House, 1970. Capitol Office: 254 Dirksen Bldg. 20510; 224.6665. In Washington: Murkowski, unlike most of the 16 Republicans in the Senate class of 1980, went virtually unnoticed by the national media during his first two years in office. While Jeremiah Denton, John P. East, Paula Hawkins and other freshman senators were grabbing headlines - many of them unflattering - Murkowski kept a very low profile. Most of his work was as a junior partner to Alaska's senior senator, Ted Stevens, the GOP majority whip. Murkowski, Stevens and two other senators played a key role in prodding construction of the Alaska Natural Gas Pipe- line. The pipeline is to deliver gas from Prud- hoe Bay, Alaska, to users throughout the conti- nental United States. The 1977 law authorizing construction of the pipeline stipulated that the project would be privately financed, and that gas consumers could not be billed for the construction costs until the line was completed and operating. But construction costs have quadrupled beyond ,original estimates. Murkowski joined in an effort to write a partial waiver of the 1977 law so that consum- ers would be billed as large portions of the pipeline were completed. Despite objections that the waivers were a consumer rip-off, both the House and the Senate approved them. Murkowski also has worked with Stevens in pushing for a bill directing the federal gov- ernment to share with coastal states some of the revenue from offshore oil and gas leases. No other state has as much of its offshore acreage leased for'drilling as Alaska. . Efforts by some senators to reduce the seal harvest on Alaska's Pribilof Islands prompted Murkowski to enter foreign policy. The federal government pays Aleuts on the Pribilofs $250,000 to harvest the seal skins during the five-week summer breeding season. The har- vest is then distributed among U.S., Canada, Japan and the Soviet Union. Murkowaki says this arrangement provides much-needed jobs for the Aleuts. But Christo- pher J. Dodd of Connecticut, a member of Foreign Relations, argued in the 97th Congress that taxpayers' money should not be spent on killing seals. Dodd's proposal for a drastic reduction in the harvest was beaten 9-6 in the Foreign Relations Committee. On the floor, the ar- rangement was extended after Dodd's side at- tached a provision calling for a study to explore alternative sources of employment for the Aleuts. At the beginning of the 98th Congress. Murkowski left his seat on Environment and Public Works to become the only newly added member of Foreign Relations. Murkowski's presence does nothing to shift the balance on the committee, where the GOP has a 9-8 ad- vantage. Murkowski follows the same pro-ad- ministration line as the man he replaced, re- tired California Sen. S. I. "Sam" Hayakawa. Murkowski took Hayakawa's spot as chair- man of the Foreign Relations subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs, a useful forum to speak for his constituents who are concerned about Japanese fishing in Alaskan waters. At Home: Except for three years in state government and one failed campaign for the House, Murkowski had spent his entire adult life in banking before he announced for the Senate in June of 1980. His status as a relative newcomer to poli- tics hardly seemed an advantage against Demo- crat Clark S. Gruening, a popular two-term state legislator and grandson of the legendary Ernest Gruening, a former Alaska senator and governor. But Democratic disunity and the Reagan tide brought Murkowski a solid victory. Throughout much of the early campaign Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MOl152ROO0400510001-6 POP- Karon. Murkowski's effort was obscured by the bitter Democratic primary. To win the Demo. cratic nomination, Gruening had to get past Sen. Mike Gravel, the two-term incumbent. It was a matter of revenge for Gruening; Gravel was the man who had ousted his grandfather from the Senate 12 years before. Gravel's legislative behavior helped make Gruenings primary victory possible. Battling o prevent the Senate from enacting legislation restricting development of Alaska's lands, Gravel resorted to an obstructionism so stri- dent and obnoxious that he did his cause more harm than good. A few days before the primary, the Senate succeeded in closing debate on a Gravel filibuster against the Alaska bill, lend- ing credence to Gruening's charges that he had lwt influence in the chamber. Although fore- casters had predicted a tight race, Gruening won by a comfortable margin. Gruening also outpolled Murkowski by more than 2-to-1 in Alaska's open primary, in which all candidates appear on the same ballot regardless of party affiliation. Although Mur- kowski took the GOP nomination with ease, the comparison seemed significant - historically. the top vote getter in the primary has gone on to win the general election. But Murkowski was able to buck tradition Committees Energy Red Nahsal Resources (7th of 11 Republicans) Energy Regulation (chairman); Energy and Mineral Resources: water and Power. Foreign Relations (9th of 9 Repubkans) East Asian and Pacific Affairs (chair mank International Eco- nomic Pdic); western Hemisphere Affairs ttsMct kiden Affairs (4th of 4 Republicans) Warm Maus (4th of 7 Republicans) Elections 11910 General Clark Gn ing (D)R) 72,007 (46%) IM Prism, . Frank Murkowski (R) 16.M(59%) AM- Kennedy (R) 6.527 (W%) Morris Thon+Pson (R) 3.635(13%) G;ampaign Finance 11100*111 Nampa tromPAC& Muses Murkowski (R) $712,837 $304,971 (43%) $697,387 Cruel*g (D) $512,411 $2,750 (.1%) $507,445 1910 Frank H. Murkowski, R-Alaska by keeping attention- focused on Gruening's record in the Legislature. Accusing him of being too liberal for the state's electorate, Murkowski claimed the Democrat had sup- ported the legalization of marijuana. He also tied Gruening to the environmentalist Sierra Club, anathema to pro-development Alaskans. Gruening claimed his legislative experience made him more qualified to be a U.S. senator. But most voters did not agree. Buoyed by national Republican help and a treasury ex- ceeding $700,000 - nearly half of which came from political action committees - Murkowski did very well in his Fairbanks base and upset Gruening in the Democrat's hometown of An- chorage, Alaska's largest city. A Seattle native who moved to Alaska while in high school, Murkowski got his first taste of elective politics in 1970. That year he defeated a member of the John Birch Society in a Republican primary for Alaska's at-large House seat, left vacant when Rep. Howard W. Pollock sought the governorship. He lost the general election to Democratic state Sen. Nick Begich, but the experience whet his appetite. After serving for nine years as president of the Alaska National Bank of the North, at Fair- banks, he quit banking and announced for the Senate. Voting Studies PreiWienu P" Conservative Slipper! Unity Cedition rear $ 0 $ 0 9 0 1182 79 11 91 5 89 1 1111 82 11 83 11 as 9 Key Votes Allow vote on ant" bin (1981) Y Irddex~ircom e taxes (981) Sates Arabia (1981) Y N Cut off &1 bomber funds (1981) N Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) N Retain tobacco price supports (1982) 7 Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y Delete $12 billion for public works jobs (982) Y Increase on tax by 5 Dents per gallon (1982) Y . Interest Group Ratings vow ADA ACA AR-00 CCUS 1612 10 70 24 70 1911 15 65 24 93 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MOl152ROO0400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Ponnsylvonio - Junior Sonotor Arlen Specter (R) Of Philadelphia - Elected 1980 Born: Feb. 12, 1930, Wichita, Kan. Education: U. of Pa., B.A. 1951; Yale U., LL.B. 1956. Military Career. Air Force, 1951-53. Occupation: Lawyer; law professor. Family: Wife, Joan Lois Levy; two children. Religion Jewish. Political Career. Philadelphia district attorney, 1966- 74; Republican nominee for mayor of Philadelphia, 1967; defeated for re-election as district attorney, 1973; sought Republican nomination for U.S. Sen- ate, 1976; sought Republican nomination for gover- nor, 1978. Capitol Office: 360 Russell Bldg. 20510; 224-4254. In Washington: One look at Specter's Senate voting record makes it clear that some- thing in him harks back to his early days in politics, when he was a liberal Democrat cru- sading for reform as an assistant district attor- ney in Philadelphia. Specter switched to the GOP in 1965 out of hostility to his city's entrenched Democratic establishment, but his urban Republicanism sets him apart from most of those in his 1980 GOP class. In 1982 Specter was at the top of the list of Senate Republicans whose votes most often ran counter to President Reagan's wishes: Specter, Lowell P. Weicker of Connecticut and John H. Chafee of Rhode Island each opposed Reagan more than 40 percent of the time. When Supreme Court nominee Sandra Day O'Connor came to Judiciary Committee confirmation hearings in 1981, freshman Re- publican senators Jeremiah Denton, John P. East and Charles E. Grassley pressed her to denounce the 1973 Roe v. Wade ruling legaliz- ing abortion. - Specter attacked from an opposite direc- tion. He joined with Democrats Joseph R. Bi- den Jr. and Patrick J. Leahy to endorse the concept of "judicial activism" - the practice of judges making social policy through their rul- ings. Specter said the "strict constructionist" view that conservatives wanted to impose on O'Connor would preclude decisions such as Brown v. Board of Education, the landmark 1954 school desegregation case. Specter takes a dim view of efforts to legislate against abortion and busing. He and Maryland's Charles McC. Mathias Jr. were the only two Republicans voting "no" in March 1982 as Judiciary approved a proposed con- stitutional amendment giving Congress and the states joint authority to enact legislation re- stricting abortion. He joined Mathias and other moderate Republicans in opposing a bill to bar federal courts from ordering a student bused beyond the school nearest the pupil's home. During the 97th Congresss, Specter gener- ally supported the president on the key budget and tax votes that were the foundation of Reaganomics. But he consistently showed more interest than most Republicans in providing short-term help to people and businesses af- fected by the recession. In the early months of 1983, he pushed several recession relief measures: a bill cospon- sored with Carl Levin, D-Mich., to extend emergency supplemental unemployment bene- fits for six months; a bill providing money to jobless people in danger of losing their homes to foreclosure; and a proposal to permit federal courts to issue injunctions against foreign im- ports if the imports were being "dumped" (sold at a price below the cost of production) on the U.S. market. Specter tried to attach the anti-dumping measure to a trade bill that strengthened the president's power to retaliate against foreign unfair trading practices. But opponents of Specter's proposal said it was overly protec- tionist, and the amendment was tabled, 57-32. Specter's background as a prosecutor and lawyer made him a natural choice for Judiciary, and it is there that he has found the most common ground with other Republicans. His biggest victory in Judiciary came in late 1982 when the committee approved his "career criminal" bill. It proposed giving fed- eral courts jurisdiction to try criminal cases involving repeat state offenders who use fire- arms to commit crimes such as burglary and robbery. Those found guilty would face a man- Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M datory minimum prison term of 16 years, a fine of $10,000, or both, and would be ineligible for probation or parole. Specter said the bill would expedite pros- ecution of dangerous criminals by shifting cases from overworked state criminal courts into federal courts. He said it would help deter serious crimes, because federal judges generally impose longer sentences than state judges. The measure did not make it to the Senate floor on its own, but it was included in an omnibus crime bill put together by House and Senate conferees near the end of the 97th Congress. It did not become law, though; Reagan vetoed it, mostly for reasons unrelated to Specter's part of the legislation. , After be was named chairman of Judi- ciary's subcommittee on Juvenile Justice in 1981, one of Specter's first tasks was to rescue a major program under his jurisdiction. Reagan wanted to lump juvenile justice programs into social services block grants to the states and eliminate the federal Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. The Senate Budget Committee acceded to Reagan's request. But Specter convinced Judi- ciary to save the agency by suggesting that its authorization be cut to $70 million. At Home: To some in Pennsylvania, Spec- ter's 1980 campaign for the Senate seemed like the last gasp of a fading politician. Once the bright young star of Pennsylvania GOP poli- tics, be had lost much of his luster following defeats for mayor of Philadelphia in 1967 and for re-election as the city's district attorney in 1973. When he failed in two more statewide primary campaigns, in 1976 and 1978, it ap- peared that his triumphs were behind him. But he decided to make one more try when Republican Richard S. Schweiker announced he would leave the Senate in 1981. Although Specter's past campaigns had given him greater statewide exposure than any other GOP candidate, it seemed at first that he carried too much baggage even to win the nomination over Bud Haabestad, the state GOP chairman. Haabestad had the backing of Schweiker, Republican Gov. Richard L. Thorn- burgh sand Sen. John Heinz, who all appeared in television ads touting his candidacy. But Haabestad, Thornburgh's hand- picked state chairman, was disliked by orga- nization Republicans. Thornburgh had abol- ished much of the traditional GOP patronage system in Pennsylvania, and Haabestad had home the had tidings to Republican workers throughout the state. This issue allowed Spec- ter to win the primary by a 60,000-vote margin. In the general election, Specter had the Aron Spector, R-Po.., 16. good fortune of running against a Democrat,. who was also a two-time statewide loser ;;. former Pittsburgh Mayor Pete Flaherty. lm. mensely popular in the western part of the state, Flaherty had suffered in the past from"a tendency to run his statewide campaigns on his own, disdaining modern campaign organization !.; and financing. In 1980, determined not to make the same mistake, be put more effort into building a statewide network. It was not enough. Thornburgh and Heinz`- agreed to support Specter after the Primary-4 and with their help, he was able to make some inroads on Flaherty's territory in western Pennsylvania. At the same time, Flaherty was unable to overcome the longstanding suspicion of him in the Philadelphia area. Specter carried Philadelphia by 14,000 votes and won immense:; margins in the more Republican Philadelphia h' suburbs, enough to offset Flaherty's showing at the western end of the state. Specter's roots in Philadelphia politics reach back to the early 1960s. when he was an assistant district attorney making a name for himself among Democrats as a hard-working young reformer. After a stint with the Warren Commission, where he was the chief author of the theory that a single bullet had. hit both Kennedy and Texas Gov. John Connally, he returned to conduct an investigation of Phila='p delphia's judicial system for the state attorney general. Specter released his report, in which he called the system a "cesspool" of corruption, early in 1965, the same year he challenged his former boss, James Crumlish, for district attor- ney. When Crumlish was renominated by the, Democrats, Specter decided to run as-a Repub-i lican. Running on the slogan, "A Return to Re- form," Specter - or "Benedict Arlen,". as Crumlish called him - campaigned almost as much against Democratic Mayor James Tate' as he did against Crumlish. He defeated the i n,- cumbent by 36,000 votes, becoming the first;',! Republican elected to citywide office in over{ a; decade. Two years later Specter was ready to take on Tate directly. The Democratic party had been split by feuds between machine regulars, and reformers, and the mayor seemed in no shape to fight off a concerted GOP challenge. Specter and his "clean government" campaign were expected to romp through the electron: It did not work out that way- Tate, rejected by the organization, nonetheless won`': the Dem ocratic nomination easily. Then, as riots werey,' breaking out in other cities, Tate and his newly appointed police chief, Frank Rizzo, clamped .a" 1279 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Arlen Specter, 1-Po. "limited emergency" on the city to prevent disturbances. Specter charged that the action would have been unnecessary if Tate had ad- dressed the root causes of urban unrest - poverty and unemployment - but he could not prevent Tate from riding voters' gratitude to the narrowest victory in a mayoral election in 32 years. By 1973. as he completed his second term in the district attorney's office, Specter was considered the favorite candidate in state GOP circles for the party's attempt to wrest the statehouse from Democrats the following year. But the speculation ended abruptly when he lost his campaign for a third term as district attorney that fall. Specter announced he was going into pri- vate law practice, and for the first time in over a decade, his name left the front pages. It did not take long to resurface. In 1976 he entered the GOP primary to replace retiring Sen. Hugh Scott. The frontrunner in the contest was then Rep. Heinz, whose tremendous financial re- sources gave him a clear edge. But Heinz had been hurt by disclosures that he had received illegal contributions from the Gulf Oil Com- Committees District (chairm k Agriculture. Rural Development and Related Agencies; Commerce. Justice. State and Judiciary and Related Agencies; Foreign Operations; Labor. Health and Human Services. Education and Related Agencies. ~udicisry (10th of 10 Republicans) .kruenile Justice (chairman); Administrative Practice and Proce- dure; Criminal Law. Yaterais' Affairs (5th of 7 Republicans) pony. an issue Specter kept alive throughout the campaign. At the end of a bitter contest that kept relations between the two delicate for years, Heinz scraped past Specter by 28.000 votes out of almost I million cast. In 1978, with Democrat Milton Shapp re. tiring as governor, Specter tried for that office. His chief rivals for the Republican nomination were former U.S. Attorney David Marston, who had been fired by the Carter administration earlier in the year, and Thornburgh, a former assistant attorney general in the Ford adminis. tration. Although Marston was.the best known of the three, he had no organization or funding; by contrast, Specter was able to round up strong financial and organizational backing from the Republican Party in the Philadelphia area. But Thornburgh, with equally strong support in the west, had that part of the state to himself, while Marston and Specter vied for votes in the east. Marston and a fourth candidate took enough votes from Specter in Philadelphia's suburban counties to help Thornburgh over the top, forcing Specter to wait two more years to realize his statewide ambitions. Voting Studies Support Unity Co Year $ O 8 01 $ 0 1982 55 44 50 49 40 59 W1 77 22 64 34 51 47 S - Support 0 - Opposition 1998 Genital Arlen Specter (R) 2230.104 (51%) Key Votes Allow vote on anti-busing belt (1981) N Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y Peter Ftatnerty (D) 2.122.391 (18%) Index income taxes (1981) Y 1990 Primary Cut off B-1 bomber funds (1981) N i Arlen Specter (R) H B 419.372 06%) Subsid ze home mortgage rates (1982) Y Retain tobacco price supports (1982) N ud aabestad (R) Ed H 382281 (33%) Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y ward oward (R) R 118.200 (13%) Delete $12 billion for public works jobs (1982) N Ottlers (R) ( ) 52,408 119.798 15%) (13%) Increase gas tax by 5 cants per gallon (1982) Y ? Campaign Finance Inim PAC* &M Recaipa Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS Specter(R) $1,199.384 $305.126 (20%) $1.177,991 1982 70 40 56 35 y(D) $635,062 $117,197 (18%) $633,961 1991 50 38 58 72 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Chic Hecht (R) Of Las Vegas - Fdected 1982 Born: Nov. 30, 1928, Cape Girardeau, Mo. Education: Washington U. (St. Louis), B.S. 1949. Military Career. Army, 1951-53. Occupation: Clothing store owner. Family: Wife, Gail Kahn; two children. Religion: Jewish. Political Career. Nev. Senate, 1967-75; defeated for re- election to Nev. Senate, 1974. Capitol Office: 297 Russell Bldg. 20510; 224-6244. The Path to Washington: Consistently underestimated by his opponents and by the media, Hecht won his Senate seat without ever having to elaborate on his one-note campaign score, which pledged strong support for Presi- dent Ronald Reagan but took almost no sub- stantive stands on issues. Hecht's uncomplicated "stay the course" strategy proved well suited to Nevada, where Reagan won 63 percent of the vote in 1980 and was still very popular in the fall of 1982. Hecht defeated 24-year Senate veteran Howard W. Cannon, who lapsed into overconfidence after he turned back a vigorous Democratic primary challenge from Rep. James D. Santini. Hecht is a "true believer" Republican who can boast he has been with Reagan since the president's early days as a national figure. At the 1968 GOP convention, Hecht preferred Reagan to Richard M. Nixon and Nelson A. Rockefeller. He was southern Nevada chairman for the 1976 Reagan campaign and Nevada deputy director in 1980. Reagan rewarded Hecht for his loyalty by campaigning twice in Nevada in 1982, first in early October and again five days before the election. Even more instrumental to Hecht's success was the assistance he received from Nevada's senior senator, Republican Paul Laxalt. The Hecht-Laxalt connection dates to the late 1960s: Hecht served as minority leader in the state Senate in 1969 and 1970, Laxalt's last two years as Nevada governor. Hecht's election was part of a banner year for the Laxalt organiza- tion, which also sponsored the successful U.S. House candidacy of Laxalt aide Barbara Vucanovich in the newly created 2nd District. Born Mayer Jacov Hecht, Hecht has been known since childhood as Chic, a nickname given him by an uncle. Following graduation from college in 1949, Hecht served in Europe as an Army counterintelligence agent. He wanted to be on the Intelligence Committee as a sena- tor, but landed on Banking and Energy instead. During nearly three decades in Nevada, Hecht became a wealthy and prominent busi- nessman with holdings that center on two Las Vegas ladies' apparel stores. Hecht has served as president of the Retail Merchants of Las Vegas and as director of the city's Chamber of Commerce. Hecht entered politics in 1966, winning election to the state Senate. His victory marked the first time in more than 25 years that a Republican had won a state Senate seat in predominantly Democratic Clark County (Las Vegas). In the Legislature, Hecht worked with con- servative rural Democrats from Nevada's "Cow Counties" to push some of Gov. Laxalt's pro- grams through the Democratic-majority Sen- ate. But he was not an initiator - he intro. duced fewer than 20 bills during his legislative career. Hecht won a second term in 1970 but was defeated for re-election in 1974. Although Hecht began considering a bid for Cannon's U.S. Senate seat in 1981, he did not formally enter the Republican primary until late July, just before the filing deadline. By that time two other candidates had been campaigning for the GOP nomination for months, and it was thought that Hecht would have trouble overcoming his rivals' head start in organizing and fund raising. But Hecht insisted that Nevadans were not enamored of long-running campaigns, and he put his effort on a firm financial footing by drawing on his personal resources. He spent some $300,000 of his own money during the course of a campaign that cost more than $900,000. Hecht expanded on his Clark County sup- port base by obtaining commitments from in- fluential party activists and office-holders Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 across the state whom he had befriended as a legislator and as an official in Reagan's cam- paigns. Calling attention to the fact that none of his Republican rivals had ever won elective office, Hecht took the nomination with nearly 40 percent of the vote. Hecht's fast-closing nomination bid gave him important momentum for the November campaign. He also benefited from several fac- tors that weakened Cannon. First, in the after- math of the bitter Santini-Cannon nomination struggle, many Santini supporters, especially conservative Democrats, held a grudge against the senator. Second, Cannon was dogged throughout the year by the National Conserva- tive Political Action Committee (NCPAC). In the general election, NCPAC's television com- mercials meshed well with Hecht's themes that Cannon's voting record had been too liberal for Nevada. Even more important, Cannon was tainted by the bribery trial of several Teamsters offi- cials charged with conspiring to offer him a good price on union-controlled land in Las Vegas if he would block a trucking deregulation bill. Cannon did not take any bribe and was charged with no crime, but in the days before the election there was extensive media coverage of the trial, and some voters faulted Cannon for associating with unsavory characters. Even worse for Cannon, he took a noncha- lant attitude toward Hecht. The senator dis- missed Hecht as an "invisible man" because of Committees Ranking, Housing and Urban AMalrs (9th of 10 Republicans) bnsurance ( mot Economic Policy; Federal Credit Pro- grams; Financial Institutions. Energy and Natural Resources (9th of 11 Republicans) Energy and Mineral.Resouroes; Public Lands and Reserved Wa- ter; Water and Power. Chic H.chr, R-Nov. the challenger's emphasis on pre-packaged me- dia advertising, and he did not try to debate Hecht. Favored incumbents normally do not de- bate their challengers, but Cannon should have done so. The senator performed well in debates with Santini, an articulate and experienced challenger, and would almost certainly have triumphed against Hecht, who has a halting style and a minor speech impediment. But he chose to leave Hecht's media ads all but unan- swered during the crucial month of October. Meanwhile, Hecht filled the airwaves with spots that included endorsements from Reagan and Laazalt as well as man-on-the-street inter- views with Santini backers planning to switch to the GOP. As Election Day approached, Cannon sensed peril, but by then it was too late for him to shift the campaign dialogue; voters were thinking more about Cannon's voting record and ethics than about Hecht's personal quali- fications to serve in the Senate. Hecht sealed his victory in Cannon's home base of Clark County, where the incumbent needed a decisive margin to offset losses in Washoe County (Reno) and in the Cow Coun- ties. Hecht's Las Vegas ties helped him poll a respectable 44 percent in Clark County, and the Republican took a 5,657-vote overall vic- tory by winning comfortable margins in Washoe and in 14 of the state's other 15 counties. 1112 Prbeary Chic Hecht (R) 26.940 (39%) .Rick Fore (R) 17.065 (25%) Jack Kennedy (R) 12,191 (18%) Sam Cavnar (R) 6,327 (9%) Campaign Finance Receipts a c ip- Mom PACs Expand- Mum = General 11182 Chic Hecht (R) 120,377 (50%) Hecht (R) $1,022,870 $235,602 (23%) $975,349 Howard W. Cannon (D) 114,720 (48%) Cannon (D) $1,622,415 $599,115 (37%) $1,547,402 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 ~... Likely to Take Active Role in Senate Budget panel from 1977-82. As chairman of the House Education and Labor Subcommit- tee on Postsecondary Education since 1981, Simon has been a determined fighter against Reagan-era retrenchment in college student assistance. He is generally a reliable backer of organized labor, but has broken ranks by endorsing a concept that is anathema to unions - lowering the minimum wage for teenagers. Simon plans to seek an assignment on the Senate Labor and Human Resources Committee in the 99th Congress, so he can remain influential on the education and employment issues that have been his top legislative priorities since his first election to the House. But Simon also will have a chance to broaden his horizons in the Senate, now that he has won the seat held by Sen. Charles H. Percy, R-Ill. "The Senate is more suited to his temperament and style as a legislator," said a Simon aide. "He is a generalist par excellence." Simon, a former journalist, served in the Illinois state Legis- lature for 14 years and was lieutenant governor of the state from 1969-73. His rise to the top of Illinois politics was stopped short, however, when he lost a bid for the governorship in the Demo- cratic primary in 1972. JOHN F. KERRY, D-MASS., 40, a first-term lieutenant governor who first came to public attention as head of Vietnam Veterans Against the War, brings to the seat of retiring Demo- cratic Sen. Paul E. Tsongas a strong interest in war and peace issues and the sort of Irish good looks and crowd appeal often likened to the Kennedys'. The decorated veteran, who places top priority on issues uch as the nuclear freeze and arms control, campaigned with the slogan, "Once you've seen war, you never stop fighting for peace." During his campaign for the Senate, Kerry criticized President Reagan's arms buildup, including the B-1 bomber and MX missile. He opposes covert aid to Central America and favors tying foreign aid to progress in human rights. Observers speculate that Kerry may bid for Tsongas' seat on the Foreign Relations Committee. Kerry, who prefers to be called an independent rather than liberal, backs the Equal Rights Amendment and criticized Rea- gan for the budget deficit and for his cuts in certain social programs. He is likely to carefully blend his emphasis on peace and social issues with an appeal to sound and fair economic policies, a mix that won him about 80 percent of the Democratic vote and half the independents'. Kerry, of Boston, rose through Massachusetts politics as county prosecutor, candidate for the House in 1972, and lieuten- ant governor since 1983. Jay Rockefeller MITCH McCONNELL JR., R-KY., 42, scored the major upset of the Senate elections by defeating Democratic incumbent Walter D. Huddleston. During the campaign, he tied himself closely to Reagan, and he benefited from the president's big margin in Kentucky. Since 1977, McConnell has served as county judge, or chief executive, of Jefferson County (Louisville), the most populous jurisdiction in Ken- tucky. McConnell is the founder and chairman of the Ken- tucky Task Force on Ex- ploited and Missing Children, and co-chairman of the Na- tional Child Tragedies Coali- tion. He made child abuse a major issue during his tenure as Jefferson County judge, and won statewide and na- tional attention for spear- heading an effort to stop child molestation and kidnapping. Kentucky's recently passed child abuse laws are among the toughest in the country. McConnell was born in Sheffield, Ala., but attended high school in Louisville. He earned his B.A. from the University of Louisville, majoring in political science and graduating with hon- ors in 1964. He received his law degree from the University of Kentucky in 1967. He is a Reagan appointee to the advisory board of the National Institute of Justice. He served as an aide to Sen. Marlow Cook, R-Ky. (1968-74), and was a deputy assistant attor- ney general in the Ford administration before beginning his own political career: JOHN D. "JAY" ROCKEFELLER IV, D-W.VA., 47, after two terms as governor assumes the Senate seat held by retiring Democrat Jennings Randoph. Rockefeller won despite West Virginia's severe economic problems that give it the highest unemployment rate in the nation. During the campaign, he blamed those woes on external forces that have hurt the state's coal, steel and glass industries, and on Reagan's economic policies. He deflected criticism of his unpopular belt-tightening measures over the past four years with the campaign slogan: "Tough leadership for tough times." In the Senate, Rockefeller is expected to concentrate at least initially on issues of concern to his West Virginia constituents - and especially on the development of a national energy policy based on coal. Rockefeller's Senate campaign may wind up as expensive as his $12 million gubernatorial bid in 1980. In both elections, his campaign bombarded households with direct-mail appeals and television commercials. To reach West Virginia viewers, Rocke- feller had to buy TV time in the Pennsylvania and Maryland markets, which gave him more exposure in those states than most of their local politicians managed to achieve. Rockefeller moved to West Virginia 20 years ago as a VISTA volunteer in the Action for Appalachia Youth program. In 1966 he was elected to the state Legislature, and in 1968 was elected secretary of state. He ran and lost for governor in 1972, but ran again and won in 1976. He was re-elected in 1980. He is married to Sharon Percy Rockefeller, daughter of defeated Sen. Charles H. Percy, R-I11., and has four children. He attended the International Christian University in Tokyo, Japan, from 1957-1960, and received his A.B. degree from Harvard University in 1961. CO-re1GH1 196A CO"GetS510"Al OUAe1t tY eK e.o..&- P,.fib-d :Ask .... p ..,.p/ by d.n.d d.. Nov. 10, 1984-PAGE 2903 _ Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 1 House 1 Lindsay Thomas (D)' Erie Lee Downing (R) 2 Charles Hatcher (D)' 3 Richard Ray (D)* Mitchell Cantu (R) 4 Elliott H. Levitos (D)* Patrick L. Swindall (R) 5 Wyche Fowler Jr. (D)' 6 Gerald Johnson (D) Newt Gingrich (R)* 7 George "Buddy" Darden (D)' William E. Bronson (R) 8 J. Roy Rowland (D)' 9 Ed Jenkins (D)' Frank H. Cofer Jr. (R) 10 Doug Barnard Jr. (D)' House 1 Cecil Heftel (D)' Willard F. Beard (R) Christopher Winter (LIBERT) 2 Daniel K. Akaka (D)' A. D. Shipley (R) Amelia Fritts (IIBERT) Senate Peter M. Busch (D) James A. McClure (R)* Donald B. Billings (LIBERT) House 1 Bill Hellar (D) Larry E. Craig (R)' 2 Richard Stallings (D) o George Hansen (R)' Senate Paul Simon (D) Charles H. Percy (R)* Marjorie H. Pries (CIT) Ishmael Flory (COM) Steven I. Givot (LIBERT) Nelson Gonzalez (SOC WORK) House 1 Charles A. Hayes (D)' Eddie L. Warren (SOC WORK) 2 Gus Savage (D)' Dale F. Harman (R) 3 Marty Russo (D)' Richard D. Murphy (R) 4 Dennis E. Marlow (D) George M. O'Brien (R)' 5 William O. Lipinski (D)' John M. Paczkowski (R) 6 Robert H. Renshaw (D) Henry J. Hyde (R)* 7 Cardiss Collins (D)' James L. Bevel (R) 8 Don Rostenkowski (D)* Spiro F. Georgeson (R) 9 Sidney R. Yates (D)* Herbert Sohn (R) 10 Ruth C. Brower (D) John Edward Porter (R)' 11 Frank Annunzio (D)* Vote Total Per- cent Vote Total Per- cent Vote Total Per- cent Charles J. Theusch (R) 80,820 37 House 120,505 82 12 Edward J. LaFlamme (D) 45,285 22 1 Kevin Ready (D) 64,224 33 27,018 18 Philip M. Crane (R)* 158,853 78 Jim Leach (R)* 131,101 67 X X 13 Michael J. Donohue (D) 76,951 33 2 Joe Welsh (D) 76,930 36 106,422 81 Harris W. Fawell (R) 156,639 67 Tom Tovke (R)' 136,364 64 24,321 19 14 Dan McGrath (D) 81,768 38 3 Joe Johnston (D) 84,950 40 106,336 47 John E. Grotberg (R) 133,584 62 Cooper Evans (R)' 130,081 60 120,441 53 15 John M. Hoffman (D) 50,459 27 4 Neal Smith (D)' 136,500 61 X X Edward R. Madigan (R)* 135,780 73 Robert R. Lockard (R) 87,985 39 52,046 31 16 Carl R. Schwerdtfeger (D) 90,673 42 5 Jerome D. Fitzgerald (D) 101,087 49 116,592 69 Lynn Martin (R)' 127,239 58 Jim Ross Lightfoot (R) 104,247 51 101,814 55 17 Lane Evans (D)* 128,266 57 6 Berkley Bedell (D)' 128,689 62 83,851 45 Kenneth G. McMillan (R) 98,065 43 Darrel Rensink (R) 77,839 38 X X 18 Gerald A. Bradley (D) 86,839 39 102,777 67 Robert H. Michel (R)* 135,938 61 50,096 33 19 Terry L. Bruce (D) 118,185 52 X X Daniel B. Crane (R)* 108,304 48 Senate 20. Dick Durbin (D)* 145,088 61 James R. Maher (D) 206,187 Richard G. Austin (R) 91,820 39 Nancy London Kassebaum (R)* 735,080 21 Melvin Price (D)' 123,584 69 Marion Ruck Jackson (AM) Robert H. Gaffner (R) 54,773 31 Lucille Bieder (C) 113,978 83 22 Kenneth J. Gray (D) ? 116,948 50 Douglas N. Merritt (LIBERT) 6,815 1 20,376 15 Randy Patchett (R) 115,710 50 Freda H. Steele (P) 3,349 2 House 112,086 82 1 Darrell Ringer (D) 47,689 24 19,908 15 Pat Roberts (R)' 154,567 76 4,354 3 Governor Clement N. Scoggin (P) W. Wayne Townsend (D) 994,966 48 2 Ian Slattery (D)' 107,903 61 Robert D. Orr (R)' 1,097,879 52 Jim Van Slyke (R) 68,440 39 Rockland Snyder (AM) - - Kenneth C. Peterson Sr. (P) 105,487 26 James A. Ridenour (LIBERT) 6,745 0 3 John E. Reardon (D) 84,838 42 293,416 72 House Jan Meyers (R) 116,060 58 7,366 2 1 Peter J Visclosky (D) 147 035 71 John S. Ralph Jr. (I) . , 4 Don Glickman (D)* 138,619 75 Grenchik (R) Joseph B 59 986 29 . , William V. Krouse (R) 47,355 25 567 63 31 James E. Willis (IIBERT) 943 0 , 5 John A. Barnes (D) 46,229 26 139,021 69 2 Philip R. Sharp (D)' 118,426 54 Bob Whittaker (R)' 133,728 74 101,099 50 Ken MacKenzie (R) 102,236 46 Vearl A. Bacon (P) 101,032 50 Cecil Bohanon (IIBERT) 625 0 3 Michael P. Barnes (D) 102,312 47 John Hiler (R)* 113,898 53 Robert A. Lutton (LIBERT) 645 0 Senate 4 Michael H. Barnard (D) 79,660 39 Walter D. Huddleston (D)' 635,441 50 2,334,580 50 Dan Coats (R)* 124,692 61 Mitch McConnell (R) 638,816 50 2,273,043 49 John B. Cameron Jr. (AM) - - Dave Welters (SOC WORK) 7,427 0 - - Joseph F. Laiacona (LIBERT) 467 0 - - 5 Allen B. Maxwell (D) 66,486 32 House 58,120 1 Elwood Hillis (R)* 142,878 68 1 Carroll Hubbard Jr. (D)' X X - - Davl E. Osterfeld (LIBERT) 1,151 0 2 William H. Natcher (D)* 91,500 62 6 Howard O. Campbell (D) 64,806 28 Timothy A. Morrison (R) 56,056 38 X X Don L. Burton (R)' 165,026 71 3 Romano L. Mazzoli (D)' 143,931 68 - - Linda Dilk (LIBERT) 1,255 1 Suzanne M. Warner (R) 67,409 32 140 307 82 7 Arthur E. Smith (D) 52,555 30 Peggy Kreiner (SOC WORK) 1,260 0 , 870 30 18 John T. Myers (R)' 117,899 68 4 William P. Mulloy 11 (D) 92,043 47 , 140 046 64 Barbara L. J. Bourland (UBERT) 2,441 2 Gene Snyder (R)' 102,608 53 , 78 060 36 8 Frank McCloskey (D)' ? 116,843 50 5 Sherman W. McIntosh (D) 40,015 24 , 68 435 36 Richard D. McIntyre (R) 116,770 50 Harold Rogers (R)* 124,478 76 , 121 325 64 Michael J. Fallahay (IIBERT) 759 0 6 Jerry Hammond (D) 47,339 27 , 104 373 63 9 Lee H. Hamilton (D)' 139,216 65 Larry J. Hopkins (R)* 125,972 72 , 60 588 37 Floyd E. Coates (R) 74,261 35 Tony Suruda (LIBERT) 953 1 , 51 922 25 Douglas S. Boggs (LIBERT) 673 0 7 Carl C. Perkins (D) 122,072 74 , 156,523 75 10 Andrew Jacobs Jr. (D)' 110,836 59 Aubrey Russell (R) 43,612 26 130,177 78 Joseph P. Watkins (R) 75,780 41 36,699 22 Bradford L. Warren (LIBERT) 889 0 110,945 71 Senate 44,895 29 J. Bennett Johnston (D)* X X 138,013 67 66,812 33 Senate House 56,908 28 Tom Harkin (D) 713,286 56 1 Bob Livingston (R)' X X 149,997 72 Roger W. Jepsen (R)' 559,176 44 2 Lindy (Mrs. Hole) Boggs (D)* X X 135,015 63 Garry DeYoung (1) - - 3 W. J. "Billy" Touzin (D)' X X COPYRIGHT 1994 CONGRESSIONAL OUARTERLY INC. R.p,odum p,oiLihd in d,W. a. a pw wa by .dOO,id dwe,. Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001- Patrick J. Leahy (D) Of Burlington - Elected 1974 Born: March 31, 1940, Montpelier, Vt. Education: St. Michael's College, B.A. 1961; George- town U., J.D. 1964. Occupation: Lawyer. Family: Wife, Marcelle Pomerleau; three children. Religion: Roman Catholic. Political Career. Chittenden County state's attorney, 1967-75. Capitol Office: 433A Russell Bldg. 20510; 224-4242. In Washington: Smart, affable and un- pretentious, Leahy has not only the affection of Senate colleagues but their respect as well. An Irish Catholic with some of the plain-spoken qualities of a Vermont Yankee, he has survived nearly a decade of Senate life without picking up a trace of the self-importance that is the chamber's occupational disease. The homespun quality that helps Leahy politically in Vermont also is helpful on the Senate floor. During one debate on an appro- priation for home heating aid for the North- east, Leahy was able to speak from experience: He had been home that weekend putting the storm windows on his house. But Leahy is no hick. While he works hard to defend Vermont's dairy farmers, his inter- ests are global - he spent much of the 97th Congress resisting President Reagan's policies on issues from arms control and foreign mili- tary aid to government secrecy and nutrition. Leahy started fighting with the adminis- tration over agricultural issues almost as soon as Reagan was inaugurated. He strongly op- posed the new administration's request for a cancellation in the scheduled increase in dairy prices, and led the fight against confirmation of John B. Crowell Jr. to be assistant secretary of agriculture' He complained about Crowell's in- volvement with a timber company whose sub- sidiary had been held liable for price fixing. Crowell was confirmed overwhelmingly, but Leahy did have some success on the Agri- culture Committee holding off efforts to make severe cuts in the food stamp program. Work- ing closely with, Nutrition Subcommittee Chairman Bob Dole of Kansas, he came up with a series of moderate reductions in food stamp spending that headed off a more draco- nian package of cuts sponsored by full commit- tee Chairman Jesse Helms of North Carolina. Leahy followed a similar bipartisan ap- proach on the Judiciary Committee, joining with Republican Paul Laxalt of Nevada in pushing a bill to reform the federal govern. ment's regulatory process. After lengthy negoti. ations, the two Judiciary Committee members came up with a compromise bill that passed the Senate unanimously. It would have imposed cost-benefit analysis on new federal rules and given Congress more say in their approval. "After all the years of people talking about making government work better, we've actually sat down and done something that will," Leahy said. But the bill never passed the House. Leahy agreed to another Judiciary Com- mittee compromise, this time with Republican Orrin G. Hatch of Utah. on the Freedom of Information Act. Although the landmark anti- secrecy law is a subject close to Leahy's heart - "it is sometimes difficult for me to remem- ber that it is only a statute and not a part of the Constitution," he says - he helped work out a proposal to provide new protections against release of data relating to criminal investiga- tions. But Leahy swore he would filibuster the bill if any further weakening of the law was approved on the Senate floor. As it turned out, the measure never reached the floor. And in a departure from the usual rules of senatorial courtesy, Leahy joined with Hatch in persuading the Judiciary Committee that ethi- cal indiscretions and a lack of experience dis- qualified a Democratic colleague's former cam- paign manager from serving as a federal judge. It was the first time in 42 years that the committee had rejected a judicial nominee. Leahy refused to go along with Hatch and other Republicans on a constitutional amend- ment to balance the federal budget. An outspo- ken opponent of the idea, Leahy offered four unsuccessful floor amendments that would have suspended the balanced budget require- ment in times of high unemployment. Noting Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400510001-6 that the proposal allowed a budget waiver in times of war, Leahy said the Senate votes meant it was easier to send Americans to war than to work. The constitutional change passed the Senate but died in the House. Leahy's seat on the Select Intelligence Committee brought further occasions for con- flict with the Reagan administration. A long- time opponent of the administration's policy in El Salvador, Leahy went to Central America early in 1983. Without saying so directly, he implied that the trip had convinced him that the administration was violating the law by providing aid to anti-Sandinista rebels in Nica- ragua. Leahy also has been one of the strongest proponents in the Senate of a nuclear weapons freeze. After a two-year stint on Armed Services at the beginning of his Senate career, Leahy went to Appropriations, where he has served since 1977. That move proved to be a mixed blessing; as the most junior member eligible to chair a subcommittee, he had to spend four years heading the panel responsible for the District of Columbia's budget - a job with virtually no political benefit. Despite his distaste for the job and his underlying belief in home rule for the District of Columbia on budget matters, Leahy was far from reticent about scrutinizing District spend- ing requests and fighting those he considered unjustified. He called the city's proposed new conven- tion center a "taxpayer rip-off," infuriating D.C. Mayor Marion Barry, who called Leahy "that rinky-dink senator from the state no- body's ever heard of." Leahy had jerseys printed up for his softball team that read "Rinky Dink Senator from Vermont." Although he eventually approved the con- vention center project, Leahy remained skepti- cal of its backers' plans even after he gave up the District subcommittee chair. He offered an amendment in 1982 to bar the center from sponsoring sporting events or concerts for profit, but it was defeated 40-54. The' Appropriations Committee also pro- vides Leahy with a vantage point from which to attack enforcement of anti-pollution laws by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). A member of the subcommittee that has juris- diction over the EPA budget, Leahy has been one of the most outspoken critics of the agency under Reagan, saying it has been unwilling or Patrick J. Leahy, D-Vt. unable to carry out the environmental laws passed by Congress. At Home: Leahy has survived in Vermont by emphasizing his roots in the state rather than his roots in the Democratic Party. Cam- paigning for a second term in 1980 against the national Republican tide, he fought off a New York-born GOP challenger with a carefully designed slogan: "Pat Leahy: Of Vermont, For Vermont." It took that slogan and all the other inge- nuity Leahy could summon to overcome the challenge from Stewart Ledbetter, former state banking and insurance commissioner. When the centrist Ledbetter won a primary victory over a more strident Republican, Leahy was placed in instant jeopardy. With financial help from national Republican groups, Ledbetter sought to convince voters that the incumbent was "out of touch with the thinking people of our state." Ledbetter said Leahy was a free-spender and weak on defense. Leahy responded by explaining in detail why he opposed the B-1 bomber and citing cases in which he had sup- ported the Pentagon. It was well after midnight before the result became clear, but the last trickle of ballots gave Leahy re-election by less than 3,000 votes, preserving his record of uninterrupted success as a Democrat in a Republican state. Leahy started that record in Burlington, the state's one major Democratic stronghold, by winning election as Chittenden County state's attorney at age 26. He revamped the office and headed a national task force of district attorneys probing the 1973-74 energy crisis. So when he decided in 1974 to run for the Senate seat being vacated by Republican George D. Aiken, he had a solid base in Chittenden County to build on. At 34, Leahy was still a little young to replace an 82-year-old institution in a tradition-minded state, but he was already balding and graying, and looked older than he was. Leahy was an underdog in 1974 against U.S. Rep. Richard W. Mallary, who was widely viewed as heir-apparent and promised to vote in the Aiken tradition. But Mallary turned out to be a rather awkward campaigner, and Wa- tergate had made Vermont more receptive to the heresy of voting Democratic than it had been in modern times. Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Patrick # Leahy, D- Vt. 1 Committees Voting Studies Agriculture, Nutrition and Forestry (2nd of 8 Democrats) Presidential Party Conearrative Agricultural Production, Marketing and Stabilization of Prices Support Unity Coalition (ranking); Nutrition; Rural Development, Oversight and Investi- gations. Year 8 0 8 0 8 0 Appropriations (11th of 14 Democrats) 1982 37 82 91 9 12 Be District of Columbia (ranking); Foreign Operations; HUD - Inde- 1981 34 60 76 8 4 84 pendent Agencies; Interior and Related Agencies. 1980 64 22 72 16 13 75 Judiciary (6th of 8 Democrats) 1979 76 18 80 15 16 77 Security and Terrorism (ranking); Constitution; Patents. Copy- 1978 87 10 90 7 13 84 rights and Trademarks. 1977 77 18 74 15 18 75 1976 36 51 91 5 7 89 Select Intelligence (6th of 7 Democrats) 1975 43 52 91 2 3 87 Legislation and the Rights of Americans (vice chairman); Bud- S = Support 0- Opposition 1990 General Patrick Leahy (D) 104,176 (50%) Stewart Ledbetter (R) 101,421 (49%) Key Votes Allow vote on anti-busing bill (1981) Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Index income taxes (1981) Cut off B-1 bomber funds (1981) Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Retain tobacco price supports (1982) Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Delete $1.2 billion for public works jobs (1982) Increase gas tax by 5 cents per gallon (1982) Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS Campaign Finance 1982 90 19 92 45 1981 95 5 89 6 Receipts Expend- 1980 83 16 83 43 Receipts from PACs itures 1979 89 19 79 9 1990 1978 65 21 79 24 1977 80 15 80 17 Leahy(D) $525,547 $213,760 (41%) $434,644 1976 85 8 85 0 Ledbetter (R) $535,064 $132,040 (25%) $532,904 1975 72 19 90 25 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Lloyd Bentsen (D) Of Houston - Elected 1970 Born: Feb. 11, 1921, Mission, Texas. Education: U. of Texas, LL.B. 1942. Military Career. Army Air Corps, 1942-45. Occupation: Lawyer; financial executive. Family: Wife, Beryl Ann "B. A." Longino; three chil- dren. Religion: Presbyterian. Political Career. Hidalgo County Judge, 1946-48; U.S. House, 1948-55. Capitol Office: 703 Hart Bldg. 20510; 224-5922. In Washington: There is a gray quality about Bentsen, and it comes not only from the elegant suits he wears and the silver in his hair, but from his record - midway between the poles on nearly any important issue - and his temperament. He is not a dour or cheerless man, but he strikes people as aloof and rather formal. Bentsen is not the kind of senator seen naturally slapping another on the back or trad- ing funny stories. One would not pick him out of a crowd as a Texan. Bentsen is all business. And he has de- voted much of his career in the Senate to promoting American business and trying to bring it back from the doldrums. When he ran for president in 1976, campaigning smoothly but not very successfully, it was on a platform of economic revival through personal tax cuts and reductions in the tax on capital gains. Within five years, the basics of his proposals had become law. It took a Republican president to do it, but Bentsen had helped pave the way. In the 96th Congress, as chairman of the Joint Economic Committee (JEC), Bentsen was a tireless spokesman for his view that the answers to inflation are private investment and economic growth, and that these can come through tax cuts. Both in 1979 and 1980 Bent- sen was able to forge a consensus on the JEC in support of his "economics of hope" - a con- sensus that encompassed such divergent politi- cal views as whose of Sens. Edward M. Kennedy and George McGovern on the left and those of Sen. James A. McClure of Idaho and Rep. John H. Rousselot of California on the right. Even before President Reagan took over, Bentsen was able to sell some of his supply-side ideas to the tax-writing Finance Committee. In the summer of 1980 Bentsen was instrumental in formulating a $39-billion tax cut package that the committee approved, but the Demo- cratic leadership refused to bring to the floor. A Bentsen's biggest contribution to that bill was language providing for accelerated depreci- ation, which would allow businesses to write off the cost of purchasing new factories, machinery and equipment more quickly than under then- existing law. Many of those ideas were incorpo- rated by the Reagan administration in the 1981 tax bill, although some were repealed a year later. While Bentsen has concentrated on the "big picture" economic issues, he has continued to fight on the Finance Committee for the Texas oil industry and, in particular, for the independent producers. During the debate in 1979 and 1980 over a windfall profits tax on the oil industry, Bent- sen's first priority was a full exemption for the smaller independent producers. That passed the Senate, but did not end up in the final law. Still, Bentsen and his allies did manage to keep the tax on smaller producers lower than the basic rate, and later in 1980 they pushed through a partial refund on the tax for royalty holders - individuals who own land on which oil wells are located and who receive some of the profit from the wells. Further relief came in the 1981 tax bill. Earlier in his Senate career, Bentsen made repeated efforts to deregulate the price of natu- ral gas. He managed to get a deregulation amendment through the Senate in 1975, on a 50-41 vote, but that language never passed the House. In 1977 he persuaded the Senate to add gas deregulation to President Carter's energy package, but the House did not include it, and when a conference committee compromised on gradual deregulation over seven years, Bentsen voted against the conference report. Bentsen is also deeply involved in trade issues, many of which come under the purview of the Finance Committee. Soon after Congress convened in 1981, he introduced legislation Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 with Missouri Republican John C. Danforth to limit the number of Japanese cars allowed to enter the United States. Bentsen and Danforth later dropped their bill after the Japanese agreed to voluntary restraints. But trade continues to preoccupy Bentsen; he has said it "is going to be the most important issue we face." As ranking Democrat on the International, Trade Subcommittee at Finance and co-chairman of the Senate Export Caucus, Bentsen thinks that U.S. exporters, particularly farmers, are victimized by unfair trading practices of other countries. He has backed Danforth's "reciprocity" bill expanding the president's authority to retaliate against such practices. Pointing to the predicted future shortage of skilled workers, Bentsen also has pushed for new federal policies to stimulate training and retraining of workers for high-technology jobs in computers, robotics and similar fields. With- out a renewed commitment to skill training, he warns, the United States will be forced to leave to other nations "the expanding work of the future, and rest content with yesterday's reced- ing work." He favors legislation to provide increased federal tax credits and deductions for companies that make grants to universities for hiring of science faculty, donate scientific equipment to schools or put their workers through skill training programs. Bentsen plays a less prominent role on the Environment and Public Works Committee. He had a chance for the chairmanship of the important Environmental Pollution Sub- committee, vacated in 1980 when Edmund S. Muskie left to become secretary of state, but did not try for it. Until 1981, however, Bentsen was chair- man of the Environment and Public Works Subcommittee on Transportation. In that ca- pacity, he worked on the complex formulas that govern distribution of money from the highway trust fund. In the early 1970s, he allied himself with highway users against attempts to break off trust fund money for mass transit. But he voted for the 1982 gas tax bill, which diverted trust funds for mass transit, after working-to ensure that money was available for Houston and other cities with new systems. After raising more than $4 million for his own campaign in 1982, Bentsen was the choice of Senate Democrats to head their campaign fund-raising machinery for the 1984 election. He was named as chairman of both the Demo- cratic Senatorial Campaign Committee and the Senate Democratic Leadership Circle, which seeks money from wealthy contributors. At Home: Bentsen is part of the Texas Lloyd Bentsen, D-11exas Democratic establishment that included Lyn- don B. Johnson and John B. Connally, but his route into it was unique. He was elected to Congress at 27 from a rural district in South Texas, retired after three terms, moved to Houston to make a fortune in insurance, and then re-emerged in politics 15 years later as a conservative Democratic candidate for the Sen- ate. The Bentsen family, which is of Danish stock, has been among the conservative gentry of the lower Rio Grande Valley for most of this century. The senator's father, Lloyd Sr., was known as "Big Lloyd" around their hometown of McAllen, where he became a millionaire landowner and gave his son a lift into local politics. Returning home from World War II, in which he had flown bombers over Europe, the younger Bentsen was elected judge in Hidalgo County at age 25. In 1948, taking advantage of family money and connections among the small group of Anglo Democrats that controlled poli- tics in his heavily Hispanic South Texas dis- trict, he became the youngest member of the U.S. House. As a representative, Bentsen pleased Texas conservatives with his hard-line anti-commu- nism. In 1950 he advocated ending the Korean War by using the atomic bomb. He represented a one-party district and was politically secure; after his first primary, he faced no opposition at all. But by 1954, the House did not seem as attractive to Bentsen as a career in the upper echelons of the Houston business community. He retired from Congress at the age of 33 and became president of Lincoln Consolidated, a holding company. By the time Bentsen was ready for politics again in 1970, he was a millionaire. Bentsen ran on the Democratic right in 1970 as primary challenger to veteran Sen. Ralph Yarborough, the East Texas populist who had been an enemy to the conservative wing of the party for years. Bentsen ran against both Yarborough and the national Democratic Party. When Demo- cratic Sens. Edmund S. Muskie of Maine and Harold Hughes of Iowa came to Texas to cam- paign for Yarborough, Bentsen labeled them "ultraliberal" outsiders. He ran televison com- mercials linking Yarborough to violent anti-war protests and said the senator's vote against the Supreme Court nomination of G. Harrold Carswell showed he was anti-Southern. Yarborough punched back by attacking Bentsen and his allies as "fat cats" and "reac- tionaries." Emphasizing his role in passing Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Texas - Junior Senator Great Society legislation, Yarborough cam-. paigned hard to put together his old populist coalition of blacks, Hispanics, union members and rural East Texans. It was not enough to stop Bentsen, who won with almost 100,000 votes to spare. After the primary, Bentsen moved to the center against GOP nominee George Bush, then a Houston representative. The Bush- Bentsen campaign, a battle between a Houston insurance millionaire and a Houston oil mil- lionaire, was gentle by comparison to the pri- mary. There was little to argue about. In the end, that helped Bentsen. He con- tinued to promote the conservative image he had fostered in the spring, but campaigned against President Nixon's economic policies in the hope of winning back as many Yarborough supporters as possible. Texas was still unques- tionably a Democratic state in 1970 and, given a choice between two conservatives, a majority of voters preferred the Democrat. When Bentsen won, Nixon tried to claim the outcome as a "philosophical victory" for the Republican administration. But things did not work out that way. Over the next few years, Bentsen sought to moderate his image, looking toward a presidential campaign in 1976. Some of that moderation, such as his vote in favor of common-site picketing in 1975, outraged his more conservative 1970 supporters. The result was a -Democratic primary chal- lenge in 1976 from Texas A&M economist Phil Gramm, now an influential member of the House. Gramm accused Bentsen of abandoning his conservative heritage in a vain bid for national office. Bentsen retained the loyalty of the party establishment and beat Gramm by more than 2-to-I, but the challenger drew over 400,000 votes. Meanwhile, Bentsen was seeking the Dem- ocratic presidential nomination, calling himself a "Harry Truman Democrat" and hoping to establish a base of support in an early Southern primary. It was a waste of effort. The combined opposition of Jimmy Carter and George C. Wallace limited Bentsen to only six delegates in his own home state, and Bentsen quickly dropped out of national politics to concentrate on his fall campaign against Republican Rep. Alan Steelman. That campaign turned out to be easy. Steelman reversed Gramm's strategy, hoping to woo Yarborough liberals by calling Bentsen the captive of special interests. But Steelman ended up without a firm base in his own party, and he never had the money to compete with Bentsen on an equal footing. Bentsen had a mailing list of 700,000 names and an organiza- tion in each of the state's counties. He defeated Steelman easily. In 1982 Bentsen brushed aside Republican Rep. James M. Collins, who crusaded tirelessly across Texas trying to convince voters to unseat "Liberal Lloyd." Collins had difficulty providing specifics to document his portrayal of Bensten as a liberal. He faulted the senator's votes to increase the national debt and to approve the Panama Ca- nal treaties, but those examples won Collins few converts from the Democratic party. Bentsen paid little attention to Collins. When he did he told voters they were being offered a choice between "effectiveness and incompetence." He criticized Collins for not passing a single piece of legislation during his 14 years as occupant of a safe House seat in Dallas. To counter negative advertising by Col- lins and the National Conservative Political Action Committee, Bentsen talked about un- employment, Social Security and other issues on which the Republican party was vulnerable. Collins did put together a well-organized campaign network that mobilized the hard-core conservative vote. He won 41 percent, but Bentsen's 1.8 million votes led the statewide ticket to a smashing victory as the party cap- tured the governorship, retained all its U.S. House seats and picked up all three newly created districts. Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Committees 1981 70 24 55 42 83 11 1980 73 19 - 57 26 56 27 Environment and Public Works (2nd of 7 Democrats) 1979 66 27 63 29 63 26 Transportation (ranking); Regional and Community Develop- 1978 60 28 51 39 70 22 ment; Water Resources. 1977 63 32 41 49 78 15 1978 32 30 37 42 64 15 Finance (2nd of 9 Democrats) 1975 57 25 49 36 58 27 international Trade (ranking); Energy and Agricultural Taxation; 1974 (Ford) 18 43 Taxation and Debt Management. 1974 53 28 48 32 43 38 gelect Intelligence (7th of 7 Democrats) 1973 44 47 59 35 57 36 Analysis and Production; Budget. 1972 57 35 55 38 56 34 t Economic i 1971 61 37 57 36 73 18 Jo n Economic Goals and Intergovernmental Policy (vice chairman); Agriculture and Transportation. Joint Taxation S = Support 0- Opposition 1962 General Lloyd Bentsen (D) 1,818,223 (59%) Key Votes Allow vote on anti-busing bill (1981) Y James Collins (R) 1,256.759 (41%) Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y 1992 Primary Index income taxes (1981) N Cut off B-1 bomber funds (1981) N Lloyd Bentsen (D) 987,985 (78%) Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y Joe Sullivan (D) 276,453 (22%) Retain tobacco price supports (1982) Y Previous Winning Percentage,: 1978 (57%) 1970 (54%) Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y Delete $1.2 billion for public works jobs (1982) N 1952' (10(r) 1950' (100%) 1948t (100%) Increase gas tax by 5 cents per gallon (1982) Y ? House elections. t Elected in a special election and a full House election the same day. Campaign Finance 2 Receipts Receipts from PACs Expend- itures Year 1982 ADA 40 ACA 65 AFL-CIO 75 CCUS-1 70 CCUS-2 198 Bentsen (D) 477 970 $4 257 $814 (18%) $4,907,320 1981 25 57 39 71 Collins(R) , , 318 817 $4 , $127,599 ( 3%) $4,112,914 1980 39 43 41 59 , , 1979 26 38 47 45 67 1978 35 57 26 83 Voting Studies 1977 30 48 60 59 1976 15 47 40 25 Presidential Party Conservative 1975 39 38 59 50 Sypport Unity Coalition 1974 38 41 45 50 Year S 0 $ 0 $ 0 1973 1972 55 35 41 45 64 30 44 25 1982 61 33 54 41 88 10 1971 33 33 55 - Interest Group Ratings Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 I of Perry - Elected 1972 porn Sept. 8, 1938, Perry, Ga. Education: Emory U., A.B. 1960, LL.B. 1962. Military Career. Coast Guard, 1959-60; Coast Guard Reserve, 1960-68. Occupation: Farmer; lawyer. Family; Wife, Colleen Ann O'Brien; two children. Iteligion: Methodist political Career. Ga. House, 1969-72. Capitol Office: 335 Dirksen Bldg. 20510; 224-3521. In Washington: If Nunn's legislative spe- cialty were labor issues or the environment, he might have been forced into an outsider's role in 1981 when his party lost the White House and the Senate. But as a military specialist time of massive defense. buildup, be really never had to worry. Because few in either party have his knowledge or his credibility, all sides in the defense debate feel they need him. Nunn does not have to be in the majority to be a major force in military policy. He began calling for major increases in defense spending long before Ronald Reagan took office; in 1979 he was in the vanguard of those who demanded and got a commitment from Jimmy Carter for substantially increased military expenditures over the next five years. Since 1981 he has supported much of President Reagan's proposed buildup. But he has staked out his own positions on such key issues as NATO policy and the draft- Early in the Reagan administration, Nunn warned the Pentagon to be realistic in estimat- ing the cost of new defense proposals - or risk ^ loss of public support. "What is going to happen to the consensus built on defense when, six or eight months from now, this budget goes straight up?" Nunn asked Defense Secretary Caspar W. Weinberger at the start of the 97th Congress. The next two years made Nunn's warning prophetic. Norm's interests range over the whole of defense policy, but he avoids the scattershot approach. He chooses his targets carefully, picking a few key issues to concentrate on. He is always well-prepared with facts to back up an amendment or statement. During his first term in the Senate. Nunn focused most of his attention on military man- power issues. He remains the most forceful and persistent critic of the volunteer Army and lobbyist for a return to the draft. He would revamp conscription procedures to eliminate Georpio - Senior Senator past inequities, but he insists that the current Army could not win a war. "Present military manpower problems are so severe," Nunn said in 1979, "that our armed forces would not be capable of meeting a national security emer- gency that required a rapid, major increase in present force levels." In more recent years, Nunn has turned to larger questions of strategy and sought to look at defense questions in a long-term perspective. "We're in for a long, long tedious relationship with the Soviet Union," he warned after a trip to Moscow. He was one of the first in Congress to urge the We of military-related items to the People's Republic of China, arguing that "a China strong enough to resist Soviet expansion and domination is in the interest of the United States." Nunn worries about the manner in which NATO forces might respond to an attack by the Warsaw Pact nations. His main argument is that NATO has put too much emphasis on the early use of nuclear weapons to deter a Soviet bloc attack. "The 'conventional horse' must be in front of the 'nuclear cart,'" Nunn says. He favors an expansion of NATO conventional forces so that they could counter an invasion without using nuclear arms. In the area of strategic weapons, Nunn has criticized the Reagan administration pace in arms limitation talks as too slow, and has questioned plans for development of the MX missile. His most original contribution on the subject, however, has been in warning of the danger of an accidental nuclear war. If terrorists or an unstable leader of a foreign country acquired a bomb, Nunn says, the result could easily be a war neither super- power wanted. To reduce that threat, Nunn backs creation of a joint U.S.-Soviet control Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Sam Nunn (D) Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 fain. Nunn, D-Go. Center to monitor crises. The future holds out titular authority for Nunn as well as influence - chances are good that he will be chairman of the Armed Services Committee at some point in the future. If he does take over the committee, he will be con- tinuing a Georgia Democratic tradition - he is the grandnephew of Carl Vinson, longtime chairman of the House Armed Services Com- mittee, and he occupies the Senate seat once held by the revered Richard Russell, who chaired Senate Armed Services. Nunn did not leave the matter of commit- tee assignments to chance when. he came to Washington. He teamed, up with his great- uncle Vinson, who by then had retired, and visited all the major Senate power brokers, starting with then-Armed Services Chairman John C. Stennis, D-Miss. Nunn got the Armed Services assignment he wanted, and he also made a favorable impression on Stennis and Sen. Henry M. Jackson, D-Wash., another se- nior committee member. Both men helped Nunn along over the years. Nunn inherited some of his great-uncle's skill at bringing defense dollars home to Geor- gia. He waged a bruising 1982 battle against Jackson over whether to use some of the money currently allocated for C-5 transport planes, built in Georgia, to buy Boeing 747s, built in Washington. Jackson's personal lobbying gained an initial victory on the Senate floor, but Nunn won in the end, preserving job- creating contracts for his constituents. On non-defense issues, Nunn's dominant concern has been in fighting organized crime. As ranking Democrat on the Governmental Affairs Committee's Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, Nunn has focused on uncov-_ ering corruption and mob ties among union leaders. Nunn's investigations led directly to two bills in the 97th Congress - one to crack down on criminal abuse of the workers' compensation program for longshoremen, the other to in- crease penalties for union officials found guilty of corruption. Both bills passed the Senate easily, but died in the House. Nunn vojes with Senate conservatives on most issues; among Democrats, only Stennis voted on Reagan's side more often than he did in 1982. But his support was not automatic - he voted for emergency help for the housing industry, opposed by the president, and to override a Reagan veto of the 1982 supplemen- tal appropriations bill. At Home: Nunn was an ideal candidate in 1972 against David H. Gambrell, the wealthy and urbane Atlanta lawyer whom Gov. Jimmy Carter named to the Senate after Russell's death. Nunn was a lawyer and state legislator himself, and not exactly poor, but his antral Georgia roots allowed him to run as an old. fashioned rural Democrat, related to Carl Vin. son and allied with the rest of the state in its suspicion of Atlanta. He called Gambrel] s "fake conservative" who backed Sen. George McGovern, the Democratic presidential nomi. nee, and pursued the issue despite Gambrells denials of any link to McGovern. Gambrel] finished first in the initial pri. mary, but he was forced into a runoff with second-place finisher Nunn, who intensfied his attacks on the incumbent, all but saying Gambrell's wealthy family had bought the seat by contributing to Carter's gubernatorial cam. paign. It was more than enough to sink Gambrel]. The focus shifted in the general election, when Nunn encountered Republican Rep. Fletcher Thompson. This time, it was Thomp_ son who used the McGovern issue. But Nunn countered the attack by his adroit use of George C. Wallace, the governor in neighboring Alabama, who maintained high popularity in rural Georgia. Nunn journeyed to Montgomery, the Alabama capital, to receive Wallace's blessing. He said he would write in the governor's name for president. Despite his vehement opposition to busing and "welfare loafers," Nunn also got the sup- port of black leaders, including state Rep. Ju- lian Bond. They figured that Nunn represented a better choice for blacks than Thompson, who they claimed had not spoken to a black audi- ence in four years - even though 40 percent of his Atlanta district was non-white. Further big-name help for Nunn came from Democratic Sen. Herman Talmadge, at the time an institution in state politics. Fearful that McGovern's unpopularity' would tip the Senate to the Republicans and that he would lose his Agriculture Committee chairmanship, Talmadge broke his practice of campaigning only for himself and provided critical support for Nunn in rural areas. Meanwhile, Thompson was discovered to be mailing his House newsletter statewide at taxpayer expense, arousing press complaints that he had abused the frank as part of his campaign. As a result of this flap, President Nixon omitted a public endorsement of Thompson on an Atlanta visit - an embarrass- ing incident for the Republican. Nunn ran extremely well against Thomp- son in the rural counties, offsetting his oppo- nent's strength in the Atlanta suburbs, and Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MO1152ROO0400510001-6 defeated him by 93.000 votes. Si: years later, Nunn's fiscal conservatism and support for the military had put him in such good position that no serious challenger emerged. The luckless Republican who did take on Nunn, former U.S. Attorney John Stokes, G+o-oio - Senior Senator made no headway condemning Nunn's vote for the Panama Canal treaties. Stokes had little money and ran a near-invisible campaign. Nunn's 93 percent was the highest vote any Senate candidate in the country received that fall against a major party opponent. Committees 1 S1 59 31 59 39 64 15 1110 72 20 62 45 91 a - 9rwn sa 1179 66 25 62 311 72 221 F Farm (rankmp). Smarr Business; amBY IM 52 46 36 W 63 13 1177 73 25 52 80 14 Anaed Services (3rd of 8 Democrats) 1171 64 36 49 48 75 23 Sea Power and Force Projection (rankmpk Manpower and Par- 6" 1175 70 27 40 59 91 9 Strategic and Theater Nuclear Forces. som m ntat AMaM Nth of I Democrats) 1174 65 35 35 63 87 10 Permanent Subcommittee on kwestigatiora franking): Intargor- 11711 56 40 46 51 65 13 rrrnental Relations. 1171 General Sam Nunn (D) 536.320 (13%) S - Support O - Opposition 7 trot ebpibb Ibr an rocor~ etas. Key Votes .bfn Stokes (R) 108.508 (17%) . 1178 primary Agar rote on aMi-busing bill (1981) Dowom sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1881) Y N Sam Nunn (D) 525.703 (60%) tndeancome taus (1981) N Jack Dorsey (D) 71,223 (11%) Cut off 6-1 bomber funds (1981) Y Other (D) 60.361 (9%) Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y Retain tobacco price supports (1982) Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Delete $12 billion for public works jobs (1982) Increase gas tau by S cents per gallon (1882) Y Y Y Y Campaign Finance fA to Eapand- R*co4ts ken PACs Mews MM Nunn(D) $708,417 $135,145 (19%) $548.814 Voting Studies Presidential Part? Cons.rvatire support Unity Coafibon Yew S O S O a 0 1112 70 29 57 41 62 16 Interest Group Ratings Tor ADA ACA AFL?CW CCUS?1 CCUS-2 152 45 1181 35 1110 56 1171 11 1578 25 1177 20 1171 20 1175 11 1174 14 1177 30 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MO1152ROO0400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 L Missouri - Senior Senater Thomas F. Eagleton (D) Of St. Louis - Elected 1968 Born: Sept. 4, 1929, St. Louis, Mo. Education Amherst College, B.A. 1950; Harvard U., LLB. 1953. Military Career. Navy, 1948-49. Occupation: Lawyer. Family: Wife, Barbara Ann Smith; two children. Religion: Roman Catholic. Political Career. St. Louis circuit attorney, 1956-60; Mo. attorney general, 1961-65; Mo. It. gov., 1965-69; Democratic nominee for vice president, 1972 (with- drew before election). Capitol Office: 107 Dirksen Bldg. 20510; 224-5721. In Washington: The 1980 election cost Eagleton as much as it cost anyone in the Senate. After years of work on some of the more tedious tasks of Senate life, he stood ready to take over the chairmanship of the Governmental Affairs Committee - a job he had long been awaiting. The Republican vic- tory that fall not only denied him the chair- manship but brought a change in his career and his attitude toward it. At times during the 97th Congress, the fire in Eagleton seemed to have gone out - he sometimes looked like a man going through the motions. At other times, however, the old in- tensity was reawakened, and he could be highly effective at getting his point across in the Senate. When Eagleton gets worked up over issues, his personality still makes him a force to be reckoned with.. A gravelly voiced chain smoker who complains about his own "addiction" to cigarettes, Eagleton led a personal campaign against tobacco price supports in 1982 that came within two votes of killing the program on the Senate floor. "Tobacco, for the most wacko of reasons, is the most favored commodity," he said. "We do unto tobacco, we genuflect unto tobacco." Eagleton is not a man of classic oratorical skills, but he is one of the most effective senators in floor debate. He is blunt and force- ful, and he knows how to frame a difficult issue in a few words for maximum effect. During the 1982 Senate trial of New Jersey Democrat Harrison A. Williams Jr., accused of accepting a bribe in the Abscam affair, Eagle- ton's dramatic speech was the emotional turn- ing point of the debate. Eagleton called for the expulsion of his longtime liberal ally. "We should not perpetrate our own disgrace by asking him to remain," " Eagleton said, effec- tively killing any chance that:. the Senate would. inflict the milder penalty of censure. Another subject that drew Eagleton's at- tention in 1982 involved one iof his career-long causes, self-government for the District of Co- lumbia. One of the authors of District home- rule legislation, Eagleton spent six years in the politically unrewarding chairmanship of the Senate District Committee before it was abol- ished in 1977. Eagleton was incensed by a 1982 provision that sought to bar the newly constructed D.C. Convention Center from booking sports events or concerts. He denounced. the provision as a "dictatorial" intrusion in District affairs, one that was designed to protect "the greed of Mr. Abe Pollin," ' owner of the nearby Capital Cen- ter arena. The Senate agreed to drop the provi- sion. Over a long Senate career Eagleton has often been willing to change his mind on an issue if the facts seem to.demand it. He has a habit of digging into a subject and coming out some distance from where be entered. He voted against direct election of the president in 1979, even though he had supported a version of it in 1970. He gradually dropped his support of "sunset" legislation to force periodic review of government programs, saying :the measure he himself had cosponsored "ought to go bye-bye permanently." He drafted much of the original Senate war powers bill but voted against the final version of the landmark act in 1973. He had concluded that the 30-day deadline given to a president to ask for a declaration of war amounted to a license to make war on his own within that time. As a member of the Labor and Appropria- Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 tions committees in addition to Governmental Affairs, Eagleton played a significant role in much of the social legislation of the past de- cade. He was largely responsible for establish- ment of the National Institute on Aging and for the expansion of the services available to the elderly under the Older Americana Act. He has been a strong union supporter on most Labor Committee issues, but has split with the unions on occasion. He opposed the Lockheed loan guarantee and the supersonic transport plane, both of which labor supported. But be went to bat for the Chrysler loan guarantee in 1979, and, on such "litmus test" issues as the ill-fated common-site picketing and labor law revision measures of the late 1970s, Eagleton voted the AFL-CIO position. On several emotional social issues, he has voted conservatively in recent years, neut.raliz= ing some potential opposition in Missouri. He has always been against busing and is mili- tantly opposed to abortion. He attracted atten- tion and won some friends on the right with his long-running libertarian opposition to manda- tory seat belts in automobiles. Eagieton consistently opposed U.S. in- volvement in Indochina and was the sponsor of the successful 1973 appropriations amendment cutting off funds for the bombing of Cambodia. He was the chief Senate advocate of the 1974 Turkish arms embargo, imposed after Turkey used American-supplied weapons in its inva- sion of Cyprus, and continues to oppose re- sumption of arms sales to Turkey. Eagleton opposed the volunteer Army, fearing that only the poor would serve in the absence of con- scription. In 1980 be voted against. resumption of male-only draft registration although he supported an unsuccessful proposal to.register both men and women. For years, however, all of Eagleton's argu- ments and votes were obscured by the trau- matic period in which he was dropped as Sen. George McGovern's vice presidential running mate, only a few days after he admitted that he had undergone psychiatric treatment and been hospitalized tlyee times in the 1960s for de- pression. After first declaring he was "1,000 per- cent" behind Eagleton and would have chosen him even had he known of his mental health history, McGovern did an about-face and forced Eagleton from the ticket. Although Eagleton subsequently cam- paigned vigorously for McGovern and his sec- ond running mate, R. Sargent Shriver, the episode left permanently bruised feelings on both sides. McGovern never quite forgave Es- gleton for failing to mention his health history Thomas F. Eoyloton, D-Mo. prior to his selection for the national ticket; Eagleton, convinced that the storm of public controversy could have been weathered. re- sented McGovern's withdrawal of support. It has never been clear precisely how much the Eagleton affair contributed to McGovern's overwhelming defeat in November. Eagleton insisted it was no more than "one rock in the landslide." McGovern felt otherwise. At Home: When Eagleton made his first Senate campaign in 1968, be was carrying a reputation as Missouri's liberal "boy wonder." Three years out of law school he had been elected circuit attorney in St. Louis. Four years later he became state attorney general, and be celebrated his 35th birthday in 1964 by winning election as lieutenant governor with nearly 65 percent of the vote. By 1968, the logical move was for the Senate, even though it required running against an incumbent Democrat, Edward V. Long. The incumbent was saddled with allegations that be had improperly received fees from a St. Louis attorney while in office and charges that he had doctored specifications for a St. Louis housing project to benefit a local union that had con- tributed to his campaign. He was also a sup- porter of the Johnson administration and its Vietnam War policy. Eagleton's themes were consistently liberal: he opposed the bombing of North Vietnam, recommended cutting the de- fense budget and called for more federal aid to cities. The primary was close, but Eagleton took it by 26,000 votes and went on to the general election campaign against Republican Rep. Thomas B. Curtis, an influential veteran of the House Ways and Means Committee. Eagleton criticized him for voting against the 1968 Civil Rights Act and Medicare and renewed his call for an end to the bombing. Both candidates were St. Louis-based, but Eagleton had the natural Democratic advantage in outlying parts of the state, and he campaigned more effec- tively there than the urbane, bow-tied tax lawyer he was running against. Eagleton's misfortune as McGovern's tem- porary running mate in 1972 created strong sympathy for him in his home state. When he came up for re-election in 1974, the focus was not on any of his policy positions, but on his candor and personal courage and on the way a Missourian had been treated in national poli- tics. Curtis was again the Republican nominee, but at 63 and three terms out of Congress. be was not a serious threat. Eagleton won the rematch by more than a quarter-million votes. Eagleton's 1980 Republican opponent, St. Louis County Executive Gene McNary, began Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Thomas F. Sayloton, 0401o. with little recognition outside his home base, but launched a statewide media campaign with money from business and conservative groups. Meanwhile, Eagleton's campaign was bothered by publicity ver an extortion attempt made by his niece, Elibeth Weigand, and her attorney. They threatened to release information damag. ing to him unless he bowed to her wishes in a stock control dispute in the family business, Missouri Pipe Fittings Co. Weigand and her attorney were convicted of extortion on Oct. 25, shortly before the election. No "damaging in- formation" was ever substantiated. McNary faulted Eagleton'a support for the Panama Canal treaties and the. SALT 11 accord and promised to stop federal encroachment on local governments. Eagleton pointed often to the highways and other public works projects his Appropriations Committee seniority had helped bring the state. Eagleton's move toward the political can. ter had been helpful. Ronald Reagan carried Missouri, and the GOP took the governorship and two previously Democratic congressional seats. But while McNary received nearly 48 percent of the vote, Eagleton prevailed. Committees 1979 73 12 74 12 30 64 1971 76 13 82 10 20 69 Governmental Affairs (Ranking) 1977 $2 13 72 19 39 55 Governmental Efficiency and the District of Columbia (ranking). 1978 36 51 85 8 13 78 Appropriations (6th of 14 Democrats) 1975 47 40 82 9 16 75 Agriwhure. Rural Development and Related Agencies (ranking). 1974 (Ford) 24 60 Commerce. Justice. State and Judiciary and Related Agencies: 1974 36 55 74 13 17 69 Defense; Labor, Health and Human Services. Education; Trans- 1973 33 68 89 3 7 83 portation and Related Agencies. 1972 28 59 79 5 8 72 1971 41 49 78 6 18 63 Labor and Human Rnolaoq (4th of 8 Democrats) 1970 43 45 76 5 6 77 Aging (ranking); Education. Arts and the Humanities; Family and H i i S 1169 47 38 82 10 17 72 uman erv ces; Hernd capped. S - Support 0 - Opposition Select Ethics (3rd of 3 Democrats) Elections Key Votes 19s0 General Allow vote on anti-busing bill (1981) N Thomas Eagleton (D) 1,074.859 (52%) Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y Gene McNary (R) 985.339 (48%) Index income taxes (1981) N Cut off B-1 bomber funds (1981) Y 1960 Pri ry Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y Thomas Eagleson (D) 553.392 (86%) Retain tobacco price supports (1982) N Lee Sutton (D) 53280 (6%) Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N Herb Fdlmore (D) Previous Manning Percentages: 1974 38.677 (60%) 1968 (6%) (51%) Delete $1.2 billion for public works jobs (1982) N Increase gas tax by 5 cents per gallon (1982) N Campaign Finance Receipts Receipt from PACs Expand- kures 1960 Eagleton(D) $1,272.272 $409.284 (32%) $1,390,560 McNary (R) $1,180,342 $207,893 (18%) 81,173,161 Voting Studies .Presidential Support Party thnity Conservative Coalition Year 8 0. 6 0 $ 0 1992 29 68 91 7 12 87 1961 33 63 85 9 10 86 1910 . ' '56 28 65 13 24 52 Interest Group Ratings ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS-1 CCU$-2 85 10 92 19 90 14 94 0 78 6 89 39 68 19 93 0 29 50 9 79 35 60 15 s0 35 60 8 88 0 72 4 85 19 71 18 89 25 90 8 s0 0 70 21 90 0 89 24 67 91 4 100 0 94 0 100 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Ernest F. Hollings (D) Of Qsarleston - Elected 1986 Bore: Jan. 1. 1922, Charleston, S.C. Education: The Citadel, BA. 1942; U. of S.C.. LL.B. 1947. Military Career. Army, 1942-45. Occupation: Lawyer. Family: Wife, Rita Louise Liddy; four children. Religion: Lutheran. Political Career. S.C. House, 1949-55; S.C. It. gov., 1955-59; gov., 1959-63; sought Democratic nomina- tion for U.S. Senate, 1962. Capitol Office: 125 Russell Bldg. 20510; 224-6121. In Washington: Hollings is a military school product who prides himself on realism and discipline - and in recent years he has focused that approach on economic problems. As a senior member of the Budget Committee, be has sounded the same call to national sacri- fice that has marked his campaign for the 1984 presidential nomination. Hollings insists that everyone in society - from generals in the Pentagon to Social Secu- rity recipients - must agree to give up some- thing if the federal budget is ever to be bal- anced and the economy repaired. He has advocated a freeze on domestic and military spending levels that would not spare any of the major beneficiaries of federal money. Few in the Senate challenge the intellec- tual rigor of Hollings', approach or the sincerity behind it. His ideas, particularly the proposal for a spending freeze, have significantly influ- enced the budget debates of the 1980s. Sometimes, however, Hollings' style is a hindrance. He is supremely confident of the rightness of his economic views, and it shows. Candid to the point of occasional rudeness, be is openly scornful of colleagues who are reluc- tant to make the political decisions implicit in his program. Colleagues who disagree with his brand of sacrifice run the risk of being labeled not only mistaken but muddle-headed and soft. Handsome, graceful and perfectly tailored, Hollings is a symbol of Southern breeding and education. He looks every inch the president he aspires to become; with his booming voice and rich Tidewater accent, be is an impressive, almost overwhelming presence in committee or on the Senate floor. He has a sharp tongue, and little hesitation about using it in public. It can cause trouble, however, during a 1981 debate on his effort to stop the Justice Department from trying to block voluntary school prayer, be described Ohio Democrat Howard M. Metzenbaum as "the senator from B'nai B'rith." "I am the senator from Ohio," responded Metzenbaum, who is Jewish. "I was not throwing off on his religion," " Hollings apologized. "I said it only in fun." But the memory of the incident lingered. Hollings' strengths and weaknesses as a national leader were evident during his three years as the senior Democrat on the Budget Committee. He became chairman of the panel in 1980 after Edmund S. Muskie resigned to become Secretary of State, and he served as ranking Democrat during the 97th Congress: ' During his brief tenure as chairman, Hol- lings promoted and moved through the Senate a 1981 budget resolution drawn up to be in. balance - the first such achievement in the history of the budget process. While recession: eventually forced a deficit of $50 billion, Hol lings remained proud of the effort and sensitive=6 to mention of its failure. After moving into the minority, however, Hollings did not expend much effort trying to arrive at a unified Democratic response to President Reagan's budget He seemed more ' interested in putting forth his own ideas than in establishing a consensus in his party. The crux of Hollings' budget plan is that the federal government simply stop, for a time, doing the things that contributed to its massive deficits. He would eliminate scheduled tax cuts, halt automatic benefit increases to individuals and slow the growth in Pentagon spending. Perhaps the most interesting aspect of that plan, given Hollings' background, was its 3 percent annual limit on the inflation-adjusted growth of defense spending. During: the 1970s. Hollings was known as a vigorous backer of more dollars for the Defense Department and a Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 sharp critic of arms limitation treaties with the Soviet Union. He has emerged, however, as a leading critic of the Reagan defense buildup. The B-1 bomber and the MX missile are two of Hollings' special targets. He offered an amendment in 1981 to eliminate funds for the B-1, which he said would be outmoded by 1990. That amendment was defeated 28-66, but his 1982 effort against the MX missile came within four votes, 50-46, of blocking funding, until Congress approved a design for its installation. Then he helped work out an agreement with the House that essentially killed the "dense pack" basing system the administratiom sug- gested for the MX. Hollings chose to give up his ranking seat on the Budget Committee at the beginning of the 98th Congress, opting instead to become the leading Democrat on Commerce. He had seemed frustrated by his role as a member of the minority on budget, and the committee's interminable debates and markup sessions would have made a full-scale presidential cam- paign difficult for its ranking Democrat. Hol- lings had not played a particularly prominent role on the Commerce Committee before 1983, taking a back seat with the rest of the Demo- crats to former chairman Howard W. Cannon of Nevada. His most outspoken position was against deregulation proposals for industries such as trucking and railroads. Part of his opposition was due to South Carolina's experi- ence with airline deregulation, which sharply cut the number of flights into the state. In the 96th Congress, as chairman of the Commerce Subcommittee on Communications, Hollings set out on an unsuccessful effort to rewrite the Communications Act of 1934. He introduced a bill to substitute market compe- tition for federal regulation of many aspects of the telephone, telegraph and cable TV indus- tries, insisting that monopolies and federal regulation were ideas of the past, and "compe- tition and diversity" were "ideas of the future." Hollings has threaded his way carefully through civil rights issues during his long ca- reer. Although associated in earlier years with President Kennedy, Hollings voted against some major civil rights legislation as a junior senator during Lyndon Johnson's presidency. He opposed the 1968 open housing bill, but backed an unsuccessful attempt in 1980 to strengthen' it. He has consistently supported the 1965 Voting Rights Act and its extensions. He drew support in civil rights circles in 1969 when he made a tour of rural areas of his state, said he had found hunger and poverty to a degree he had never realized existed, and came out for free food stamps for the neediest. bees/ F. Hollings, D-S.C. He was active in the Senate on nutrition issues in the years after that. More recently he has talked about abuses in the food stamp program: but he still votes for money to support it. Hollings long had aspirations to the Senate leadership. When former Majority Leader Mike Mansfield announced his retirement in 1976, Hollings announced his candidacy immedi ately. He later dropped out of the race, how ever, to give Hubert H. Humphrey of Minne- sota a "clear shot" against West Virginian Robert C. Byrd. Humphrey eventually with- drew, and Byrd won by acclamation. At Home: Hollings built his political ca. reer in South Carolina at a time of emotional argument about racial issues. He succeeded in combining old-time rhetoric with a tangible record of moderation. As a candidate in the late 1950s, he firmly espoused states' rights and condemned school integration. In his inaugural speech as governor in 1959, Hollings criticized President Eisen-' bower for commanding a "marching army, this time not against Berlin, but against Little Rock." But as chief executive of the state, he quietly integrated the public schools. In fact, despite grumblings about his rhet oric, blacks provided Hollings' margin of vic- tory in 1966, when he won his Senate seat against a more conservative Republican oppo- nent. Since then, he never has faced a credible candidate to his left, and blacks have generally supported him. During the Depression, the Hollings family paper business went bankrupt, so an uncle had to borrow money to send him to The Citadel, where he received an Army commission. Hol- lings returned home from World War II for law school and a legal career. That soon led to politics. As a young state legislator, he attracted notice with. his plan to solve the problem of inferior black schools without integration. He said a special sales tax should be imposed to upgrade the black schools. Hollings twice won unanimous election to the state House speakership and in 1954 moved up to lieutenant governor. In 1958, Democratic Gov. George B. Timmerman was ineligible to succeed himself. Hollings won a heated three- way race for the nomination, defeating Donald S. Russell, former University of South Carolina president and a protege of ex-Gov. James F. Byrnes. The primary turned on political alli- ances and geography. Hollings' base lay in Tidewater and Russell's in Piedmont. As governor, Hollings worked hard to strengthen his state's educational system, establishing a commission on higher education. Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 ibne- F. H.JIinya, D.S.C. In 1960 he campaigned for John F. Kennedy, who carried South Carolina. Barred from seeking a second guberna- torial term in 1962, be challenged Democratic Sen. Olin D. Johnston. Portraying himself as "a young man on the go," Hollings attacked John. ston's endorsement by the state AFL-CIO and charged that "foreign labor bosses" were seek- ing,to control the state. Hollings failed to draw much more than a third of the vote. The senator died in 1965, however, and Donald Russell - by then governor - had himself appointed to the seat. That provided Committees 1171 57 37 62 31 75 20 1171 66 23 61 33 5e 35 Comme-ca, aa.nce and Transportation (Rarrdng) 11n 66 31 as 29 40 54 Comrramlcations (ranking); National Ocean Policy Study (rank- 1171 49 40 65 29 40 65 l^91 1175 48 45 61 32 56 36 Appropriations (5th of 14 Democrats) Commerce, Justice. State and Judiciary and Related Agencies 11174 45 39 42 41 56 24 (king); Defense; Energy and Water Development: Labor. 11573 43 49 63 29 53 39 Health and Human Services, Education and Rotated Agencies; 1572 57 35 61 31 46 45 Legislative Branch. 1571 43 29 53 35 63 28 1970 59 35 52 31 50 33 Budget (2nd of 10 Democrats) 119 38 32 51 35 68. 17 1918 24 37 41 24 47 14 1967 54 35 47 37 61 13 1160 G naral Ernest (D a ) 612.554 (70%) Manhafl M p (R ) 257,946 (30%) 2950 Primary Ernest Ho&w ) (D 266 796 1%) Mettle Dickeorson , 34.720 (11%) Wleiam Kreml (D) 27,049 (8%) Previous Winning Percentages: 1174 (70%) 1964 (62%) 1155? (51%) Spada election. Campaign Finance Ibaipts we Mol irgs (D) $810270 $249,515 (31%) $723,427 Mays (R) $66,322 575,200 (8%) $66.044 Voting Studies Party tlkty Conserfed a coalition ,ran a 0 s o a o 1152 43 45 73 20 55 36 1151 54 38 33 19W 63 28 65 3 3 64 23 an issue for Hollings' comeback in 1966. He ousted Russell in the special primary to finish Johnston's term. The 1966 election year was not an ordinary one in South Carolina. The ; national Demo- cratic Party was unpopular, and Republican state Sen. Marshall Parker seized on Hollings' connections to it in an effort to defeat him. He nearly made it, but Hollings matched his con- servative rhetoric and survived by 11,7b8 votes. Running for ?a full term two years later, Hollings had little trouble turning back Parker. Since then, be has rolled over weak opponents. Key Votes Allow vote on bet (1981) Y Disawrove sale of AWACS pWies tnderc Income taxes (981) to Saudi Arat>ta (1951) N Cut off B.1 bomber turbo (19ei) Y Stibsicras horns mMtgap rates Retain tobacco Vice supports (982) y Amend Constitution to require balanced bar (1992) Y De ate $1.2 billion for public works lobs (1982) N Increase gas tax by S gents per gallon (1982) 7 Interest Group Ratings ADA ACA AFL-Cep CCUS 55 50 74 53 55 29 58 35 39 43 22 62 32 35 30 30 52 39 59 30 62 56 61 40 28 6D 25 44 33 42 27 24 60 50 75. 45 44 60 67 25 40 40 20 44 e9 75 22 5 50 71 22 55 33 14 56 75 a 65 17 50 ? Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Bill Bradley (D) of Denville - Elected 1978 Born: July 28. 1943, Crystal City. Mo. Education Princeton U., A.B. 1965; Oxford U., En- gland. M.A. 1968. Military Career. Air Force Reserve, 1967-78. Occupation: Basketball player. Family: Wife. Ernestine Schlant; one child. Religion Protestant. Political Career. No previous office. Capitol Office: 253 Dirksen Bldg. 20510; 224-3224. In Washington Bill Bradley was no showman during his 10 years with the New York Knicks, and he has not been one in the Senate, where his limited speaking ability has led him to concentrate most of his effort behind the scenes. But he is diligent, professional, and sensitive to the civilities of Senate life, and he has earned considerable respect. That respect has been joined by increasing influence and added responsibilities: Bradley's Democratic colleagues have begun turning to him to fulfill important party duties - heading a task force on economics, or responding on television to President Reagan. - Bradley is one of the best known of the "neo-liberals" who are trying to shift the Dem- ocratic Party away from traditional New Deal dogma. Like the others in that amorphous group, he is a prodigious source of new ideas - most notably a modified version of a "flat-rate" income tax. If there is a stereotype that celeb- rity politicians are more style than substance, Bradley is evidence against it: With his rum- pled suits and tousled hair, he looks more like a harried professor than the media superstar he was at Princeton and in New York. ? Bradley's work on the Finance Committee is the main source of his growing reputation. Even with the burden of his monotone speak- ing style, be is widely seen as one of the most forceful and able critics of the Reagan adminis- tration's economic policies. Bradley fought the supply-side tax pro- gram from the beginning. He was the only member of the Finance Committee to vote against the 1981 tax cut, which he called "infla- tionary and inequitable." He tried without suc- cess to focus the tax reductions on less wealthy families and to make the third year of the cut contingent on progress in reducing the deficit. "Basically what you did is give too much away," be later told administration officials. But Bradley made sure that, if goodies Now Jersey . Senior Senator were being distributed, New Jersey was not left out. With New York Democrat Daniel Patrick Moynihan, he inserted into the bill a "rent-a. bus" provision that allowed big tax breaks to go indirectly to mass transit companies such as the New Jersey Transit Corporation. On one important Finance Committee is- sue, tax credits for private school tuition, Brad- ley was more sympathetic to Reagan. He agreed with the basic idea of tuition tax credits, but almost managed to kill the administration's tuition tax credit bill before it could get out of committee. Arguing that the bill as proposed by the administration could provide indirect tax bene- fits to segregated schools. Bradley proposed adding tough new civil rights protections. He had the votes to do so in the Finance Commit- tee, but at the risk of alienating the bill's "Christian conservative" backers. Bradley eventually accepted a compromise proposed by Finance Chairman Robert Dole; the bill was reported from committee but never made it to the Senate floor in 1982. Although he favors tuition tax credits, Bradley's long-range tax program would elimi- nate all but a few of the myriad deductions and credits of the current tax system. Along with Missouri Democratic Rep. Richard A. Gep- hardt, he proposes restructuring the system to impose a single tax rate on low- and middle- income taxpayers. Wealthier families would pay a higher rate, but one still below current levels. Lost revenues to the Treasury would be made up by cutting out all tax breaks other than home mortgage interest deductions and a few others. Bradley is less influential on Energy and Natural Resources, his other major committee. He is well-known as a petroleum specialist, but his strong pro-conservation sentiments have Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 illull Brodity, D-N.J. not been embraced by a majority of the panel's members. Bradley has worked hardest at trying to get the Reagan administration to hasten the filling of the Strategic Petroleum Reserve. While be criticizes the administration on its strategic reserve policy. Bradley joined Rea- gan in opposing important oil legislation in the 97th Congress. In fighting against an emer- gency allocation bill giving the president con- trol over oil supplies in a crisis, Bradley found himself in an unusual alliance with conserva- tive Oklahoma Republican Don Nickles; both argued that the free market should be allowed to allocate supplies through higher prices. The bill passed but Reagan vetoed it. At Home: Bradley was looking ahead to politics during most of the 10 years he spent playing forward for the New York Knicks. During the off-season, he spoke at Democratic Party gatherings, worked as a reading teacher in Harlem and spent a summer doing adminis- trative work in the federal Office of Economic Opportunity in Washington. His interest in politics came early, nur- tured by his Republican banker father in Crys- tal City, Mo., and by his days at Princeton, where he wrote his senior thesis on Harry S Truman's 1940 Senate campaign. Energy and Natural Resources (9th of 9 Democrats) Presidential Party Conservative Energy and Mineral Resources; Energy Conservation and Sup- Support Unity Coalition W. Energy Regulation. Year a 0 S 0 S 0 Finance ((7th of 9 Democrats) Energy and Agricultural Taxation (rankinpr Health; International 1982 37 63 87 13 14 85 Trade. 1881 44 48 80 10 11 77 1880 65 23 72 12 6 75 Spacial Aping (5th t 7 Democrats) 1879 68 10 87 9 11 85 197$ General Allow vote on anti-busing bill (1981) N Bin B dl (D) 1 082,960 (55%) bia (1981) di A f AWACS l t S ra ey Jeffrey Bell (R) , 644.200 (43%) ra au anes o p Disapprove sale o N Index income taxes (1981) Cut on B-1 bomber funds (1981) Y Ball B (D) dle 217.502 (59%) Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) V N ra y rd Leone (D) h Ri 97.667 (26%) Retain tobacco price supports (1982) N 1982 c a Alexander Menrs (D) 32.386 (9%) ) Amend Constitution to require balanced budget ( Delete $1.2 billion for public works jobs (1982) N Increase gas tax by 5 cents per gallon (1982) N Campaign Finance Receipts Expend- Receipts from PACs Mums 117$ Si,689,975 $192.06 111%) $1.688,499 Bradley Beg (R) (D) $1.432,924 $166.263 (12%) 91,418.931 There was talk that Bradley would return to Missouri to seek office, but marriage to a New Jersey college professor and years of tele- vision exposure in the New York metropolitan area convinced him to run in the Garden State. To finance his 1978 Senate bid, he relied on some of his own wealth, then valued at nearly $1.6 million, and on fund-raising events by such prominent friends as singer Paul Simon and actor Robert Redford. With superior name recognition, Princeton and Oxford degrees and a clean-cut reputation, he scored an easy Democratic primary victory over Gov. Brendan T. Byrne's candidate, for- mer state Treasurer Richard C. Leone. Bradley drew as his general election oppo- nent Jeffrey Bell, a former campaign aide to Ronald Reagan. Bell had ousted four-term Sen. Clifford P. Case in the Republican primary, and his campaign had split the GOP badly. Without the liberal Case on the general election ballot, labor and minorities felt free to go with Bradley, who proved remarkably wooden as a campaigner but won comfortably nevertheless. Bradley retains a celebrity appeal that has kept his popularity intact: He periodically stands'up for New Jersey when it is ridiculed for its crime, pollution and tackiness. Voting Studies Key Votes Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS-1 CCUS-2 1962 100 24 85 29 1961 90 20 82 13 1960 72 0 100 38 1971 68 4 95 0 25 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 David L. Boren (D) of Seminole - Elected 1978 fora April 21, 1941, Washington,.D.C. Education Yale U., B.A. 1963; Oxford U., England, M.A. 1965; U. of Okla.. J.D. 1968. Military Career. National Guard, 1968-75. Occupation Lawyer; government professor. Family: Wife, Molly Wanda Shi; two children. Religion Methodist. political Career. Okla. House, 1967-75; Okla. governor, 1975-79. Capitol Office. 452 Russell Bldg. 20510; 224-4721. velops rapidly," Boren once said, "and so can the appearance of not having influence." From his first days in the Senate, when he got In Washington: After working closely with Republicans during President Reagan's first year in office, Boren has returned to the Democratic mainstream. He was once consid- ered a prime candidate for conversion by GOP leaders, but he now plays an important role in helping Senate Democrats write their party's economic policy. Boren will be particularly influential on the Finance Committee if Democrats regain control of the Senate in 1984. A conservative with a populist's antagonism to much of the financial community. he knows how to fight for the oil industry without alienating his party's Northern majority in the Senate. Liberals tend to like him, even if they disagree with him, allowing him to flirt with Reaganomics in the 97th Congress and still not forfeit his standing as a Democrat of some respect. Pale and pudgy, Boren does not look on first glance to be a power broker or even a politician. Oklahoma political cartoonists used to draw him as the Pillsbury Doughboy. But he knows the system and how to operate within it. "The appearance of having influence de- find him a seat on the tax-wrti ---- ? s' ?.~ ..aa a Icaauig ng panel, he has sponsor of the proposal, which passed the Sen. worked to develop that influence for the bene- ate in 1982, and backed a key amendment to fit of his state's oilmen and farmers. freeze the national debt. The couise of Boren's career almost took a. Much of Boren's effort on the Agriculture sharp turn in 1981, when he emerged as one of Committee is devoted to bemoaning the state Reagan's most ardent Democratic backers. He of the farm economy, which he says is "virtu- helped save the administration from a budget ally in a depression." He sponsored two signifi- assault led by one of its own, Republican John cant amendments to help farmers that were Chafee of Rhode Island, who wanted to restore adopted by the Senate in 1982. One extended Dearly a billion dollars for urban programs. an emergency loan program and allowed defer- The vice president phoned him personally, ral of loan payments for those in difficult seeking help, worrying that Republican Sena- financial situations. Another, added to the bud- tors backing Chafee would tip the GOP's pre- get reconciliation bill, established a new pro- carious Senate balance away from Reagan. Just before the vote, Bush called again to make certain Boren and fellow conservative Demo- crats would vote with Reagan. They did. Some 17 Democrats voted with 42 Republicans to beat Chafee handily, even though 11 Republi- cans defected. Several days later, Boren announced for- mation of a 12-member conservative Demo- cratic group to pursue budget cutting and other issues on which the group's members might feel closer to Republicans than Democrats. His sup- port for the president was rewarded: the suc- cessful Reagan-backed version of the 1981 tax cut included two of Boren's pet ideas - easing the terms of the oil windfall profits tax and ending the inheritance tax between spouses. But interest in the conservative group soon declined, and Boren drifted away from close support of the administration. Early in 1982 he helped draft a letter to Reagan outlining Demo- cratic alternatives. The letter stressed deferral of the scheduled 1983 tax cut and reductions in the Pentagon budget. Boren was unable to muster majority Dem- ocratic support, however, for one of his favorite tio economic solutions - a " ?`t:t l u na Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 OOklahenro - Senior Sonat+or , Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M0l152R000400510001-6 David L. van, D-Oklo. gram of cash payments to farmers for not growing wheat, corn and feed grains. After nearly a full term in the Senate, Boren has become increasingly outspoken in criticism of its procedures, which he sees as leading the institution into paralysis and de- cline. He believes individuals in the Senate have too much power to frustrate the majority. To solve those problems. Boren has pro- posed setting up an Emergency Joint Commit- tee for Congressional Reform. He argues that such a commission should consider major changes in Senate rules, especially those that allow senators to propose amendments unre. lated to the bill being considered on the floor. "To preserve Congress," " Boren had said. "we must reform it." At Home: Boren has come a long way quickly in politics by knowing how to promote the right issue at the right time. Few Oklahoma Democrats took him seri- ously in 1974, when, as a four-term state legis- lator, he decided to run for governor. A Rhodes Scholar and political science professor, he had been neither influential nor popular among insiders in the Oklahoma House. But he had a reputation as a reformer, and he exploited it skillfully at a time of scandal not only in Agriculture, Nutrition and Forestry (6th of 8 Democrats) Agricultural Research and General Legislation (ranking): Agri- cultural Credit and Rural Electrification; Foreign Agricultural Policy. Finance (6th of 9 Democrats) Estate and Gift Taxation: International Trade; Social Security and Income Maintenance Programs. Small twines (9th of 9 Democrats) Enlreprenramship and Special Problems Facing Small Business. Elections Washington but in Oklahoma City, where Democratic Gov. David Hall was under investi. gation on corruption charges that were later to send him to prison. He campaigned with a broom, promising to sweep out corruption at the state capitol and supporting financial disclosure and open gov- ernment. He edged into a spot in the primary .runoff, took it easily, and won a smashing victory in November. As governor. Boren changed focus, drawing national attention as a spokesman for his state's oil producers. When he chose to run for the Senate in 1978, he was in a perfect position to seek votes and campaign support as an oil industry loyalist, and he was the favorite throughout the year. He led a seven-man pri- mary field and went on to defeat former US. Rep. Ed Edmondson in a runoff. The primary took a bizarre turn when, after a minor candidate accused the governor of being a homosexual, Boren swore on a Bible that it was not true. The accuser was discred- ited, and Boren suffered no lasting damage. Boren's gubernatorial record brought him far more business support than most Demo- crats can expect in Oklahoma, and he had no trouble against his 1978 Republican opponent. Campaign Finance 197$ General David L. Boren (D) 493.953 (66%) Key Votes Robert Kamm (R) 247.857 (33%) Allow vote on anti-busing bill (1981) Y 197$ Primary Runoff Disapprove ask of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N Index income taxes (1981) Y Bonn (D) David L 281.587 (60%) Cut off B-1 bomber kinds (1981) N Y , . Ed Edmondson (D) 1979 Prbnary 184.175 (40%) Subsidize tame mortgage fates (1982) Retain tobacco price supports (1982) Y Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y Delete $1.2 billion for public works jobs (1982) Y David L Boren (D) Ed Edmondson (D) 252.560 155.626 (46%) (28%) increase gas tax by S cents per gallon (1982) N Gene Snipe (D) 114.423 (21%) Receipts Fspend- Receipts from PACs Nurse 197$ Boren (D) $779.544 $800 (0.1%) $751286 Kamm (R) $444.734 $31.664 (7 %) 6443.712 Voting Studies Presidential Support Puny Conservative Unity Coalition Year 8 0 ! o S 0 1982 60 38 52 42 87 10 1991 60 35 54 40 86 10 1990 53 45 46 49 76 18 1179 47 47 33 59 81 10 S - Support 0 - Opposition Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL CIO CCUS-1 CCUS-2 1982 45 67 50 65 1981 30 76 32 71 19$0 28 52 37 71 1979 16 70 26 82 88 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M0l152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Robert Dole (R) of RusseD - Elected 1968 Born: July 22, 1923, Russell, Kan. Education: Washburn U., A.B. 1952, LL.B. 1952. Military Career. Army, 1943-48. Occupation: Lawyer. Family: Wife, Mary Elizabeth Hanford; one child. Religion: Methodist. Political Career. Kan. House, 1951-53; Russell County attorney, 1953-61; U.S. House, 1961-69; Republican nominee for vice president, 1976. Capitol Office: 141 Hart Bldg. 20510; 224-6521. In Washington: Dole's public image has undergone a remarkable transformation in the last few years. The "hatchet man" of the early 1970s has become a "statesman." The liberal critics who once viewed him as a small-minded partisan now look to him as a pragmatic voice of reason in budget and tax policy. The 97th Congress may not have solved the nation's economic problems, but for Bob Dole it was an unvarnished legislative triumph. He used his position as chairman of the Fi- nance Committee to promote President Rea- gan's tax cut in 1981 and to craft the tax increase that modified it in 1982. He and a handful of other senior Republicans virtually rewrote the 1982 Reagan budget. Meanwhile, Dole was playing a key role on such diverse issues as voting rights, food stamps and Social Security. Dole turned out to be a superb negotiator whose power came largely from his ability to find compromises where others were dead- locked. "You don't try to cram things down people's throats," he said at one point. "You try to work it. out." Dole probably never merited the full ex- tent of his "hatchet man" reputation. Report- ers who talked to him in private even a decade ago found an honest senator with a sense of humor that he turned toward himself as often as toward others. "I don't think you've dam- aged anybody's reputation," a reporter once remarked to him after an unexpectedly gentle interview. "No," Dole said. "Only mine." Still, it was the public Dole who was seen and remembered in Washington, and that ver- sion could be nasty indeed. The Kansas Repub- lican was President Nixon's most strident backer in the Senate during his first term. In an often abrasive fashion, he defended Nixon's Vietnam policies, his Supreme Court nomina. tions of Clement F. Haynsworth Jr. and G. Harrold Carswell, his ABM program and al- most every other move the president made. Dole's performance did not always sit well with his Senate colleagues, but he was re- warded in 1971 when Nixon named him Repub- lican national chairman. He never got on well with the White House staff, however, and was pushed from the party leadership in January 1973 - a stroke of good fortune, as it turned out, since he escaped the subsequent Watergate scandal. Although he had been GOP chairman when the June 1972 burglary occurred, Dole never knew what was going on at the Nixon re- election committee. "Watergate happened on my night off," he later said. He established his independence of Nixon well before Watergate, but he seemed to have lost none of his abrasiveness when he served as Gerald R. Ford's vice presidential running mate in 1976, denouncing the "Democrat wars" of the 20th century. Only after days of contro- versy did Dole grudgingly back away from the remark and concede he really did not believe any party should be held responsible for the nation's wars. That vice presidential campaign may have marked a turning point in Dole's career. He never accepted the notion that his negative style cost Ford the presidency, but he has never sounded quite so strident since then either - in the Senate or during his brief, unsuccessful campaign for president in 1980. By the time Dole returned to national prominence as Fi- nance chairman in 1981, he struck many Senate observers as a different person. Some who doubt that the 1976 campaign was a turning point prefer to attribute the "new" Dole to the influence of his wife, Eliza- beth Hanford, whom he married in 1975. A federal trade commissioner under Ford and White House aide under Reagan, she became Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MO1152ROO0400510001-6 Robert Dole, R-Kan. transportation secretary in 1983. When she appeared before 8 Senate committee prior to her confirmation, Dole said "I regret that I have but one wife to give for my country's infrastructure." Dole is often as funny as that, but most of the time there is considerably more bite to his humor. Early in 1982, he told listeners that he had good news and bad news. "The good news," he said, "is that a bus full of supply-alders went off a cliff. The bad news is that two seats were empty." That joke symbolized Dole's real doubts about the philosophy behind Reagan's 1981 tax cut. From the beginning, Dole was interested in targeted tax incentives aimed at boosting sav- ings, investment and productivity, rather than across-the-board reduction. But he loyally shepherded the Reagan plan through the Sen- ate. When it did not work out as its advocates had hoped, Dole moved quickly to change it the following year. Dole's job on the 1981 tax bill had been easy - members of Congress like to vote for tax reductions, and this package was being pushed by a very popular president. Dole's most significant accomplishment was persuad- ing Reagan to back a 25-percent cut over three years, in place of the 30 percent in the original proposal. The 1982 bill was a different story. Dole first had to convince a reluctant Reagan to accept the necessity of doing something to increase government revenues and thus lower the massive federal deficit. He did so by paint- ing his proposal as a tax reform measure, rather than a rejection of Reaganomics. "We are not making a U-turn; we are merely adjusting the route to keep from going off the road," he said. In the committee, Dole used all his skills - detailed knowledge of tax policy and a sharp -sense of committee politics - to fashion a bill acceptable to his fellow Republicans. The mea- sure was written in a closed GOP caucus, and some Democrats resented their exclusion. But Dole made sure every member was given at least one pet provision to keep him happy. Some of Dole's best tactical maneuvering came on the Senate floor. During one all-night session on the bill, restaurant lobbyists pushed through an amendment to delete tip reporting provisions. Angered by the move, Dole per- suaded Finance Committee members to back a retaliatory amendment reducing the tax deduc- tion for business lunches - something liberal Democrats had -been pushing for years. The tip reporting provision survived, contributing to the bill's $98.3=billion in increased federal reve- nues over a three-year period. As the history of the tax bill shows, Dole walks a fine line between loyalty to the Reagan administration and protecting his own political interests. While he pressured Reagan to change on taxes, he backs administration economic policy on many issues even when other Repub- licans are straying. Early in 1982, after Congress passed a bill providing the federal government with standby power to allocate oil supplies, Dole was one of a delegation of Republican leaders that went to the White House to urge Reagan not to veto the measure. When it was vetoed anyway, Dole switched sides and supported Reagan. Later in the year he backed the president's veto of an emergency funding bill that was endorsed by many Republicans. "I don't suggest we're bust- ing the budget but I don't want to bust the president either," he said. In 1983 Dole and Reagan went down to- gether in the Senate fighting to preserve in- come tax withholding on interest and divi- dends. The administration had proposed withholding in the previous year's budget, and Dole had included it in the 1982 tax bill, arguing that it would net the federal govern- ment an additional $20 billion over five years. It was to take effect in mid-1983. The banking industry mounted an inten- sive lobbying campaign to repeal the provision, citing the extra paperwork burden imposed on banks and telling some depositors that they would be required to pay more in taxes. Dole was their chief antagonist. Democratic Rep. Norman E. D'Amours of New Hampshire, leading the House fight for repeal, charged that "to listen to Bob Dole, you'd think Satan himself was behind this effort." He was exaggerating only slightly. Dole accused the bankers of "the most massive cam- paign in American history to intimidate the Congress." By mid-April, though, it was clear that the banks had succeeded. To avoid outright repeal, Dole and Reagan agreed to a "compromise" that delayed withholding until at least 1987. "Very frankly," Dole admitted, "we didn't have the votes." Along with his importance on taxes, Dole's position as Finance chairman has placed him at the center of debate on Social Security. He was a member of the National Commission on So- cial Security Reform and played a key role in finding the compromise that allowed the com- mission to issue its recommendations on saving the system. Dole also helped put through an extension of the Voting Rights Act in 1982. After days of delicate negotiations with civil rights groups, Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MO1152ROO0400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MO1152ROO0400510001-6 !low Judiciary Committee members and the !ministration, Dole came up with a deal that lowed the bill to emerge from the committee ith provisions making it easier to prove voting ghts violations. He won high praise from civil ghts lobbyists. As a member of the Agriculture Commit- e, Dole consistently has departed from con- .rvative ranks to help craft and enlarge the od stamp program, popular among Kansas heat growers as well as impoverished recipi- its. Over the 1970s; he regularly joined forces i the committee with South Dakota Democrat eorge McGovern, whom he roundly criticized the 1972 campaign. In 1981, when Reagan proposed drastic ,ductions in the food stamp program, Dole as instrumental in persuading administration :ficials to soften them. Then he worked with emocrat Patrick Leahy of Vermont to move ie modified package through the Agriculture ommittee over the objection of its chairman, sse Helms, R-N.C., who wanted to go even irther than Reagan. Helms fought for his .ews in committee and on the floor, and lost ath times. Dole has been a crusader for federal aid to ie handicapped. He lives with his own handi- ip, a nearly useless right arm and a somewhat npaired left one resulting from a devastating ound sustained during combat in Italy late in lorld War II. The years he spent recovering idelibly marked his character. Having survived real trouble, Dole seldom .ems to take himself or anything else too .riously. But he has an underlying determina- on and fierce competitive streak. "I do try arder," he once said. "If I didn't, I'd be sitting i a rest home, in a rocker, drawing disability." At Home: Dole is today the foremost olitical figure in Kansas. Republicans in the rate's congressional delegation defer to him ut of habit. In 1980 he coasted to easy re- fection. But the road to his political security has een a bit rough. Another 982 votes in his 1960 louse primary would have sent another man to Washington in his place. A swing of 2,600 'ould have unseated him four years later. One ercentage point would have defeated him in 974. Dole emerged from his World War II or- eal with ambition and an ample share of .iscipline. Even before completing his law de- ree, he won a term in the Kansas House. After Kansas - Senior Senator two years there, he became Russell County prosecutor. Eight years later, he was a candidate for the U.S. House, running for the GOP nomina- tion against Keith G. Sebelius, a Republican from nearby Norton County. Dole defeated him by 982 votes, forcing Sebelius to wait eight years for a House vacancy. In the fall, Dole was an easy winner, keeping the old 6th District of western Kansas in its traditionally Republican hands. In 1962 the state's two western districts were combined, and Dole had to run against a Democratic incumbent, J. Floyd Breeding. He beat him by more than 20,000 votes. But he had a difficult time in 1964 coping with the national Democratic landslide and with Bill Bork, a farmers' co-op official. Demo- crat Bork said he would be a better friend of agriculture than Dole, who he pointed out was a small-town lawyer, not a farmer. Dole won by 5,126 votes. In 1968 Republican Frank Carlson an- nounced his retirement from the Senate, and Dole competed with former Gov. William H. Avery for the GOP nomination to succeed him. Avery had been ousted from the Statehouse two years earlier by Democrat Robert Docking, and he seemed preoccupied during much of the primary campaign with Docking rather than Dole. The result was a Dole victory by a re- markable plurality of more than 100,000 votes. That fall, Dole also had an easy time against Democrat William I. Robinson, a Wich- ita attorney who criticized him, for opposing federal aid to schools. Dole talked about the social unrest of that year and blamed much of it on the Johnson administration in Washing- ton. The 1974 campaign was different. Dole was weighted down with his earlier Nixon connec- tions, which were played up, probably to an unwise degree, by Democratic challenger Wil- liam Roy, a two-term House member. Roy continued referring to Nixon and Watergate even after he had built a comfortable lead against Dole. This enabled Dole to strike back with an advertisement in which a mud-splat- tered poster of himself was gradually wiped clean as he insisted on his honesty. Dole came from behind in the final weeks to defeat Roy by 13,532 votes; Since then, he has had nothing to worry about. He encoun- . tered only weak opposition for a third term in 1980. Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MO1152ROO0400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 1973 71 27 83 14 89 10 1972 87 4 87 3 Be 1 Finance (Chairman) 1971 80 13 80 9 87 4 Health; Oversight of the Internal Revenue Service; Social Secu- 1970 81 15 88 8 86 7 rity and Income Maintenance Programs. Agriculture, Nutrition and Forestry (2nd of 10 Republicans) 1969 House service 75 21 80 12 87 7 Nutrition (chairman); Agricultural Production, Marketing and 1968 42 46 79 6 88 0 Stabilization of Prices; Foreign Agricultural Policy. 1967 40 53 84 7 91 4 1966 37 63 90 10 100 0 Judiciary (5th of 10 Republicans) Copyrights and Courts (chairman); Criminal Law; Patents 1965 34 63 91 7 98 2 , Trademarks. 1964 1963 27 23 73 76 94 100 6 0 100 93 0 7 Rules and Administration (7th of 7 Republicans) 1992 33 65 93 5 94 0 Joint Taxation 1961 15 83 88 12 100 0 S- Support 0 = Opposition 1980 General Robert Dole (R) 598,686 (64%) Key Votes Allow vote on anti-busing bill (1981) Y John Simpson (D) 340,271 (36%) Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N 1980 Primary Index income taxes (1981) Y Cut off B-1 bomber funds (1981) N Robert Dole (R) 201,484 (82%) Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) N Jim Grainge (R) 44.674 (18%) Retain tobacco price supports (1982) Y Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y Previous Winning Percentages: 1974 (51%) 1968 (60%) Delete $1.2 billion for public works jobs (1982) Y 1966- (69%) 1964- (51%) 1962- (56%) 1960- (59%) Increase gas tax by 5 cents per gallon (1982) Y House elections. Campaign Finance Receipts Expand' Receipts from PACs Nurse 1980 Dole (R) $1,327,384 $422,531 (32%) $1,224,494 Simpson (D) $340,147 $52,290 (15%) $339,987 Voting Studies Presidential Support Party Unity Conservative Coalition Year S 0 S 0 S 0 1982 _86 13 91 8 85 10 1981 85 7 94 5 92 5 1960 48 49 72 24 77 20 1979 39 57 78 16 85 14 1978 32 65 77 19 83 14 1977 53 44 85 12 89 8 1976 66 17 71 12 ' 77 7 1975 75 16. 86 8 90 5 1974 (Ford) 34 37 1974 63 33 71 21 76 17 Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS-1 CCUS-2 1992 15 71 20 62 1981 5 70 11 100 1990 22 77 28 90 1979 21 64 21 73 75 1978 20 58 22 83 1977 5 70 11 88 1976 10 87 16 75 1975 17 67 24 75 1974 19 84 18 80 1973 10 82 27 78 1972 0 84 10 100 1971 4 71 17 - 1970 13 76 17 89 1969 0 64 18 - House service 1968 0 90 25 - 1967 7 96 9 100 1966 0 93 0 - 1965 0 89 - 100 1964 4 95 9 1963 - 100 1962 0 91 0 1961 0 - - Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Robert C. Byrd (D) Of Sophia - Elected 1958 Born: Nov. 20, 1917, North Wilkesboro, N.C. Education: Beckley College, Concord College, Morris Harvey College, 1950-51; Marshall College, 1951-52; American U., J.D. 1963. Occupation: Lawyer. Family: Wife, Erma Ora James; two children. Religion: Baptist. political Career. W.Va. House, 1947-51; W.Va. Senate, 1951-53; U.S. House, 1953-59. Capitol Office: 311 Hart Bldg. 20510; 224-3954. In Washington: After a political lifetime spent gaining power by giving favors, Byrd found his traditional style essentially useless in the 97th Congress, where nearly all the favors were under Republican control. He had to struggle to be an effective minority leader, using talents better suited to the housekeeping duties of the majority. Byrd never really did "make the trains run on time," as the saying goes, during his four years as majority leader. But he had a knack for meeting other senators' personal and political needs, from scheduling a minor bill to working out delicate language on a crucial treaty. If he was not the easiest man in the world to like, he was a competent manager, and senators were indebted to him for it. After the Democrats' crushing 1980 defeat, however, the same colleagues were more likely to worry about Byrd's distant personality and rigid speaking style, which seemed poorly suited to a role as national spokesman of the party out of power. Byrd himself faced a poten- tially difficult re-election fight in West Vir- ginia, and there was talk of a challenge to him among Senate Democrats. Those threats have faded now; there was no effort by other Democrats to replace Byrd at the start of the 98th Congress. Byrd himself has suggested that the minority leader post is not a terribly attractive job - "I don't know who else would want it," he has said. "It's nice to have the title, but there's a lot of work in- volved." But there are other reasons why Byrd's leadership position is not under serious chal- lenge. He has had some success in getting the Senate Democrats back together. Byrd has worked hard over the past two years to rebuild party ties and work toward a cohesive opposi- tion to the Reagan administration. Byrd's strong resistance to the administra- tion was not a sure thing at the beginning - he voted for President Reagan's 1981 tax and budget cut bills. Soon, however, he shifted to opposition, particularly after the administra- tion proposed cuts in Social Security. To unite the Democrats, Byrd tried a num- ber of different steps. He scheduled weekly luncheons of the Democratic Caucus, which had met rarely when it was a majority. A weekend retreat in West Virginia late in 1981 brought nearly all the Democratic senators together to thrash out their disagreements. Byrd also sought to revive the moribund Democratic Policy Committee, hiring a former Carter aide to run its public relations opera- tion. He appointed a series of task forces on various issues to propose Democratic legislative alternatives. Few senators would have forecast a leader- ship role for Robert Byrd when he arrived in the Senate in 1958. In those days he was considered parochial in his emphasis on West Virginia issues and far to the right of most Democratic senators on others. He opposed the Civil Rights Act of 1964; he was a scourge of welfare recipients as chairman of the District of Columbia Appropriations Subcommittee, or- dering inspections to see whether female wel- fare recipients were harboring unreported men in their homes. But by 1967, he had a toehold on the Senate leadership ladder, defeating the veteran liberal Joseph Clark of Pennsylvania to become secretary of the Democratic Conference. Unno- ticed by outsiders, Byrd set about serving his colleagues, scheduling routine business to suit their convenience and tending to countless de- tails involved in running the Senate. Four years later he cashed the chits he had so carefully collected and ousted a stunned Edward M. Kennedy from the No. 2 leadership Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MO1152ROO0400510001-6 Robert C.B Byrd, D-W. Va. job, majority whip. Kennedy, shaken by the Chappaquiddick controversy in 1969, had been neither an active nor effective whip, but he anticipated no trouble: He went into the 1971 party caucus full of confidence and verbal commitments. Byrd, however, entered with a pocketful of due bills and a deathbed proxy from his Senate mentor, the late Richard Russell of Georgia. It was no contest. For six years after that, Byrd was a loyal lieutenant to Majority Leader Mike Mansfield, sitting through long days of floor work while deferring to Mansfield as party spokesman and political leader. An indefatigable worker, Byrd soon be- came a master of Senate rules and procedures. He studied constantly - history, philosophy, poetry and law - seeking to improve himself. (He already had a law degree, obtained in 1963 after he attended night school at American University in Washington during his first Sen- ate term.) And he continued to perform favors, small and not so small, for his fellow senators. When Mansfield retired, Byrd was ready. Some liberals wanted the universally beloved Hubert H. Humphrey in the top leadership job, believing he would be a more presentable and eloquent spokesman than Byrd, whom many of them still saw as a mere technician. But Byrd once again had a long column of accounts receivable - and he called them. Humphrey, already seriously ill, withdrew be- fore the balloting even started, and Byrd was elected by acclamation. By the time of his accession to the leader- ship, Byrd had moved a considerable distance to the left. The hard-liner who broke with a majority of his party to support an anti-ballis- tic missile system in 1969 became strongly committed a decade later to a strategic arms limitation treaty with the Soviet Union. The bitter critic of self-government for the District of Columbia in the 1960s won Senate approval for a constitutional amendment giving the Dis- trict voting representation in Congress. And the senator who once dismissed the Rev. Mar- tin Luther King Jr. as a "self-serving rabble- rouser" fought to the very end of the 96th Congress in a vain effort to strengthen federal fair housing laws. Byrd took over the majority leadership as Jimmy Carter was becoming president. His tenure as majority leader was marked by an uneasy relationship with his fellow Democrat, whom he seemed to regard as an amateur with little aptitude for the exercise of power. None- theless, Byrd repeatedly saved the Democratic administration in difficult legislative situations - making sure that Carter knew where the credit belonged. His most dramatic rescue operation came in 1978, when he saved the Panama Canal transfer treaties for Carter through non-stop negotiations with wavering senators, personal diplomacy with Panamanian officials and last- second language changes that finally amassed the votes needed for ratification. Byrd also, played an indispensable role in the passage of Carter's energy program, approval of the Mid. die East arms sale package, lifting of the Turk. ish arms embargo and extension of the deadline for ratification of the Equal Rights Amend. ment. In a word, Byrd has gone "national." His defense of West Virginia interests, especially coal, has never ceased, but it is now seen as e fragment of his record, not the most important part of it. During his last year as majority leader, when he maneuvered to get the Senate to weaken the three-year-old strip-mine control act, few liberals treated it as a major offense. His right to speak for the Democratic Party in the Senate was no longer in question. At Home: A year before the 1982 election, it seemed Byrd's transformation into a national figure might be costly for him in West Virginia. Republican leaders, believing he had turned left and grown vulnerable, prepared their most serious challenge since he first won the seat in 1958. They speculated that the senator's cam- paign skills, honed in the 1940s, would be ineffective against a 1980s media assault. Byrd taught them a few things. Taking advantage of a beleaguered economy and a badly mismanaged GOP effort that wasted most of its money, he drew nearly 70 percent, humiliating the Republican who had left his House seat to run. The senator was born Cornelius Calvin Sale Jr. When he was 10, his mother died and his father abandoned him, and he spent his childhood with an aunt and uncle, Vlurma and Titus Byrd, in the hard-scrabble coal country of southern West Virginia. Byrd graduated first in his high school class, but it took him 12 more years before he could afford to start college. He worked as a gas station attendant, grocery store clerk, shipyard welder and butcher before his talents as a fiddle player helped win him a seat in the state Legislature in 1946. Friends drove Byrd around the hills and hollows, where he brought the voters out by playing "Cripple Creek" and "Rye Whiskey." From then on, he never lost an election. As he himself once put it, "There are four things people believe in in West Virginia - God Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MO1152ROO0400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Almighty, Sears Roebuck, Carters Little Liver Pills and Robert C. Byrd." When Democrat Erland Hedrick retired in the old 6th Congressional District in 1952, Byrd was an obvious contender. But he had to sur- mount a serious political problem: He had joined the Ku Klux Klan at age 24 and as late as 1946 wrote a letter to the imperial grand wizard urging a Klan rebirth "in every state of the Union." When this came up publicly in 1952, his opponents and Democratic Gov. Okey L. Patteson called on him to drop out. He refused, explaining his Klan membership as a youthful indiscretion committed because of his alarm over communism, and he won the election. After three House terms, he ran for the Senate in 1958 with the support of the AFL- CIO and the United Mine Workers. He crushed his primary opposition and made an impressive showing in unseating Republican Chapman Revercomb, a veteran who had been in and out of the Senate in the 1940s and won a two-year term in a comeback in 1956. Revercomb was a weak incumbent before the campaign even be- gan, and the 1958 recession had had a serious impact in West Virginia, driving voters closer to New Deal Democratic roots. Byrd was an easy winner. For the next two decades, West Virginians returned him to the Senate by larger and larger margins. In 1964, he trounced Cooper Benedict, a former deputy assistant secretary of defense. Six years later, the Republicans put up Charleston Mayor Elmer H. Dodson. who cam- paigned little and suffered an overwhelming defeat. In 1976, no one filed against Byrd, and his only real contest was as a favorite son in the state's presidential primary. He won that in a landslide, defeating George C. Wallace, who was once strong in West Virginia but whose national campaign was by then close to col- lapse. ' By 1982, West Virginia's political climate had changed. Two years earlier, the conserva- tive Reagan tide had helped the GOP pick up two House seats in West Virginia. One of the Republican newcomers, Rep. Cleve Benedict West Virginia - Junior Senator (the son of Cooper Benedict), decided to chal- lenge Byrd in 1980. An heir to the Procter & Gamble fortune, Benedict was able to finance a year-long media campaign. Both he and the National Conserva- tive Political Action Committee (NCPAC) pep- pered Byrd with negative ads, attacking Byrd's support of the Panama Canal treaties and his failure to maintain a residence in West Vir- ginia. To the astonishment of party and press people, the Benedict campaign engaged in a series of controversial pranks. At one campaign stop, Benedict workers presented Byrd with a membership in NCPAC. At another, a Benedict worker tried to give Byrd a Ku Klux Klan hood, a not-so-subtle reminder of Byrd's past membership. Raising the Klan issue was a silly tactic. Byrd had successfully put that problem to rest 30 years earlier, and Benedict's attempt to revive it struck many voters as character assas- sination. The attacks ruffled the proud and prickly senator, but he neither overreacted verbally nor campaigned lethargically, as the Benedict forces had hoped he would. Stunned by the huge Democratic Senate losses in 1980, Byrd had prepared well for the challenge to his seat. He solidified labor and party support and put together a campaign treasury nearly twice as large as Benedict's. Byrd stressed his West Virginia roots. maintained that being the No. 2 man in the Senate was better than being a freshman, and sharply criticized Benedict and NCPAC for dirty tricks that he said embarrassed West Virginia. He frequently called Benedict a con- sistent supporter of Reagan's failed economic policy. By Election Day, it was clear that Byrd would win. Benedict had started the year far behind in the polls, and his campaign tactics only made his situation worse. But few people predicted the proportions of the landslide. Byrd swept all but one of the state's 45 counties en route to re-election with nearly 70 percent of the vote. Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Robert C. Byrd, D-W. Va. Committees Minority Leader Appropriations (2nd of 14 Democrats) Interior and Related Agencies (ranking); Agriculture, Rural Development and Related Agencies; Energy and Water Devel- opment; Labor Health and Human Services, Education and Re- lated Agencies; Transportation and Related Agencies. Judiciary (3rd of 8 Democrats) Rules and Administration (3rd of 5 Democrats) 1972 67 30 68 31 50 1971 55 35 62 32 64 1970 57 33 66 26 44 1969 46 47 52 34 59 1968 49 46 63 24 56 1967 65 27 68 24 71 1966 63 31 64 28 49 1965 64 27 62 31 57 1964 67 24 68 28 61 1963 75 12 85 11 32 1962 86 14 93 7 50 1961 83 15 92 6 20 S- Support 0 - Opposition 1992 General Robert Byrd (D) 387,170 (69%) Key Votes Cleve Benedict (R) 173,910 (31%) Allow vote on anti-busing bill (1981) Previous Winning Percentages: 1976 (100%) 1970 (78%) Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) 1964 (68%) 1958 (59%) 1956? ( 57%) 1954- (637.) Index income taxes (1981) Cut off B-1 bomber funds (1981) 1952- (56%) Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Retain tobacco i 198 t Campaign Finance pr ce suppor s ( 2) Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Delete $1.2 billion for.public works jobs (1982) Increase gas tax by 5 cents per gallon (1982) Receipts Expend- Receipts from PACs Itures 1982 Byrd(D) $1,841.585 $713,185 Benedict (R) $1,092,987 $275,734 1976 Byrd (D) $271,124 $64,240 (39%) $1,746,230 (25%) $1,093,080 (24%) $94,335 Voting Studies Presidential Party Conservative Support Unity Coalition Year S 0 S 0 S 0 1982 40 60 81 19 56 44 1981 47 '48 78 14 43 53 1980 73 26 87 12 42 58 1979 77 20 79 20 57 43 1978 82 15 79 19 40 58 1977 84 15 66 31 55 44 1976 47 53 73 26 42 57 1975 66 34 63 36 64 35 1974 (Ford) 47 . 53 1974 ? 47 53 63 37 ' 56 44 1973 40 60 75 25 47 53 Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS-1 1982 60 48 92 48 1961 70 29 89 39 1960 56 15 58 33 1979 53 26 58 18 1918 45 29 78 28 1971 50 37 60 39 1976 45 31 79 22 1975 28 43 50 50 1974 52 47 82 20 1973 60 38 91 22 1972 35 50 70 0 1971 26 45 58 - 1970 31 50 50 20 1969 33 50 36 - 166 21 63 0 - 1967 23 38 33 40 1966 35 31 50 - 1965 35 32 - 40 1964 52 39 64 - 1963 - 8 - - 1992 67 7 91 - 1961 80 - - - Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 c H Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 MEMBERSHIP FOR HOUSE PERMANENT SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE ? ? Chairman Lee H. Hamilton (D., IN) Louis Stokes (D., OH) Dave McCurdy (D., OK) Ranking Minority Member Bob Stump (R., AZ) Andy Ireland (R., FL) Henry J. Hyde (R., IL) Anthony C. Beilenson (D., CA) Robert W. Kastenmeier (D., WI) Dick Cheney (R., WY) Bob Livingston (R., LA) Dan Daniel (D., VA) Bob McEwen (R., OH) Robert A. Roe (D., NJ) George E. Brown, Jr. (D., CA) Matthew Bernard F. J. McHugh Dwyer (D., NY) (D., NJ) EX OFFICIO: James C. Wright, Jr.. (D., TX) Robert H. Michel (R., IL) Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 is Lee H. Hamilton (D) of Nashville - Elected 1964 Born: April 20, 1931, Daytona Beach, Fla. Education DePauw U., B.A. 1952; Ind. U., J.D. 1956. Occupation Lawyer. Family: Wife, Nancy Nelson; three children. Religion Methodist. political Career. No previous office. Capitol Office: 2187 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-5315. In Washington: A man who chooses his issues carefully and times his few speeches for maximum impact, Hamilton has a reservoir of respect few members can match. But he has been reluctant to take advantage of it, and he has never sought a broker's role in House politics. Scornful of self-promotion, Hamilton ap- proaches his job with unwavering earnestness. Every week he mails his constituents a newslet- ter notable because it lacks the traditional self- serving photos and features about the incum- bent. Hamilton simply explains one issue each week and sets out the major arguments on each side. Sometimes he does not even express his own opinion. This low-key style has evolved over nearly 20 years on Foreign Affairs, which Hamilton joined as a freshman in 1965, and on the Europe and Middle East Subcommittee, which he chairs. He is one of a handful of members who have made the once-passive Foreign Af- fairs Committee closer in stature to its tradi- tionally dominant Senate counterpart. Now third in line on Foreign Affairs behind two Democrats who are both more than a decade older, Hamilton seems almost certain to inherit the committee at some point in the 1980s. In 1972 Hamilton sponsored the first end- the-Vietnam-War measure ever adopted by the Foreign Affairs Committee. His amendment to a foreign aid bill called for withdrawal of U.S. forces from Vietnam, contingent on release of all prisoners of war and agreement with North Vietnam on a cease-fire plan. The amendment was killed on the House floor in August 1972, but it helped set the stage for later congres- sional actions to end the war. Hamilton frequently writes letters to top administration officials demanding explana- tions of policy decisions, and publishes their responses in the Congressional Record. He forces the State Department to brief him regu- larly on developments in the Middle East. When the peace treaty between Egypt. and Israel in 1979 forced Congress to approve a new $4.8 billion American aid package, Hamilton managed it on the House floor and won its approval, calling it "a bargain for the United States." As subcommittee chairman, he has sought to steer a middle course between the panel's militant pro-Israel faction and those who want to pay serious attention to Arab and Palestin- ian demands. In the 97th Congress, Hamilton sharply criticized Israeli handling of the raids on Palestinian camps in Lebanon. But he also was one of the more skeptical members in his approach toward Reagan administration plans for new arms sales to Jordan. In his subcommittee's sensitive debates over aid to Greece and Turkey, Hamilton played what amounted to a referee's role. He was willing to back increased arms sales to Turkey, but insisted on imposing conditions and considering arms for Greece at the same time. - Hamilton began to build his favorable reputation early in his House career, winning election in 1965 as president of the freshman Democratic class in the 89th Congress. Later the same year, Hamilton received widespread press attention with a letter to President John- son saying it was "time to pause" in action on Great. Society social programs. That strain of domestic conservatism has shown up in his budget voting of the last few years. Skeptical of the deficit levels the House Budget Committee has endorsed, he has some- times voted against the committee's resolutions on final passage, taking most of the Indiana Democratic delegation with him. In 1981 he backed the Democratic leadership in voting against President Reagan's budget. Much of Hamilton's time in recent years Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Indiana 9 This is the largest and least urbanized district in the state. The hilly forests and farm lands are more akin to Kentucky and parts of southern Ohio and Illinois than to the flat Hoosier farm lands farther north. Many of those who settled here came from the South and brought with them their Democratic allegiances. Poultry and cattle are the major agri- cultural commodities of the area, which is also the center of some of the nation's finest and most abundant limestone quarries. Stone cutters, like those portrayed in the movie "Breaking Away," regularly excavate rock that is used for building material throughout the country. The Indiana suburbs of Louisville, Ky., along the Ohio River, make up the district's largest-concentration of voters. Centered on New Albany, the district's largest city with just 37,000 people, this area is experiencing a minor population boom. With the counties along the Ohio River leading the way, the 9th grew faster in the 1970s than all but one district in the state. has been spent on ethics issues as a member of the Committee on Standards of Official Con- duct. In 1977 he chaired a task force that recommended new rules limiting members' out- side earned income and honoraria. Most of the recommendations were adopted by the House, although in 1981 the outside income limit was doubled, to 30 percent of a member's salary. In the 96th Congress, Hamilton was the dominant Democrat on the ethics committee, performing many of the behind-the-scenes chores for its mercurial chairman, Charles E. Bennett, D-Fla. Hamilton persuaded the panel to revise the ethics rules to clarify the differences among various punishments meted out in ethics cases. He worked on the committee's recommenda- tion of censure for Michigan Democrat Charles C. Diggs Jr., convicted in a kickback scheme, and on the Abscam bribery investigations. On Abscam, however, Hamilton broke with Bennett and most of the committee. The panel recommended that Rep. Michael "Ozzie" My- ers, D-Pa., be expelled following his conviction in federal court for accepting bribes. The ex- pulsion came to the floor on the day the House Southeast . Bloomington; New Albany In the days of the steamboats, when Indiana's economy depended upon the car. goes that came up the Ohio River, New Albany was the state's largest city. Although the river's contribution to the local liveli. hood has dropped off considerably in the last hundred years, the 9th District still depends upon river traffic and industries located along the river bank for many of its jobs. In its northwest corner, the 9th takes in most of Bloomington, the home of Indiana University. The district boundary runs along 3rd Street in Bloomington, placing the northern two-thirds of the city's 52,000 residents in the 9th. Included in that area is all of Indiana University's campus as well at most of the off-campus housing and faculty neighborhoods. Population: 544,873. White 530,291 (97%), Black 10,205 (2%). Spanish origin 3,180 (1%). 18 and over 383,018 (70%), 65 and over 56,470 (10%). Median age: 28. J was scheduled to recess for the 1980 election. and Hamilton said the rushed atmosphere was denying Myers due process. But the majorit) was on the other side, and Myers was expelled Hamilton left the panel at the end of 1980. At Home: The son and brother of minis ters, Hamilton has a devotion to work that comes out of his traditional Methodist family. From his days in Evansville High School in 1948, when he helped propel the basketball team to the state finals, to his race for Congress in 1964, he displayed a quiet, consistent deter. mination. When he graduated from DePauw Univer sity in 1952, he received an award as the outstanding senior. He accepted a acholarshit- to Goethe University in Germany for further study. Hamilton practiced law for a while?in Chi- cago, but soon decided to settle in Columbus. Indiana, where his interest in politics led him into the local Democratic Party. In 1960 he wo chairman of the Bartholomew County (Colum- bus) Citizens for Kennedy. Two years later be managed Birch Bayh's Senate campaign it Columbus. Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MO1152ROO0400510001-6 ? He was the consensus choice of the local Democratic organization for the 9th District House nomination in 1964, and won the pri- mary with 46 percent of the vote in a field of five candidates. He went on to defeat longtime Republican Rep. Earl Wilson, a crusty fiscal watchdog who had represented the district for almost a quarter of a century. With his widespread personal respect, Hamilton has been re-elected easily ever since. After a few years, Republicans gave up on defeating him and added Democrats to his district to give GOP candidates a better chance Committees Foreign Affairs (3rd of 24 Democrats) Europe and the Middle East (chairman); International Security and Scientific Affairs. Select Intelligence (6th of 9 Democrats) Oversight and Evaluation. Joint Economic (vice chairman) Economic Goals and Intergovernmental Policy (chairman); Mon- etary and Fiscal Policy. 1962 General Lee H. Hamilton (D) 121,094 (67%) Floyd Coates (R) 58,532 (32%) 1910 General Lee H. Hamilton (D) 136,574 (64%) George Meyers Jr. (R) 75,601 (36%) Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (66%) 1975 (100%) 1814 (71%) 1972 (63%) 1970 (63%) 1961 (54%) 1116 (54%) 1814 (54%) District Vote For President 1980 1976 0 92,931 (43%) D 109,023 (52Y.) R 112,568 (52%) R 98,908 (47%) 1 8,747 ( 4%) Campaign Finance Receipts Expend- Receipts from PACs iturss Hamilton (D) $159,150 $58,065.(36%) $177,607 Coates(R) $233,458 $550 (.2%) $147,881 1110 Mamdton )D) $113,260 Voting Studies Presidential Party Conservative Support Unity Coalition S 0 S 0 S 0 47 52 66 33 58 42 47 51 71 27 56 44 Indiana - 9th District elsewhere in the state. In 1976, for the first time in the history of the district, the Republi- cans put up no candidate at all. In 1980, as Democrats were having trouble all over Indi- ana, Hamilton was drawing his usual percent- age - nearly 65 percent of the vote. Conceding that Hamilton was unbeatable, the Republican Legislature made no effort to weaken him in the 1981 redistricting, although they removed Hamilton's hometown of Colum- bus from the district. He switched his residence to the next county and was re-elected with 67 percent of the vote. 1960 74 25 67 31 48 47 1979 76 23 71 .29 . 44 56 1978 86 14 74 26 33 67 1977 72 23 80 18 32 65 1976 33 67 72 27 43 55 1975 51 48 69 29 45 54 1974 (Ford) 65 35 1974 70 26 65 32 39 55 1973 41 58 82 18 30 70 1972 68 30 71 28 ."35 63 1971 42 54 85 12 17 78 1970 68 23 74 21 23 73 1969 68 32 85 15 22 78 1968 82 15 77 18 27 65 1967 85 12 79 19 44 52 1966 82 10 75 15 32 51 1965 84 11 82 13 24 75 S = Support 0 = Opposition Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) N Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y Index income taxes (1981) N Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N Delete MX funding (1982) Y Retain existing. cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1992 70 30 80 45 1981 65 33 67 28 1980 44 46 47 76 1979 53 27 70 50 1978 35 31 50 35 1977 60 15 64 50 1976 50 11 52 32 1975 68 43 74 29 1974 65 7 70 50 1973 80 4 73 36 1972 50 26 82 10 1971 89 7 75 1970 80 13 67 22 1969 53 13 90 - 1968 58 22 75 - 1967 53 11 83 30 1966 47 33 85 1965 58 15 - 10 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MO1152ROO0400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Louis Stokes (D) Of Warrensville Heights - Elected 1968 Borg Feb. 23, 1925, Cleveland, Ohio. Education: Attended Western Reserve U., 1946-48; Cleveland Marshall Law School, J.D. 1953. Military Career. U.S. Army, 1943-46. Occupation: Lawyer. Family: Wife, Jeanette Francis; four children. Religion: African Methodist Episcopalian. Political Career. No previous office. Capitol Office: 2465 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-7032. In Washington: Stokes came to Congress in an era of black activism, and he is still an important spokesman on minority issues at the Appropriations Committee. But he has at- tracted more attention in recent years as a kind of trouble-shooter for the House leadership. His current assignment is the chairman- ship of the House ethics committee, formally the Committee on Standards of Official Con- duct. Speaker O'Neill asked him in 1981 to take over a panel criticized privately by many House members as too rigid in dealing with colleagues. Stokes had taken an interest in ethics issues during the long debate, that led to the 1979 censure of the senior black House mem- ber, Charles C. Diggs Jr., D-Mich., who had been convicted on kickback charges. Stokes acted as floor manager for Diggs, although he joined in the 414-0 vote to censure him. The following year, Stokes was named to the ethics committee himself, and dissented quietly at the committee recommended censure of Charles Wilson, D-Calif., for financial mis- conduct, and expulsion of Michael "Ozzie" My- ers, D-Pa., following his bribery conviction aris- ing from Abscam. Stokes argued against the expulsion of Myers and tried to change Wil- son's penalty to a reprimand.. - As chairman, Stokes has tried to avoid playing the role of prosecutor. He leaves the sharp questioning to others and speaks of pro- tecting the rights of the accused. This careful style has pleased O'Neill, who sometimes ap- peared uncomfortable with the previous chair- man, Charles E. Bennett of Florida, long known as a purist on ethics issues. Bennett stepped down after two years in the chairmanship, and Democratic leaders took the opportunity to replace him with a much less hard-line chair- man. Once in charge, Stokes endorsed a series of rules changes that would have created a sepa- rate panel of members to try disciplinary cases after the ethics committee recommended ac- tion. But nothing ever came of the idea. Stokes voted with the majority in April of 1981 as the committee recommended expulsion for Demo- crat Raymond F. Lederer of Pennsylvania, the last remaining House member involved'in the Abscam bribery case. Lederer resigned from the House the next day. For more than a year after that, the com- mittee was relatively quiet. It began investigat- ing a variety of drug and tax-evasion charges against New York Democrat Frederick W. Richmond, but its job ended in mid-1982 when Richmond pleaded guilty and resigned from the House. In July of 1982, however, the committee found itself in the headlines again after Leroy Williams, a House page from Arkansas, charged that some members had used drugs and en- gaged in homosexual activities with the teen- aged pages. Stokes appointed Washington law- yer Joseph J. Califano to investigate, but the issue began to fade when Williams admitted lying about the original charges. In December, Califano gave Stokes' committee a 118-page report finding no improper behavior by mem- bers and implying that the media had been irresponsible in spreading an unfounded story. Stokes asked Califano to continue looking into the drug issue. Stokes' ethics chairmanship marks the sec- ond time he has moved in to take over a troubled committee. In 1977 he became chair- man of the bitterly divided panel that was investigating the assassinations of John F. Ken- nedy and Martin Luther King Jr. The original chairman, Henry Gonzalez of Texas, got into a nasty public fight with Rich- ard Sprague, the Pennsylvania prosecutor who had been hired as committee counsel. The Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Ohio 21 One of the axioms of Ohio politics is that to win statewide, a Democratic candi- date must build a 100,000-vote edge in Cuyahoga County. Most of that lead has to be built in the 21st, which is anchored in Cleveland's heavily black East Side. The district includes the areas devas- tated by riot in the 1960s, as well as middle- class neighborhoods farther from the down- town area. Heavy industries, especially automobile and machine tool plants, long have been major employers. During the last decade, the 21st was the most Democratic district in the state. In 11 East Side wards, Jimmy Carter outpolled Ronald Reagan in 1980 by margins of at least 207to-1. To protect Stokes, the heart of the old 21st was preserved in redistricting. But to offset a 25 percent population loss over the 1970s, the fifth greatest decline recorded by any district in the country, the 21st ex- panded to the south and east to add about 160,000 suburbanites. While most of these new constituents are white, their presence does not significantly alter the demograph- ics of the district. The 21st remains heavily black (62 percent compared with 79 percent before) and staunchly Democratic. The key additions were Cleveland Heights, Shaker Heights and the western half of University Heights. With a large committee backed Sprague, and Gonzalez quit in a huff. O'Neill chose Stokes to replace him. Stokes shifted the hearings behind closed doors and out of the news. He led a disciplined inquiry, highlighted by a dramatic cross-exami- nation of King's killer, James Earl Ray. The final report was accepted with some relief though many doubted its conclusions - that there.probably were conspiracies in both cases. Stokes emerged with his reputation enhanced. Stokes was the first black appointed to the Appropriations Committee and still is the only one on its HHS and HUD subcommittees. He also served on the Budget Committee for three terms, but did not play a major part in its work. Stokes' role on Appropriations changed with President Reagan's election. Before, he had focused on minority-related issues, leaving much of the detail to other senior Democrats. But in 1981, he began spending more time at Cleveland - East; Cleveland Heights proportion of Jews and young professionals, these three are among the most liberal com- munities in Ohio. All of them voted for Carter for president in 1980; all of -them gave independent John Anderson at least 10 percent of the vote. In the 1950s and 1960s, Shaker Heights symbolized suburbia. But in recent years, communities farther east have replaced Shaker Heights as the county's exclusive address. North of Shaker Heights is Cleve- land Heights, many of whose integrated neighborhoods are a short walk from Uni- versity Circle, the home of Case-Western Reserve University and the cultural hub of Cleveland. From the circle area, commuters drive along historic Euclid Avenue to their jobs downtown. While the avenue now bears the marks of poverty, it was known as "Million- aires' Row" at the turn of the century. Few of the old mansions are left today. The one belonging to John D. Rockefeller, founder of Standard Oil, was razed to make way for a gas station. Population: 514,625. White 187,180 (36% ), Black 320,816 (62%), Asian and Pacific Islander 2,832 (1 %). Spanish origin 5,134 0%). 18 and over 373,272 (73%), 65 and over 63,109 (12%). Median age: 31. hearings, grilling witnesses and trying to pro- tect domestic programs from cutbacks. Stokes largely wrote the budget offered by black members on the floor in 1981. He at- tacked Reagan's for providing "millions more for the most prosperous in our nation, while pennies are taken away from the poor...." Over the course of the 97th Congress, Stokes pushed a variety of amendments in Appropriations that illustrate his priorities. One added $140 million for Pell Grants for college tuition, another restored $100 million for grants to elementary schools in poor com- munities under Title I of the 1965 education law. A third added $25 million in operating subsidies for public housing programs. After years of looking into the misdeeds of others, Stokes became embroiled in a legal tangle himself early in 1983. While driving through suburban Maryland late one night, he Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 was stopped by polite. According to police, Stokes then failed three sobriety tests. He argued that he was tired after working late, pleaded not guilty and requested a jury trial. At Home: The Stokes family has been the domirl nt force in Cleveland's black politics since Louis Stokes' younger brother, Carl, first ran for mayor in the mid-1960s. Carl left poli- tics for television after two terms in City Hall (1967-71), but Louis has remained active. Po- litically secure, he has been free to help friends and quarrel with enemies over city issues. Louis Stokes' first victory was won as much in court as on Cleveland's East Side. Representing a black Republican, he charged in a 1967 suit that the Ohio Legislature had gerrymandered the state's congressional dis- tricts, dividing the minority vote and prevent- ing the election of a black. Stokes won an Committees Standards of Official Conduct (Chairman). Appropriations (10th o136 Democrats) District of Columbia; HUD-Independent Agencies; Labor-Health and Human Services-Education. Select Intelligence (8th of 9 Democrats) Legislation. 1982 General Louis Stokes (D) 132,544 (86%) Alan Shatteen (R) 21,332 (14%) 1982 Primary Louis Stokes (D( 61,055 (86%) William Boyd (D) 9,776 (140/6) 1980 General Louis Stokes (D) 83,188 (88%) Robert Woodall (R) 11,103 (12%) Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (86%) 1976 (84%) 1974 (82%) 1972 (81%) 1970 (78%) 1968 (75%) District Vote For President 1980 1978 D 138.444 (71%) D 162,837 (71%) R 42,938 (22%) R 60.922 .(27%) 9.822 ( 5%) 1982 Campaign Finance Receipts Expend- Receipts from PACs hurls Stokes (D) $148,400 $47,002 (32%) $107,175 1980 Stokes(D) $66,601 $28,550 (43%) $58,874 Voting Studies Presidential Party Support Unity Year S 0 S 0 1982 27 65 91 4 Conservative Coalition S 0 10 86 appeal before the U.S. Supreme Court, forcing the lines to be redrawn. The new 21st District, represented by white Democrat Charles A. Vanik, was about 60 percent black. Vanik de- cided to run elsewhere, leaving the 21st vacant. There were 14 candidates in the Demo- cratic primary there in 1968, but little doubt about the outcome. Stokes' ties to his brother and reputation as a civil rights lawyer won him 41 percent in an easy victory. He became the first black congressman from Ohio that No- vember by defeating the Republican he had represented in court the previous year. Over the last decade, Stokes has consoli- dated his power through his organization, the 21st District Congressional Caucus. Some black politicians have accused him of turning the caucus into a personal political tool, but he is as popular as ever among rank-and-file voters. 1981 29 66 93 1980 55 21 78 1979 78 14 90 1978 76 15 81 1971 77 19 87 1976 24 69 85 1975 30 62 88 1974 (Ford) 41 52 4 5 91 4 2 78 3 3 92 4 4 84 3 4 92 3 4 83 3 3 84 1974 34 49 82 4 1 82 1973 19 48 64 4 3 62 1972 32 46 66 4 1 74 1971 21 58 72 3 0 85 1970 40 42 71 15 2 84 1969 38 51 80 9 7 84 S = Support 0 = Opposition Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) N Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y Index income taxes (1981) N Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N Delete MX funding (1982) Y Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1982 85 0 100 24 1981 90 0 93 11 1980 78 10 94 52 1979 95 0 94 6 1978 85 10 100 19 1977 90 0 91 7 1978 85 0 87 .6 1975 89 4 100 18 1974 74 0 100 0 1973 68 10 100 0 1972 100 5 90 14 1971 89 4 80 - 1970 96 18 100 13 1969 100 27 100 - Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Dave McCurdy (D) Of Norman - Elected 1980 Born: March 30, 1950, Canadian, Texas. Education: U. of Okla., B.A. 1972, J.D. 1975. Military Career. Air Force Reserves, 1968-72. Occupation: Lawyer. Family: Wife, Pamela Plumb; two children. Religion: Lutheran. Political Career. Okla. asst. state attorney general, 1975-77. Capitol Office: 313 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-6165. In Washington: With as many military bases as McCurdy has in his district, he could vote unflinchingly for just about any increase in the defense budget and provoke very little criticism from constituents. But as a member of Armed Services, he has taken a relatively skep- tical approach toward much of what the Penta- gon tells Congress. On the House floor in 1981, McCurdy said, "We have a lot of catching up to do" before achieving military balance with the Soviet Union. But then he added: "We owe it to the taxpayers to hold the Defense Department's feet to the fire to bring order and discipline to the procurement process." McCurdy's- interest in procurement poli- cies earned him a spot on a special Armed Services panel set up in 1981 to study that subject. He was chosen chairman of the panel and presided over testimony from more than 100 witnesses during 18 days of hearings. In 1982 McCurdy sponsored a floor amendment requiring the Defense Department to report to Congress on any weapon system with a cost increase of 15 percent or more. President Reagan's popularity exerted a rightward pull on McCurdy in the 97th Con- gress, but he did break occasionally from the White House and the Boll Weevils to vote as a national Democrat. He opposed the Reagan budget in 1981. "A lot of people say this vote is political suicide for me," McCurdy conceded before casting it. Liberal Democrats hope McCurdy's con- vincing 1982 re-election will embolden him to move closer to the party's center. But he will still be likely to display the sort of Sun Belt conservatism that led him in 1982 to propose the "Lobster Profit Sharing Act" in response to an oil severance tax offered by the Northeast- Midwest coalition. The coalition wanted to levy the tax on domestically produced crude .? and use money to help rebuild aging cities in energy- poor areas. McCurdy said the plan was "noth- ing short of proclaiming civil war" on oil- producing states like Oklahoma, and he countered with a tongue-in-cheek plan to tax the lobster industry in northeastern coastal states and send the money to the lobster- starved Southwest and other areas. At Home: When McCurdy began his 1980 campaign, he was unknown throughout most of his district. A former assistant attorney general with a law practice in Norman, he had never run for office before and had not been active in Democratic Party affairs. But what McCurdy lacked in political exn perience he made up for in hustle. Enlisting help from several longtime backers of retiring Democratic Rep. Tom Steed, he built his own grass-roots organization. That network and his appeal as a "fresh face" enabled McCurdy to come within 5,000 votes of veteran state Rep. James B. Townsend in the primary, and over- take him in the runoff. The general election race was just as tight. The GOP nominated Howard Rutledge, a re- tired Navy captain and former prisoner of war in Vietnam whose calls for strengthening de- fense capability endeared him to the district's sizable community of military employees and retirees. But McCurdy held on, winning enough support for his conservative economic themes to win by 2,906 votes. Seeking revenge, Rutledge returned in 1982, claiming he had done his "homework" by tracking conservative Democrats who might be persuaded to cross party lines. Rutledge com- mercials painted McCurdy as a profligate lib- eral. But McCurdy carried all 12 counties in the 4th, firmly establishing his hold on the district with 65 percent of the vote. Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MOl152ROO0400510001-6 Oklahoma 4 This slice of southwestern Oklahoma maintains a military presence that no politi- cian can afford to forget for very long. In addition to Altus Air Force Base and the Army's Fort Sill, near the Texas border, map makers stretched the boundaries in 1981 to take in Tinker Air Force Base, just east of Oklahoma City. With a combined civilian and military staff of 24,000, Tinker is Oklahoma's largest single-site employer. Its inclusion reinforces the 4th's conserva- tive sentiment. Despite the military orientation, Demo- cratic candidates usually carry the 4th; Sen. David Boren polled 72 percent of its vote - his best showing statewide - in his 1978 Senate bid. But two years later Ronald Reagan carried the district and helped Re- publican Senate nominee Don Nickles take the 4th by a narrow margin. The GOP's surest foothold lies at the district's northern end, in the Oklahoma City suburbs of Moore and Midwest City. In recent years, Oklahoma's energy boom has brought new oil and gas b'isi- Committees Armed Services (17th of 28 Democrats) Procurement and Military Nuclear Systems; Readiness. Science and Technology (16th of 26 Democrats) Energy Development and Applications; Science, Research and Technology. Select Intelligence (9th of 9 Democrats) Program and Budget Authorization. Elections 1982 General Dave McCurdy (D) 84,205 (65%) Howard Rutledge (R) , 44.351 (34%) 1980 General Dave McCurdy(D) 74,245 (51%) Howard Rutledge (R) 71,339 (49%) District Vote For President Inc 1978 D 58,544 (36%) D 82,330 (54%) R 95.129 (60%) R 67,060 (44%) 6,778 ( 4%) Campaign Finance Receipts Expend- Receipts from PACs itures 1982 McCurdy (D) $333,815 $112,564 (34%) 9315.203 Rutledge(A) $207,008 $22,550 (11%) $181,220 Southwest - part of Oklahoma City nesses to the many of the district's south- western counties. Map makers increased the district's share of cotton and cattle terri- tory, bringing in farmland in Garvin, Ste- phens, Jefferson and Cotton counties. Eco- nomic growth also is occurring at the 4th's northern end in Norman, where the the University of Oklahoma is drawing high- technology industries. Much of the district's 24 percent popu- lation growth in the past decade came in the counties close to Oklahoma City, including Cleveland, McClain and Grady. With 80,000 people, Lawton (Comanche County) is the 4th's largest city and a commercial center of southwest Oklahoma; Fort Sill is located nearby. Population: 505;869. White 441,346 (87%), Black 31,953 (6%), American In- dian, Eskimo and Aleut 15,603 (3%), Asian and Pacific Islander 5,256 (1%). Spanish origin 16,368 (3%). 18 and over 356,658 (71%), 65 and over 47,534 (9%). Median age: 27. 1980 McCurdy (D) $232,293 $39,900 (17%) $229.248 Rutledge (R) $164,589 $21.340 (13%) $163,351 Voting Studies Presidential Party Conservative Support Unity Coalition Year S 0 S 0 S 0 1982 58 36 48 43 79 19 1981 57 42 55 43 88 12 S = Support 0 = Opposition Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) N Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y Index income taxes (1981) Y Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y Ddlete MX funding (1982) Y Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1982 25 64 .28 62 1981 35 57 60 37 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MOl152ROO0400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Anthony C. Beilenson (D) Of Los Angeles - Elected 1976 Born: Oct. 26, 1932, New Rochelle, N.Y. Education: Harvard U., B.A. 1954; Harvard Law School, LL.B. 1957. Occupation: Lawyer. Family: Wife, Dolores Martin; three children. Religion: Jewish. Political Career. Calif. Assembly, 1963-67; Calif. Sen- ate, 1967-77; sought Democratic nomination for U.S. Senate, 1968. In Washington: An intellectual with the soft, resonant voice of an FM radio announcer, Beilenson has maintained a liberal voting record while demonstrating a pronounced skep- ticism about much of what government does. He is a man who likes to think for himself on any major issue - once he makes up his mind he does not seem to care whether there are four people on his side or 400. In 1980 he cast the only vote in the House against a resolution reassuring Social Security recipients that Congress would not tax benefits. He said all ideas for helping out Social Security deserved consideration. The next year he was on the losing side as the House voted 394-2 to make it easier for former prisoners of war to receive veterans' benefits. Beilenson did not see why former POWs deserved priority over other veterans. Few House members of either party are as respected as Beilenson for their willing- ness to act out of conviction regardless of political interest. Sometimes, however, his con- victions run up against the demands of partisan politics. Toward the end of the 97th Congress, Beilenson was picked to chair a task force studying possible changes in the budget pro- cess. Former Rules Chairman Richard Bolling began the task force because he was concerned that too much power was in the hands of the Budget Committee. Beilenson shared his view, but insisted that the panel should be totally non-partisan, with an aim toward making the process "less onerous and less time-consuming." In early 1983, he was ready to present his recommenda- tions to the Rules Committee. His plan would give the Rules and Appropriations committees more say in the way the budget is put together. But even if his ideas had been acceptable to the Democratic leadership, his timing was off. Moments before Beilenson was to present his plan, Speaker O'Neill asked the Rules Com- mittee to postpone a vote, worried that a dis- pute over changing the process might have jeopardized Democratic unity on the 1983 bud- get itself, due to come to a decision shortly. Beilenson brought two special legislative interests with him from the California Assem- bly - family planning and elephants. Con- cerned over world population problems, he has worked to increase federal funds for family planning clinics. And he has tried to ban trade in elephant tusk ivory to protect the endan- gered African elephant. His 1979 anti-ivory bill passed the House but died in the Senate. Beilenson also has directed his attention to the issue of automobile safety. His strong pro- safety views have received little hearing, though, in a deregulatory-minded Congress. He has sponsored one bill requiring car manufac- turers to post crash test results on all new cars and another requiring automakers to install a "high-mounted" brake light in the rear center of all new cars. At Home: Beilenson was a 14-year veteran of the state Legislature when Democratic Rep. Thomas M. Rees announced his retirement from Congress in 1976. The district was ideal territory for Beilenson; his record suited him well to voters in some of the most liberal and heavily Jewish parts of Los Angeles. Beilenson's one major obstacle was cleared away when Howard Berman, then the Assem- bly's majority leader, chose to remain in the Legislature in 1976. Berman had been seen as Rees' likely successor, and he would have had access to an organization difficult for Beilenson to match. But running against five other candi- Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Anthony C. Beilenson, D-Colif. California 23 The 23rd District is divided geographi- cally and culturally by the Santa Monica Mountains. On the southern slope of one of the world's few urban mountain ranges are the lush, well-tended neighborhoods of Be] Air and Westwood, the home of the sprawling U.C.L.A. campus. To the east, at the foot of the mountains is Beverly Hills, and to the south, Century City, Rancho Park and West Los Angeles. These are, for the most part, the provinces of wealthy, liberal families, many of them Jewish. Older residents and young people living in small two-story apartment buildings are scattered through some of the area. They also vote Demo- cratic. On the other side of the Santa Monicas, where the ocean breezes seldom blow, is a different world. Here are the middle-class San Fernando Valley communities of Re- seda, Tarzana, Canoga Park and Woodland Hills - flat, anonymous suburbs linked together by shopping centers and commer- cial strips. Although many of the voters in this area register as Democrats, most of them vote Republican. Beverly Hills; Part of San Fernando Valley To create a new, solidly Democratic district to the east - the 26th - Beilen- son's 23rd was pushed farther west in the .San Fernando Valley into territory that for the last decade voted overwhelmingly for Republican Rep. Barry Goldwater Jr. The changes pushed the Democratic registration down from 63 to 57 percent, and a majority of the voters now live on the valley side. Under the plan drawn up by Democrats for the 1984 elections, the 23rd will move even farther afield from its Beverly Hills base of the 1970s. Beverly Hills will con- tinue to anchor the district's eastern end. but the district will stretch westward to the coast, picking up territory around Malibu. The new communities along the coast have Democratic registration advantages, but like other similar areas, they are not averse to voting Republican. Population: 526,007. White 466,648 (89%), Black 14,044 (341?), Asian and Pa- cific Islander 21,112 (4%). Spanish origin 48,853 (9%). 18 and over 426,336 (81%), 65 and over 66,676 (13%). Median age: 34. dates, none of whom held public office, Beilen- son was the clear front-runner. - Wallace Albertson, who headed the state's leading liberal organization, the California Democratic Council, criticized Beilenson for not being active enough in his support for Proposition 15, which would have restricted the development of nuclear power plants in the state. But Proposition 15 fared almost as poorly in the district as it did statewide, -drawing 38 percent, and Albertson did even worse, finish- ing second in the primary with 21 percent to Beilenson's 58 percent. Beilenson's first worrisome general elec- tion came in 1982, and it proved less difficult than had been expected. In order to draw a favorable district for Berman, who now wanted to run for Congress, map makers had removed part of the area near Beverly Hills from the 23rd and added conservative voters in the western San Fernando Valley; Beilenson com- plained that the change had hurt him badly. Democrats who drew the district insisted Beilenson was panicking for no reason. "It's a good district for Tony," said the late Rep. Phillip Burton, main architect of California's new congressional map. "He just doesn't know it. He's not a numbers guy." As it turned out, Burton was right. Beilenson's Republican opponent was Da- vid Armor, a former analyst with the Rand Corporation. Armor had prepared a series of studies on the effects of school busing to achieve integration, and the studies had been used by anti-busing forces during Los Angeles' bitter struggle over the issue at the end of the 1970s. Republicans hoped Armor would do par- ticularly well in the San Fernando section of the district, where anti-busing sentiment had been especially fierce. With his Beverly Hills base relatively se- cure, however, Beilenson was able to put most of his effort into the communities new to him. Substantially outspending Armor, he took al- most 60 percent of the vote, only a slight decline from his previous tallies. Since he moved to the West Coast to practice law at age 25, Beilenson has metwith only one political defeat. He was in the middle of his first state Senate term in 1968 when he Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 decided to run for the U.S. Senate as a peace candidate, criticizing former state Controller Alan Cranston for what he said was a lukewarm Committees Rules (5th of 9 Democrats) Rules of the House. 1962 General Anthony C. Beilenson (D) 120.788 (60%) David Armor (R) 82.031 (40%) Anthony C. Beilenson (D) 126,020 (63%) Robert Winckler (R) 62.742 (3?/.) Jeffrey Lieb (LIB) 10.623 ( 5%) Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (66%) 1975 (60%) District Vote For President 1980 1976 D 83.686 (38%) 0 114,406 (50?/.) R 107,985 (49%) R 111,766 (49%) 1 21,880 (10%) 1982 Campaign Finance Receipts Expend- Receipts from PACs itures Beilenson (D) $248.250 $5.500 ( 2%) $274,303 Armor (R) $261.557 $69.907 (27%) $228,222 1980 Beilenson(D) $75,659 $2,000 ( 3%) $861.192 Winckler(R) $9,726 $4,575 (470/6) $9,865 anti-war position. Beilenson was second among five primary candidates, but more than a mil- lion votes behind Cranston. Voting Studies Presidential Party Consrvative Support Unity Coalition Yaw s 0 s 0 $ 0 1962 38 53 81 5 11 82 1981 30 64 79 8 8 80 1980 80 15 86 8 7 88 1979 77 21 88 6 5 90 1978 76 12 81 9 5 80 1977 66 22 83 7 4 90 S ? Support 0 - Opposition Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) N Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y Index income taxes (1981) N Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) N Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N Delete MX funding (1982) Y Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) 7 Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1982 95 17 84 19 1981 90 4 80 6 1980 94 21 68 39 1979 100 8 83 12 1978 80 8 79 31 1977 90 11 78 24 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Robert W. Kastemneier (D) Of Sun Prairie - Elected 1958 Born: Jan. 24, 1924, Beaver Dam, Wis. Education: U. of Wis., LL.B. 1952. 1Vlilitary Career. Army, 1943-46. Occupation: Lawyer. Family: Wife, Dorothy Chambers; three children. Religion: Unspecified. Political Career. Democratic nominee for U.S. House, 1956. Capitol Office: 2232 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-2906. In Washington: Kastenmeier does not attract the attention he did 20 years ago as a militant House liberal, but his specialties are still the same - equal rights and civil liberties. These days, much of his energy is devoted to maintaining the status quo. As chairman of the Courts and Civil Liberties Subcommittee at Judiciary, he fights any proposed legislation to strip federal courts of jurisdiction over busing, school prayer and other controversial social issues. Kastenmeier has held hearings on some of these bills at various times in recent years, but he has never come close to scheduling any action on them. "These bills are merely a form of chastisement," he said while sitting on sev- eral of them in the 97th Congress. During the early months of the Reagan administration, however, Kastenmeier found himself focusing on a different role, defending the Legal Services Corporation against White House efforts to replace it with a block grant system. The block-grants could have been used for any law enforcement purpose, not just for the original Legal Services commitment to pro- viding legal aid to the poor. Kastenmeier was militantly opposed to the change. To get the program reauthorized by the House, Kastenmeier had to accept several new rules restricting Legal Services lawyers, such as one barring them from filing class action suits, and a reduction in the corporation's budget. But the House voted to reauthorize the pro- gram in June of 1981, one of the few tangible victories up to that point for the liberal House critics of the Reagan administration. . In the end, no reauthorization passed the Senate, but Legal Services survived through the 97th Congress on stopgap funding from the Appropriations Committee. Kastenmeier came to Congress as one of the small cadre of 1950s peace activists. He complained about the anti-communist "witch hunts" of his state's former Republican sena- tor, Joseph R. McCarthy, and said the "mili- tary-industrial complex" was out of control. With two former campaign aides, Marcus Raskin and Arthur Waskow, now well-known leftist writers, he set out to produce a manifesto to influence American foreign policy in the 1960s. They began the Liberal Project and at- tracted 17 other congressmen who wanted to publish position papers on liberal issues. The 1960 election was not kind to them; 16 of the 18 were defeated. But Kastenmeier continued as head of the redrawn "Liberal Group" and a few years later published the Liberal Papers, call- ing for disarmament, admission of mainland China to the United Nations and an end to the draft. Republicans labeled them "apostles of appeasement" and most Democrats ignored them. Since then, Kastenmeier has kept a lower profile both inside the House and out. But many of the ideas were accepted eventually. Kastenmeier is as conservative in his per- sonal style as he is liberal in ideology. A dull speaker with a distaste for flamboyance, he is often overshadowed on Judiciary by members who express their views more militantly. His timing has been unusual. His opposi- tion to the Vietnam War was so far ahead of public opinion that by the time the anti-war fervor reached its peak, Kastenmeier had been through it already. He was consistent in his support for the anti-war movement, but he was never a national leader in it. Early in his career, Kastenmeier and his allies in the Liberal Group - Don Edwards and Phillip Burton of California - worked on efforts to democratize House procedure. But Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 ,, Ni Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Wisconsin 2 Republicans have most of the land in the 2nd, and Democrats have most of the voters. While the district covers a sizable portion of southern Wisconsin's Republi- can-voting rural areas, its centerpiece is the traditionally Democratic city of Madison in Dane County. The 1980 election serves as an example of the GOP's frustration. Even though Kas- tenmeier lost every county except Dane, his 3-to-2 edge there was sufficient to lift him to victory. Madison, the state capital and second largest city in Wisconsin, has its share of industry; meat processor Oscar Mayer, for example, employs more than 3,500 in its Madison plant. But the city's personality is dominated by its white-collar sector - the bureaucrats who work in local and state government, the 2,300 educators and 40,000 students at the University of Wisconsin, and the large number of insurance company home offices, so many that Madison calls itself a midwestern Hartford. Madison boasts a tradition of political liberalism. Since 1924, when Robert M. La Follette carried Dane County as the Pro- gressive Party's presidential candidate, Democrats nearly always have won there. In 1972, George McGovern won 58 percent in Dane County, and eight years later Demo- cratic Sen. Gaylord Nelson took two-thirds here too, Kastenmeier did not play a leading role when the changes were actually made a decade later. By then, he had turned his atten- tion to legal work on Judiciary. He supported the procedural reforms but was not publicly associated with them by most members. In part, that reflects Kastenmeier's reluc- tance to involve himself in confrontations. In recent years, at least, he has not been one of the more aggressive or conspicuous liberal Demo- crats in the House. Like many civil libertarians, Kastenmeier was disturbed by FBI tactics in the 1980 Abscam bribery scandal. But while he was pondering the issue, Edwards went ahead and held hearings that drew national attention to the issue of FBI entrapment. While his friends plunged themselves into controversy during the 1970s, Kastenmeier worked on the technicalities of copyright law, producing the first comprehensive revision in South - Madison of the vote there while losing statewide. Outside the Madison area, agriculture and tourism sustain the district's economy. Dairying is important, and there is some beef production, although many livestock farmers have switched in recent years to raising corn as a cash crop. In New Glarus (Green County), which was founded by the Swiss, the downtown area has been redone to resemble a village in the mother country. Wisconsin Dells (Co- lumbia County) lures big-city tourists to view the steep ridges and high plateaus along the Wisconsin River. The majority of farmers and townsfolk in the district are conservative, and they chafe at Madison's dominance of district politics. Ronald Reagan's conservatism found many followers in the rural areas of the district. In 1980 Reagan won six of the eight counties partly or wholly within the 2nd, leaving only Dane and its western neighbor, Iowa County, in Jimmy Carter's column. But the wide Democratic margin in Dane enabled Carter to carry the district. Population: 523,011. White 509,003 (97 %), Black 6,051 (1%), Asian and Pacific Islander 3,670 (1%). Spanish origin 4,233 (1%). 18 and over 383,086 (73%), 65 and over 55,870 (11% ). Median age: 29. that field in more than 60 years and guiding it through nearly a decade of debate. In the 97th Congress, Kastenmeier again spent most of his time on some technical and little noticed - although potentially important - pieces of legislation. He managed to move them through Judiciary, only to find the road to enactment strewn with obstacles. The committee easily approved a bill establishing longer patent protection for drug manufacturers, who often have to spend years waiting for federal approval before they can market their products. Because Kastenmeier feared weakening amendments, he brought the bill to the floor under amendment-proof "sus- pension" procedures that required two-thirds approval for passage. Heavy lobbying by ge- neric drug producers denied it the two-thirds, and it died. Kastenmeier's bill to clarify copyright Ii- Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 ability for cable tV stations did pass the House, supported by the cable industry as well as the National Assocation of Broadcasters, but the Senate never took it up. One Kastenmeier product that did become law in the 97th Con- gress was a bill making piracy of phonograph records.a federal crime, punishable by impris- onment. Kastenmeier also has served most of his career on the Interior Committee, but devoted considerably less time to its work. For years he was a willing environmentalist vote to back up Burton and Chairman Morris K. Udall on is- sues such as strip mining, creating wilderness areas in Alaska, and expansion of the California redwoods park. He left Interior at the start of 1983. Kastenmeier admits that he and other House liberals have modified the approach of 20 years ago. "We are less pretentious," he has said. "We don't presume to accomplish as much. We, in the context of the House of Representatives, ought to try to be reasonably effective. We feel we ought to be the cutting edge of American liberalism in the body politic, yet there is even a limitation to that." At Home: It is no longer possible for Kastenmeier to win re-election easily on the mere strength of his opposition to the Vietnam War or his support for the impeachment of President Nixon. He has to take campaigning almost as seriously as he did in the early years of his career. But his seat seems secure for now. After dropping to 54 percent of the vote in 1980 and losing every county in the district except Dane, home of the University of Wis- consin, he bounced back with a solid 61 percent in 1982. Although Kastenmeier never has seemed very comfortable campaigning, he now does the things that endangered Democrats have been doing for years. In 1980 he hired a professional campaign manager for the first time. The son of an elected minor-official from Dodge County, Kastenmeier took only a lim- ited interest in politics until he was nearly 30 years old. Then he became the Democratic chairman of the second-smallest county in the district, and three years later, in 1956, decided to run for the seat left open by Republican Glenn R. Davis, who ran for the Senate. Kas- tenmeier lost to GOP nominee Donald E. Tewes by a 55-45 margin. But in 1958, with two of Wisconsin's most popular Democrats -. Wil- liam Proxmire and Gaylord Nelson - running on the statewide ticket, many Republicans in the 2nd District stayed home and Kastenmeier won. Kastenmeier's first three elections were hotly contested affairs that included accusa- tions that the Democrat was sympathetic to communists. In his first successful campaign, in 1958, he was helped by farm discontent with the policies of the Eisenhower administration. After 1964 redistricting removed Milwau- kee's suburban Waukesha County from the district, Kastenmeier's percentages shot up. In 1970, when the old charges were updated to include criticism that Kastenmeier was "soft on radical students," the incumbent won by his highest percentage ever. Kastenmeier had few problems for a full decade after that. But in 1980, his refusal to back away from any of his liberal views opened him to Republican assault as being out of step with the new fiscal conservatism. Those at- tacks, made by his challenger, former yo-yo manufacturer James A. Wright, had particular appeal in the farming communities that sur- round Madison. Only Kastenmeier's strong support in the Madison university community allowed him to survive the 1980 contest, in which Nelson went down to defeat at the statewide level. In 1982 Republicans nominated a more moderate candidate, tax consultant Jim John- son, who tried to appeal to Madison and avoided the Reagan-style rhetoric that Wright had used. But the issues were moving back in Kastenmeier's direction. Much of the anti-gov- ernment feeling of the previous election had subsided, and the issue with the strongest emo- tional appeal was the nuclear freeze. Wisconsin voted overwhelmingly for the freeze, and Kastenmeier was one of its most vocal support- ers. Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Committees Judiciary (3rd of 20 Democrats; Courts. Civil Liberties and Administration of Justice (chairman). Civil and Constitutional Rights. 1982 General Robert Kastenmeier (D) Jim Johnson (R) 1980 General 112,677 (61'1.l 71,989 (39%1 Robert Kastenmeier (D) 142,037 (54%) James Wright (R) 119.514 (45%) previous Winning Percentages: 1976 (58%) 1976 (66%4 1974 (65%) 1972 (68%) 1970 (69%) 1968 (60%) 1966 (58%) 1964 (64%) 1962 (53%) 1960 (53%) 1958 (52%) District Vote For President 1980 1976 D 124.236 (47%) D 124,106 (51%) R 106,003 (40%) R 109,405 (45%) 1 25,513 (1(?/.) Campaign Finance Receipts Expend- Receipts from PACs 8ures 1182 Kastenmeier (D) $319,055 $152,359 (48%) $326,450 Johnson(R) $268,092 $47,484 (18%) $270,60? 1960 Kastenmeier (D) $243,465 $97,381 (40%) $225.706 Wright (R) $294,214 $117,624 (40%) $292,348 Voting Studies Presidential Support Party Unity Conservative Coalition Year S 0 S 0 S 0 1982 26 74 89 10 12 88 1981 22 75 89 lit 5 95 1980 71. 26 89 10 9 87 1979 79 20 Be 91 6 92 1978 86 14 91 9 7 93 1977 76 23 87 12 14 85 1976 33 67 89 10 18 81 1975 31 65 86 11 15 82 1974 (Ford) 41 57 1974 42 58 84 13 7 89 1973 26 73 87 12 11 87 1972 49 51 83 12 10 87 1971 26 72 88 9 2 94 1970 55 43 85 11 7 86 1969 45 51 82 15 7 89 1968 83 14 91 5 4 92 1967 80 16 87 9 2 96 1966 75 12 75 15 5 86 1965 86 7 90 8 2 98 1964 92 8 84 16 8 92 1963 84 13 at 15 7 93 1962 85 15 84 11 12 88 1961 94 6 93 5 9 87 S = Support 0 = Opposition I Not eligible for all recorded votes. Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) N Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y Index income taxes (1981) N Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N Delete MX funding (1982) Y Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y Interest Group Rating Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1982 90 9 100 20 1981 95 13 80 5 1980 100 13 79 58 1979 95 4 95 0 1978 95 4 95 22 1977 100 15 74 24 1976 90 11 83 0 1975 100 18 91 6 1974 91 0 89 10 1973 100 20 82 9 1972 100 9 91 ? 0 1971 95 11 62 - 1970 92 11 100 10 1969 93 . 19 100 - 1968 100 0 75 1967 93 11 100 10 1966 94 20 100 - 1965 100 0 - 10 1964 100 16 100 - 1963 - 6 - 1962 88 4 91 1961 100 - - - Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Vwgfnla = Sth Distrkt Dan Daniel (D) Of Danville - Elected 1968 Born: May 12, 1914, Chatham, Va. Education: Attended Danville H.S. Military Career Navy, 1944. Occupation: Textile company executive. Family: Wife, Ruby McGregor; one child. Religion: Baptist. Political Career. Va. House, 1959-69. Capitol Office: 2368 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-4711. In Washington: Daniel has been a quiet, courtly hawk at Armed Services, voting unob- trusively for the highest possible level of de- fense funding. In recent years he has begun to take on a new role, as critic of Pentagon bud- geting practices. In 1978 he took over as chairman of a select subcommittee to examine "NATO stan- dardization," the drive of Ford and Carter administration officials to reduce the number of different kinds of equipment being used to defend Europe. The next year, his panel issued a report complaining that standardization was forcing American troops in the field to depend on inferior European equipment and that the Pen- tagon should insist on top quality purchases regardless of cost. That led Daniel to the issue of readiness. During the 96th Congress, he and Democrat Bob Carr of Michigan, one of the committee's handful of Pentagon critics, teamed up to de- mand more funds for basic maintenance in the defense budget. They argued that money was being diverted from maintenance to pay for new weapons. In 1980, Congress enacted a Daniel-spon- sored requirement that maintenance be given its own separate section in each defense au- thorization bill. In 1981 Daniel became chair- man of a new Armed Services subcommittee established to handle that part of the bill. Daniel has favored letting the Pentagon buy planes and missiles in large lots, spread over several years. In the past, it has contracted separately for each year's batch of weapons. Pentagon officials have asked for the multi- year approach, arguing it would lower the cost of weapons, and Daniel has backed them up. His support for multi-year procurement has brought him into conflict with Jack Brooks of Texas, the Government Operations chairman, who feels that approach essentially removes an important tool of congressional control. Daniel rarely talks about subjects outside the military field. Despite a friendly personal relationship with Speaker O'Neill, he seldom gives the Democratic leadership a vote on any major issue. He backed all of President Rea- gan's economic programs in the 97th Congress. The one non-military initiative Daniel has mounted in recent years dealt with loyalty to the U.S. government. A constituent of Daniel's who was a member of the Communist Workers' Party applied for a federally funded job under the Comprehensive Employment and Training Act (CETA). Daniel offered an amendment to two budget resolutions banning CETA employ- ment for anyone advocating the violent over- throw of the federal government. The woman insisted she did not personally advocate such a thing, but the restriction became law. At Home: Daniel is more comfortable philosophically with his Republican colleagues in the Virginia delegation than the new breed of Democrats elected in 1982. He admits that his Democratic seniority is the main reason he has not joined the GOP himself. Daniel has come a long way. The son of a sharecropper, he started his career at a Dan- ville textile mill as a blue-collar worker and ended it as assistant to the chairman of the board. While he is not a dynamic force in Con- gress, he has cut a large figure in state and national civic organizations, serving as presi- dent of the Virginia state Chamber of Com- merce and national commander of the Ameri- can Legion. A"Dixiecrat in many respects, Daniel was a leader in the state's short-lived resistance to desegregation in the 1950s. In the following decade, he was a Byrd machine stalwart in the state Legislature. Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Virginia 5 The 5th is in the heart of Virginia's rural "Southside," a largely agricultural re- gion that more closely resembles the Deep South than any other part of the state. It is relatively poor and has a substantial black population. Tobacco and soybeans are ma- jor crops, but this region lacks the rich soil of the Tidewater. . Though the 5th continues to support conservative Democrats like Daniel, it has long refused to vote for more liberal Demo- cratic candidates at the state and national level. It was one of only two districts in Virginia to back George C. Wallace in 1968 and has not supported a Democrat for presi- dent in more than a quarter-century. Barry Goldwater carried it in 1964 with 51 percent of the vote. In the closely contested U.S. Senate race in 1982, the district went narrowly for Republican Rep. Paul S. Trible Jr. over Democratic Lt. Gov. Richard J. Davis. The district's largest city is Danville, (population 45,642), a tobacco market and textile center on the North Carolina border. Ronald Reagan received 61 percent of the vote in Danville in 1980. The residents of Daniel came to Congress in 1968, when veteran Democratic Rep. William M. Tuck, a former governor and staunch conservative, re- tired and endorsed him. While George C. Wal- lace was carrying the district in the year's the city and those of surrounding Pittsylvania County, which Reagan took by 2-to-1, make up about one-fifth of the dis- trict's population. Most of the people in the 5th are scat- tered through farming areas and a few fac- tory towns. Most of these areas normally vote Republican at the statewide level. The best area for Democratic candidates is Henry County; with nearly 58,000 residents, it is the second most populous county in the district after Pittaylvania,its eastern neigh- bor. Jimmy Carter won it with 49 percent in 1980. In the 1982 Senate race, Davis took the county with 53 percent of the vote. To the north, the district takes in part of Lynchburg. That section of Lynchburg and its southern neighbor, Campbell County, are strongly conservative areas where Reagan won two-thirds of the 1980 vote. Population: 531,308. White 398,091 (75%), Black 131,482125%). Spanish origin 3,753 0%). 18 and over 382,312 (72%), 65 and over 63,859 (12%). Median age: 32. presidential balloting, Daniel easily outdis- tanced his Republican and black independent opponents with 55 percent of the vote. He faced a feeble GOP challenge in 1970 and no one has filed against him since. Committees Armed Services (5th of 28 Democrats) Readiness (chairman): Investigations. 1982 General Dan Daniel (D) 1980 General Dan Daniel (D) Fisvious Winning Percentages: 1979 (100%) 1978 (100%) 1974 (999.) 1972 (100%) 1970 173%) 1988 (55%) District Vote For President 1980 1978 D 73,569 (42%) D 77,138 (489.) R 97.203 (55%) R 78,306 (491/6) t 3,660 (2%) 1911 33 66 19 61 97 3 1978 75 25 12 88 98 1 1975 70 30 15 84 98 1 1974 (Ford) 56 44 1974 64 36 16 84t 93 6 1973 66 34 19 81 100 0 1972 57 41 17 80 94 6 1971 77 23 25 74 97 2 1970 64 36( 24 74 91 - 1989 45 55 20 76 96 2 S Support 0 = opposition tNot s-plble for all recorded votes. Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) Legal services reauthorization (1981) Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Index Income taxes (1981) Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Delete MX funding (1982) Campaign Finance Receipts Receipts from PACs Expend- itures 11111112 Daniel (D) $74,954 $51,965 (6996) $24,084 1980 Daniel (D) $20,383 $18,010 (88%) $7,747 Voting Studies Presidential Party Conservative Support Unity Coalition veer a 0 8 0 a 0 1982 70 19 19 76 88 4 1981 78 20 15 81 93 4 1980 37 62 27 70 93 3 1979 30 69 15 82 94 4 1979 22 75 16 81 95 2 Retain existing cap on conpressiorW salaries (1982) Adopt nuclear freeze (1963) Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1992 5 77 11 71 1981 0 83 13 89 1990 6 92 11 82 1979 5 100 10 100 1978 0 96 5 89 1977 0 93 9 94 1976 5 96 13 88 1975 0 100 4 Be 1974 0 80 0 90 1973 4 85 16 100 1972 0 100 10 100 1971 3 93 8 - 1970 0 79 14 100 1969 7 94 20 - Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Robert A. Roe (D) Of Wayne - Elected 1969 Born: Feb. 28, 1924, Wayne, N.J. Education: Attended Ore. State U. and Wash. State U. Military Career. Army, World War II. Occupation: Construction company owner. Family: Single. Religion: Roman Catholic. Political Career. Wayne Township committeeman, 1955-56; mayor of Wayne Township, 1956-61; Pas- saic County freeholder, 1959-63; sought Democratic nomination for governor, 1977 and 1981. Capitol Office: 2243 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-5751. In Washington: Known for most of his House career as a stubborn and aggressive proponent of federal jobs programs, Roe changed his emphasis in the 97th Congress by giving up his Economic Development Sub- committee on Public Works to become chair- man of a subcommittee on water policy. It was a sensible move politically. New Jersey had been having serious drought prob- lems, and Roe was in the midst of a guberna- torial campaign in which he could draw useful attention with the issue. Roe also knew some- thing about water - he was a former state conservation commissioner, and he had been instrumental in the writing of the 1972 Water Pollution Control Act. The campaign did not turn out as Roe hoped it would. By June 1981, he was back in the House full-time, having finished a distant second in the Democratic primary behind his House colleague, James J. Florio. But Water Resources remains an important subcommit- tee, and Roe brings to it a different emphasis from the one it has had in the past. Most of the other water specialists at Pub- lic Works have been Southerners and Western- ers interested in authorizing as many new flood control and irrigation projects as possible for their parts of the country. Roe is more inter- ested in pollution and other urban water prob- lems, less want to spend money on dams in sparsely populated parts of the coun- try. For most of the 97th Congress, Roe talked of the need for longterm reforms in federal water policy. No major changes were made, but the issue has not gone away. Roe's panel also devoted much of 1981 and 1982 to arguments over federal subsidies for sewage treatment. The Reagan administration wanted to scale sewage subsidies back drasti- cally, especially those used for planning sewage treatment facilities to deal with future growth. Roe initially opposed any efforts, to cut subsidies for ongoing sewage treatment pro- grams. "We're afraid the administration wants to reform the program out of existence," he complained, saying states had gone heavily into debt to finance them in the expectation of federal help. But the panel eventually did agree to cut back on the federal share of the money. For years before his subcommittee switch, Roe talked largely about public works jobs. Most urban Democrats of Roe's generation share his belief in public works as a cure for economic stagnation, but few pursued it with the zeal that he did, or maintained it as stub- bornly in the face of formidable opposition. It was Roe who inserted $2 billion in public works jobs money into President Carter's bill to expand the Economic Development Adminis- tration (EDA) in the 96th Congress. It was also Roe who jeopardized the entire package by his reluctance to accept it without the public works. The hybrid legislation passed the House in 1979 by a wide margin, but the Senate wanted the EDA bill only. Conferences were held off and on over the following year, but Roe would accept an agreement only if the jobs section remained in the bill. The Carter administra- tion, which did not want the jobs money, finally agreed. But the Senate was adamant against it. Just before Congress recessed for the 1980 election, Roe appeared willing to bargain. But when Ronald Reagan was elected president, Republicans said they preferred to wait on the entire proposal until the new administration took office, simultaneously dooming both EDA expansion and public works jobs. In 1975, the year he took over the Eco- Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MO1152ROO0400510001-6 ? New Jersey 8 To Alexander Hamilton, the Great Falls of the Passaic River was an ideal location for a factory town. Then Treasury secretary, he set up the Society for Estab- lishing Useful Manufactures in 1791 to build Paterson. In time, the thriving "Silk City" be- came one of the world's leading textile pro- ducers, attracting Irish, Polish, Italian and Russian craftsmen to work the looms. It also played out a history of labor strife and strong unions whose influence lives on. Nowadays, though, much of the indus- try is gone, leaving widespread unemploy- ment and unsavory slums. A majority of the population is black or Hispanic, and there is chronic racial tension. In 1967 black boxer Rubin "Hurricane" Carter was found guilty of killing three white patrons in the La- fayette Grill in Paterson, and his conviction nearly provoked a riot. A decade later, the Lafayette Grill was called the Zodiac Lounge, and its clientele and neighborhood were exclusively black. Paterson still contains 25 percent of the district's electorate, despite its severe popu- lation decline, and it is firmly Democratic. The only recent exception has been the success of moderate Republican Lawrence "Pat" Kramer, the city's mayor for the late 1960s and much of the 1970s. Kramer re- tired in 1982, after losing the 1981 GOP nomic Development Subcommittee, Roe man- aged his first major public works package, part of it aimed at creation of 250,000 jobs and part at stimulating investment. When the bill went. to conference, he added an interesting new wrinkle - a provision, not discussed on the floor of either chamber, to make cities of 50,000 or more eligible to be economic redevelopment areas under legislation then a decade old. Roe's district is dominated by declining industrial cities of modest size. The bill was enacted in 1976 over President Ford's veto. By 1978, however, critics were complaining that the traditional public works jobs pro- grams, emphasizing capital spending, were wasteful. President Carter proposed $1 billion worth of new public works jobs, designed to be labor-intensive and focus on unemployment among the disadvantaged. Roe's solution was to approve that amount, and add his own $2 gubernatorial primary, and was replaced by a Democrat. Paterson and the rest of southern Pas- saic County provide the Democratic vote in the 8th. The Passaic County suburbs next to Paterson, such as Clifton and Haledon, are where the white ethnics went when they fled the city. They still vote Democratic. Down the Passaic River lies the city of Passaic, a smaller but equally troubled ver- sion of Paterson whose textile employment also has evaporated. In the northern half of the hourglass- shaped county, the terrain is more subur- ban. The subdivisions of Wayne Township usually vote Republican but have made an exception for favorite son Roe. Proceeding northwest from Wayne, however, suburban Bloomingdale and other suburbs cast a solid Republican vote. In Bergen County, the 8th includes Garfield and Wallington, two old mill towns. These communities have more in common with the blue-collar neighborhoods of Passaic County than with affluent Ber- gen. Population: 526,136. White 429,30] (82%), Black 60,361 (12%), Asian and Pa- cific Islander 5,696 (1 % ). Spanish origin 67,849 (13% ). 18 and over 383,151 (73 n ), 65 and over 61,931 (12%). Median age: 32. billion for capital-intensive jobs, which he said was needed to move Carter's program through the House. The legislation died at the end of the 95th Congress; setting the stage for the EDA-jobs fight that occupied Roe and his subcommittee for most of the next two years. At Home: Pork barrel politics has en- deared Roe to his constituents, especially to the labor unions that benefit from the jobs his programs have created. Thanks to his public works legislation, the district has received a large number of new town halls, fire stations and other municipal structures - which have generated a lot of construction employment. Using his influence, Roe also has put together federal grants to save a failing plant and to restore the historic Great Falls area in Paterson. Roe's strength in Passaic County has pro- vided him with a base for his forays into Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MO1152ROO0400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MO1152ROO0400510001-6 statewide politics, but not enough of one to bring him his goal - the Democratic nomina- tion for governor. New Jersey chooses its gover- nors in off-years for congressional elections, so its congressmen can seek the statehouse with- out having to give up their places in Washing- ton. Roe.has tried twice. In 1977 he ran a strong race in the primary against incumbent Demo- crat Brendan T. Byrne, coming within 40,000 votes of denying Byrne renomination. That showing made him a front-runner in 1981, when his main competition came from Florio, another member of the U.S. House delegation. In the end, however, Florio defeated him easily. Better on television than Roe and well enough financed to spread his commercials across the state, Florio took the nomination by more than 150,000 votes. Roe had refused pub- lic financing and tried to make an issue of the state's public financing system. It never caught on, and the decision left him underfinanced at the end of the campaign. Roe was again second, but it was a distant second. In Passaic, however, Roe remains on top. His watchwords are caution and harmony, and Committees Public Works and Transportation (3rd of 30 Democrats) Water Resources (chairman); Economic Development; Investi- gations and Oversight. Science and Technology (2nd of 26 Democrats) Energy Development and Applications; Energy Research and Production; Investigations and Oversight. Now Jorsoy - 9th District whenever feuding flares among various Demo- cratic factions, he can be counted on to play a peacemaker's role. Customarily, the disputants meet at the Brownstone House restaurant in Paterson, where the garrulous Roe acts as nego- tiator. Roe habitually wins re-election by whop- ping margins. Republicans seldom bother to put up strong candidates against him. He often does well in the district's GOP towns, in addi- tion to pulling his usual big vote in the blue- collar Democratic bastions. Part of the reason for his appeal in the Republican suburbs may be that Roe is not a product of urban Paterson, the district's big- gest town and a home of organization politics. He comes from suburban Wayne Township, which swings between the two parties. He likes to boast that he knows all levels of government, having served at each of them - municipal, county, state and federal. Roe initially won his House seat in a tight 1969 special election to fill the unexpired term of Democrat Charles S. Joelson, who became a state judge. Since then, he always has won re- election with better than 60 percent of the vote. 1980 Roe (DI $161,755 $65,315 (40%) 3156.369 Cleveland (R) $12,188 $700 ( 6%) $11.956 Voting Studies Presidential Party Conservative Support Unity Coalition Year S 0 S 0 S 0 1982 General Robert A Roe (D) 980 89 (71%) 1982 35 60 83 12 33 66 . Norm R bertson (R) , 317 36 (29%) 1981 39 39 70 16 36 51 o , 1980 66 23 81 12 32 59 1980 General 1979 68 26 81 16 34 60 Robert A Roe (D) 493 95 (67%) 1979 63 31 74 22 30 66 . William Cleveland (R) , 44 625 (31%) 1977 42 18 51 11 14 45 , 1976 29 71 83 13 28 69 Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (74%) 1979 (71%) 1975 33 67 80 16 25 72 1974 (74%) 1972 (63%) 1970 (61%) 1999' (49%) 1974 (Ford) 39 50 ecial election S 1974 40 55 78 15 22 69 . p 1973 31 64 80 11 15 74 District Vote For President 1972 54 44 43 51 83 73 13 27 20 27 72 69 1980 1976 1971 1970 57 32 71 21 20 59 D 67,435 (37%) D 85,379 (45%) 1969 47 531 86 141 19 81t R 100.672 (55%) R 100,718 (53%) S = Su ort 0 = Opposition 12,521 ( 7%) - pp -Not eligible for all recorded votes. Campaign Finance Key Votes 1982 Receipts Receipts from PACs Expend- itures Reagan budget proposal (1981) N Legal services rbauthorization (1981) Y Roe (D) $151,918 $103,465 (68%) $150,007 Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y Index income taxes (1981) N Robertson (R) $32,634 0 $32,269 Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N 1976 35 19 85 22 Delete MX funding (1982) Y 1977 35 6 93 11 Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N 1976 70 14 87 6 Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y 1975 79 18 87 24 1974 65 21 90 13 1973 68 22 100 9 Interest Group Ratings 1972 63 48 91 20 1971 73 31 91 - Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1970 80 28 71 11 1982 75 13 90 55 1969' 75 29 100 - 1981 60 24 100 17 1960 67 17 83 59 1970 58 4 95 18 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MO1152ROO0400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 California - 36th Dishid George E. Brown Jr. (D) Of Riverside - Elected 1962 Did not serve 1971-73- Dorm March 6, 1920, Holtville, Calif. Education: U. of Calif., Los Angeles, B.A. 1946. Military Career. Army, 1942-46. Occupation: Physicist. Family: Wife, Rowena Somerindyke; four children. Religion: Methodist. Political Career. Monterey Park mayor, 1954-58; Calif. Assembly, 1959-63; sought Democratic U.S. Senate nomination, 1970. Capitol Office: 2256 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-6161. In Washington: Brown has pursued his liberal principles through two very different careers in the House. punctuated by a one-term absence following his defeat for the Senate in 1970. Watching Brown in action today, as he listens patiently to testimony on the budget for science research or ponders amendments to a farm bill, it is easy to forget the militant anti- war crusader of the 1960s. At first glance, he seems to be a different man. But he is simply a mellower version of the same man. Never a radical on domestic issues, Brown became a peace advocate during his days as a scientist, and argued his cause from the start of his first term, in 1963, when he opposed exten- sion of the draft as it passed the House 388-3. He voted against money for civil defense, charging that it "created a climate in which nuclear war becomes more credible" and in 1966 cast the only vote in the House against a $58 billion defense funding bill. He was already speaking out against the Vietnam War in the spring of 1965, when he accused President Lyndon B. Johnson of pre- tending "that the peace of mankind can be won by the slaughter of peasants in Vietnam." He continued to talk that way through the next five years in the House, both on the floor and at outside rallies. He refused to vote for any military appropriations bill while the war con- tinued and once boasted that he had opposed more federal spending than any member in history. Brown's anti-war work gave him a national reputation during those years, but much of his legislative time was devoted to environmental issues. He introduced a bill in 1969 to ban offshore oil drilling along the California coast, and he backed federal land use planning. He proposed outlawing the production of internal combustion engines after a three-year period. Environmentalism is the link between Brown's two House careers. When he returned as a freshman in 1973, U.S. participation in the war was ending. He settled quietly into the Agriculture and Science committees and fol- lowed his issues without seeking much public attention. Since 1973, he has not been one of the more visible members of the House. But he has been busy. Much of his work has been in defense of the Environmental Pro- tection Agency (EPA), whose programs are authorized through the Science Committee. Brown has continually fought against cuts in the EPA budget; he has regularly introduced floor amendments adding extra money to fight air or water pollution. In 1981, when the House passed a bill cutting funds for pollution re- search by 18 percent, Brown was a dissenting voice, calling the reduction "irresponsible." He favors creation of a National Technology Foun- dation to parallel the National Science Founda- tion in commercial research. Brown's suspicion of the military still comes out in his attitude toward the U.S. space program. He is a strong believer in exploration, but not in the military uses of space. In 1982 he complained that 20 percent of the budget of the National Aeronautics and Space Administra- tion was going to defense-related work. "This blatant and unabashed use of the civilian space agency for Defense Department purposes," " he said, "is a shocking departure from the past." Brown also has been a vehement opponent of the controversial Clinch River nuclear Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 California 36 Of the three districts covering the San Bernardino-Riverside metropolitan area, this is the only one a Democrat can win. Since his 1972 comeback, Brown has been able to combine the votes of the blue- collar residents of Riverside and San Ber- nardino with those of the growing Mexican- American population in San Bernardino. The burgeoning Republican suburban vote, particularly in the suburbs of Norco and Corona, was removed in the 1981 re- districting, along with a large part of the city of Riverside. Only the Democratic north side of Riverside remains in the new 36th District. The San Bernardino side of the district - usually more favorable to Democrats - was expanded. Now, nearly three-quarters of the district vote comes from San Bernar- dino County. The district extends westward to On- tario, which has grown into a booming, industrial city of 88,000, supporting a major commercial airport and large Lockheed and General Electric plants. In recent years, with jobs in the local defense plants hanging in the balance, Ontario voters have turned increasingly toward Republican candidates, breeder reactor. He sought to kill it in commit- tee in 1977, joined the Carter administration in trying to deny funds for it in 1979, and was on the winning side as the Science Committee voted against it in early 1981. Later the full House voted against Clinch River, although it was kept alive in a House-Senate conference. In the 97th Congress, however, Brown's most visible role was on the Agriculture Com- mittee, as the frustrated chairman of the sub- committee handling renewal of the Federal Insecticide, Fungicide and Rodenticide Act. That argument pitted pesticide manufacturers against environmentalists demanding more regulation of the industry. Brown was the ref- eree, but he was not a happy one. "If this ever comes up again while I am on the committee," he said at one point, "I hope you will refer it to another subcommittee." As the bill left Agriculture in 1982, it had two provisions that the pesticide industry wanted but Brown did not particularly like. One would have limited public access to in- formation about potentially dangerous chemi- San Bernardino; Riverside both statewide and congressional. The new 36th takes in all of San Ber- nardino's 118,000 inhabitants. More than 50 miles from Los Angeles, the city once marked the eastern terminus for the big red trolley cars of Los Angeles' Pacific Electric interurban rail system. Today, San Bernardino residents have little contact with the Los Angeles area. A fruit-packing center in the 1930s, San Ber- nardino now forces its citrus industry to share space with the many electronics and aerospace firms in the area, as well as the Kaiser Steel Corporation's blast furnace in nearby Fontana. The steelworkers and the employees at the large Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe railroad yards in San Bernar- dino usually provide enough votes to put the city and nearby Rialto and Colton into the Democratic column. Population: 528,091. White 404,144 (77%), Black 42,407 (8%), American In- dian, Eskimo and Aleut 6,179 (1%), Asian and Pacific Islander 7,685 (1%). Spanish origin 123,049 (23%). 18 and over 363,372 (69%), 65 and over 48,660 (9%). Median age: 27. cats; the other would have restricted state con- trol over the industry. Both provisions were eventually removed on the House floor, with Brown's approval, and the bill passed the House easily. But it died in the Senate. On other domestic issues, Brown has been casting liberal votes, much as he did during the 1960s. But on a few occasions, he has cast pragmatic pro-defense votes he might have denounced a decade ago. In 1980 he began voting for production of the B-1 bomber. "If the B-1 was being built in some other state," he explained afterward, "and I didn't have two Air Force bases and a lot of retired military people who feel strongly about the B-1, I'd probably have voted the other way." At Home: Brown's 1970 Senate campaign divides his electoral career the same way it has split his Washington career. Before 1970, Brown's political career revolved around the heavily Hispanic community of Monterey Park. The more recent phases have focused on mid- dle-class politics in San Bernardino, 50 miles east. Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Born in a small town in California's Impe- rial Valley, Brown moved to Los Angeles to attend college, then settled in Monterey Park after getting his physics degree. While working for the Los Angeles city government, he began to dabble in Monterey Park politics, and moved from the Monterey Park Democratic Club to the town's mayoralty. After four years on the City Council and in the mayor's office, he was elected to the state Assembly, where he focused on housing issues. In 1962 the new 29th Congressional Dis- trict was created on Brown's home turf. He easily defeated two strong primary opponents and Republican H. L. "Bill" Richardson in the general election. Once he developed his reputation as an anti-war leader, Brown attracted a series of opponents - Democrats and Republicans - who challenged him on the Vietnam issue. His closest call came in 1966 against Republican Bill Orozco, who capitalized on his Mexican- American heritage and support for the guber- natorial campaign of Ronald Reagan. Brown won by 3,000 votes out of 135,000 cast. In 1968 Orozco ran again. But redistricting had added territory on the district's east side, giving Brown more Anglo voters, and even though Republicans made it a high priority contest, Brown doubled his plurality. Still, it was clear Brown would have tough races in future years. Rather than run again for what had be- come a marginal seat, Brown decided in 1970 to take on GOP Sen. George Murphy. But to do that he had to wage a primary against fellow U.S. Rep. John V. Tunney, son of former boxing champion Gene Tunney. After American troops invaded Cambodia that spring, polls began to show Brown moving into a slight lead over Tunney, who had been much less outspoken in his opposition to the war. Brown called for the impeachment of President Nixon because of the invasion. Tun- ney then turned his aim on Brown, accusing him of being a radical and advocating student violence. Brown attempted to deflect what he termed Tunney's "dirty" tactics, but failed and lost by a 42-33 percent margin. However, Brown exacted a revenge of sorts. His description of his opponent as the "lightweight son of the heavyweight champ" became part of California political folklore and helped end Tunney's career in 1976. Brown's political resurrection came just two years after his failed Senate bid, in a newly created district in the San Bernardino-River- side area. There it was middle-class white con- servatives, not Mexican-Americans, who caused problems for Brown. The 1972 Democratic primary in the new district was one of the fiercest battles in the state that year. Brown was attacked, as an extreme liberal and as a carpetbagger by David Tunno, a Tunney protege, and by the conserva- tive chairman of the San Bernardino County Board, Ruben Ayala. But Brown won the eight- candidate primary by finishing second in all three parts of the district. His 28 percent of the vote was not very impressive, but it was enough to get him on the fall ballot as the Democratic candidate. The district was then about 63 per- cent Democratic in registration, and he was an easy winner in November. After the 1974 redistricting put more of fast-growing and conservative Riverside County into the district. Brown had to rely increasingly on the portion of his district in San Bernardino County to carry him. In 1980, fac- ing Republican John Paul Stark, a conservative whose organization came largely from the Cam- pus Crusade for Christ, Brown was held below a majority in Riverside for the first time. His vote in San Bernardino County remained safely above 55 percent, allowing him to survive with 53 percent overall. Brown's 1980 showing landed him on just about every Republican and New Right target- ing list for 1982. Stark, whose performance the first time had given him credibility as a candi- date, came back with the same corps of funda- mentalists enthusiastically staffing his cam- paign. The Republican establishment, eager to do in a liberal in a part of Southern California that seemed to have abandoned liberalism, threw substantial support Stark's way. But Brown was not to be caught napping twice. He began spending heavily on his cam- paign in 1981, firming up his base of support in friendly areas and wooing voters in more mar- ginal communities. Severe economic problems made his attack on Stark's adherence to GOP economic policies all the sharper. On Election Day, Brown did about a per- centage point better than be had done within slightly different district lines two years before. But the results masked a significant change. Redistricting had left Brown with only Demo- cratic areas of Riverside and had added more of San Bernardino County to the district. This time, Brown's greatest strength lay in Riverside County, where he pulled 57 percent of the vote; he took the San Bernardino portion by a much narrower margin. Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Committees Agriculture (5th of 26 Democrats) Department Operations, Research and Foreign Agriculture (chairman); Forests, Family Farms and Energy. Science and Technology (3rd of 26 Democrats) Natural Resources, Agriculture Research and Environment; Sci- ence, Research and Technology; Space Science and Applica- tions. 1912 General George Brown Jr. (D) 76.546 (54%) John Stark (R) 64.361 (46%) 1982 Primary George Brown Jr. (D) 38,054 (74%) Ron Nibble (D) 5,742 (11%) Jimmy Pineda (D) 7.382 (14%) 1910 General George Brown Jr. (D) 88,634 (53%) John Stark (R) 73,252 (43%) Previous Winning Percentages: 1971 (63%) 1971 (62%) 1974 (63%) 1972 (56%) 1911 (52%) 1916 (51%) 1964 (59%) 1962 (56%) District Vote For President 1960 1976 0 58,253 (40X) D 73,491 (57/.) R 74,870 (51%) R 53,212 (42%) 1 10,847 ( 7%) Campaign Finance Receipts Receipts E:pend- from PACs itures 1912 Brown(D) $413,482 $120,485 (29/.) $428,305 Stark (R) $193,208 $55,075 (29%) $181,294 1980 Brown (D) $86,317 $27,646 (32%) $84,680 Stark (R) $28.497 $875 ( 3%) $28,103 Voting Studies ' Presidential Party Conservative Support Unity Coalition Year S 0 $ 0 S 0 1992 32 51 85 5 12 79 1981 38 57 77 10 19 75 1960 69 15 82 5 a 77 1979 74 13 83 5 10 75 19 5 76 13 74 9 7 79 1977 70 14 61 4 6 78 1978 31 59 73 8 18 69 1975 37 60 at 10 11 76 1974 28 47 70 8 11 68 1973 30 61 82 8 10 80 1972 - - - - - - 1971 - - - - - 1970 29 31 39 15 2 36 1969 17 36 64 9 7 69 1988 41 16 43 7 4 39 1967 54 14 55 13 11 65 1966 42 11 46 8 5 43 1965 78 4 85 1 2 86 1964 81 2 73 2 0 67 1963 75 6 77 2 0 60 S ? Support 0 = Opposition Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) N Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y Index income taxes (1981) N Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N Delete MX funding (1982) Y Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1982 75 5 94 29 1961 85 5 86 12 1980 94 10 82 52 1979 84 0 74 12 1978 70 8 79 13 1977 80 4 90 6 1976 80 19 79 13 1975 89 4 100 24 1974 91 0 100 0 1973 88 13 91 18 1972 - - - - 1971 - - - 1970 88 17 100 13 1969 87 25 89 - 1968 83 16 100 - 1967 87 11 100 11 1966 82 11 100 - 1965 95 0 - 10 1964 92 0 100 1963 - 0 - - Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Now York - 28th District is Matthew F. McHugh (D) Born: Dec. 6, 1938, Philadelphia, Pa. Education: Mount St. Mary's College, B.S. 1960; Villanova Law School, J.D. 1963. Occupation: Lawyer. Family: Wife, Eileen Alanna Higgins; three children. Religion: Roman Catholic. Political Career. Tompkins County District Attorney, 1969-72. Capitol Office: 2335 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-6335. In Washington: McHugh's quiet, serious pragmatism has made him a major player in the appropriations process and a figure of real respect among House Democrats. A man who wears a plain dark suit and a somber expres- sion. he is not one of the more conspicuous younger members. But he has the implicit trust of most members, and he is unflappable even in the midst of the most trying negotiations. He has found himself in a sensitive posi- tion on the Appropriations subcommittee that handles foreign aid. A strong personal sup- porter of Israel, he has sometimes had to nego- tiate between that country's even more militant backers and the growing anti-foreign aid fac- tion in the House. Most of the time, even getting a foreign aid bill passed has been a difficult struggle. In 1981 McHugh was a key player in bringing together a coalition that passed the first regular appropriation in three years. With a Republican president in office, conservative House Republicans who had attacked foreign aid for years suddenly came to its defense, and McHugh welcomed their support. As the pro- cess moved forward, McHugh emerged as the key man on the Democratic side, often eclips- ing Clarence Long of Maryland, the sub- committee's eccentric and unpredictable chair- man. Differences remained, though, over the character of the aid. McHugh has long been a strong supporter of development aid, and par- ticularly the International Development Asso- ciation (IDA), the arm of the World Bank that makes loans to the poorest nations. Conserva- tives have long opposed IDA, because it lends to communist nations. But President Reagan came to office vowing to fulfill the U.S. obliga- tion to pay $3.24 billion to IDA. McHugh negotiated through most of the summer of 1981. finally persuading the com- mittee to approve Reagan's request of-,$8 ' 50 million for IDA in 1982. On the floor, some conservatives rebelled and tried to cut the appropriation to $500 million; McHugh reluc- tantly supported a compromise of $ 725 million, and held together the coalition. The figure was later cut to $700 million. Warning that the coalition in support of the measure was fragile, McHugh succeeded in blocking any further attempts to cut multilat- eral aid. He fought an amendment to prohibit "indirect" aid to certain communist nations. The next year, the coalition splintered. McHugh and other influential Democrats were dismayed over the administration's request for increased military aid for 1983 and a supple- ment to the aid already passed for 1982. Mc- Hugh balked, saying the administration "should have known that people on this side would be deeply offended." Democrats on the panel succeeded in blocking the aid request. Later that year, -though, McHugh helped form a coalition to approve $350 million for President Reagan's Caribbean Basin Initiative. The aid was approved as part of a measure Reagan vetoed: Congress overrode the veto. Despite the frustrating year in 1982, Mc- Hugh seemed hopeful that a bipartisan coali- tion could be resurrected for the 98th Congress. But he warned that "the administration has to have the support of Democrats, moderate to progressive Democrats.... Our interests and concerns have to be taken into account." McHugh assumed leadership on foreign aid in 1978, his first year on the subcommittee. He and Wisconsin Democrat David R. Obey led the successful fight for the Carter administra- tion's $7.4 billion foreign aid request, over the Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 New York 28 The elongated 28th reaches from high above Cayuga's waters to high above those of the Hudson. The Triple Cities of Binghamton, John- son City and Endicott are industrial but politically marginal. This is the area in which Thomas J. Watson located his first IBM plant, and it still reflects some of the corporate paternalism the Watson family practiced for generations. Of the three, only Binghamton has a Democratic advantage in registration, and the difference there is' small. In all three cities, conservative work- ing-class voters, many of them Italian, join with white-collar technicians and profes- sionals to form a potent bloc for the GOP. Binghamton elects Democrats to the New York Assembly but its state senator is the Senate's Republican leader. The small towns and farms of rural Delaware and Tioga counties add to the Republican totals. McHugh's political base is Tompkins County, site of Cornell University in Ithaca. Cornell dominates Ithaca economically and politically. The picturesque Ivy League school, sitting on a hill overlooking Lake Cayuga, keeps the city Democratic and rela- tively liberal. The rural parts of the county objections of Long, who wanted to slash the amount. When that bill went to conference, Long and other House negotiators were adamant against Senate language providing for aid to Syria. It finally became law after McHugh added a provision authorizing the president to approve aid to Syria only if he thought it would "serve the process of peace in the Middle East." The next year, McHugh was defending the entire foreign aid program on the House floor against budget-cutting assaults. When Ohio Republican Clarence E. Miller tried to reduce the funding by a flat 5 percent across-the- board, McHugh countered with a 2 percent reduction, exempting Egypt and Israel. That compromise passed. On his other subcommittee, Agriculture Appropriations, McHugh defends his district's dairy farmers while pursuing some of his liberal social values. He was a strong advocate of distributing surplus cheese and butter to the poor. Southern Tier - Binghamton; Ithaca have a Republican tilt. Sullivan County, the northern portion of which is in the 28th, is the only section of the district where Democrats enjoy a party registration majority, although the county frequently votes for statewide and national Republican candidates. Heavily Jewish, it contains many resort hotels, including Grossinger's. The presence of Sullivan County in the district makes McHugh's support for Israel not only politically feasi- ble but helpful. Redistricting consolidated Ulster County in the 28th, uniting portions of the county previously split among three dis- tricts. The eastern portion includes the county seat, Democratic-leaning Kingston, a textile town of 24,481 people. The' county's other Democratic pocket - a small one - lies in Woodstock, the artists' colony that gave its name to the celebrated 1969 rock festival that actually was held in Bethel. Population: 516,808. White 493,022 (95%), Black 14,337 (3%), Asian and Pa- cific Islander 4,313 (1%). Spanish origin 9,231 (2%). 18 and over 382,593 (74%), 65 and over 63,593 (12% ). Median age: 30. Outside the Appropriations Committee, McHugh has remained committed to the re- formist politics on which he and most of his 1974 class initially won election. In 1977, when there was discussion over a bill to provide partial public financing of House general elec- tions, McHugh pushed for something stronger. He introduced his own bill covering primaries as well as general elections and sharply reduc- ing private spending levels. The next year, he called for a new Demo- cratic Caucus rule requiring a vote in the caucus on whether any member disciplined by the House or convicted of a felony should retain his post. It was passed, with some modi- fications. Later the caucus approved a rule requiring indicted chairmen to step aside tem- porarily. Beyond McHugh's personal reserve lies a reservoir of ambition. To make it to the Appro- priations Committee in 1978, he had to win the support of the New York state Democratic delegation. That was a difficult task because the delegation is New York City-dominated, Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 and the seat's previous occupant was from Manhattan. There was already an active candi- date from the city, James H. Scheuer. But McHugh campaigned assiduously and defeated Scheuer, 14-11, drawing several city votes. He was less successful in 1980, when he tried to become chairman of the House Demo- cratic Caucus. The other candidates, Gillis W. Long and Charlie Rose, were both Southerners, and he saw an opening for a moderate liberal from the Northeast. But he started late, and in challenging Long, he was up against one of the most popular members. McHugh finished a distant third, with 41 votes to 146 for Long and 53 for Rose. In the 98th Congress, though, he has his first important leadership position - as chair- man of the Democratic Study Group, the orga- nization of liberal and moderate Democrats in the House. McHugh won it without opposition. At Home: McHugh's victory in the 1974 Democratic sweep made him the first Democrat to represent the Binghamton area in this cen- tury. He succeeded a popular Republican, Howard W. Robison, promising to carry on in Committees Appropriations (20th of 36 Democrats) Agriculture: Rural Development and Related Agencies; Foreign Operations. Select Children. Youth and Families (5th of 16 Democrats) 1982 General Matthew F. McHugh (D) 100,665 (56'/.) David Crowley (R) 75,991 (43%) 1980 General Matthew F. McHugh (D) 103.863 (55%) Neil Wallace (R) 83.096 (44%) Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (56%) 1976 (67%) 1974 (53%) 1990 1976 D 83.039 (38%) D 110,702 (48%) R 108.287 (49%) R 121,263 (52%) 1 24,117 (11%) Campaign Finance Receipts Expand- Receipts from PACs itures 1982 McHugh (D) $447,500 $137,702. (31%) $443,864 Crowley (R) $278,409 $92,821 (33%) 8273,911 1980 McHugh (D) $333.196 $90,810 (271/.) 8321.219 Wallace (R) $187.876 $43,409 (23%) $186.537 Now York - 28th District the retiring Robison's moderate tradition. He was helped in that stance by the hard-line conservative campaign of his Republican oppo- nent, Binghamton Mayor Alfred Libous. In fact, Republicans have had a habit of putting up flawed challengers against McHugh. In 1978 and 1980, businessman Neil Tyler Wallace demonstrated an abrasive personality that cost him votes. In 1982 lawyer David F. Crowley seemed a bright and formidable chal- lenger until he committed a series of gaffes that doomed his candidacy. In an attempt to show how military spending could be cut, for in- stance, he suggested that the military's LAMPS III helicopter be scrapped. It turned out that a plant in the 28th District made parts for the aircraft. Before running for Congress, McHugh served as district attorney of Tompkins County, at the far western edge of the sprawl- ing district. As district attorney, he was popular with the Cornell University community in Ith- aca. He organized a local drug treatment facil- ity and demanded peaceful handling of student protests. Voting Studies Presidental Party Conservative Support Unity Coalition Year S 0 S 0 8 0 1982 39 53 89 8 19 81 1961 32 68 89 11 19 80 1980 76 20 88 8 11 84 1979 82 16 86 12 16 83 1978 84 15 84 13 12 87 11977 72 20 74 16 21 67 1978 24 75 87 11 18 77 1975 35 63 88 7 11 86 S = Support 0 = Opposition Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) N Legal services reauthorization (1981) y Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y Index income taxes (1981) N Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) y Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N Delete MX funding (1962) Y Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1962 100 17 95 23 1981 95 8 73 11 1990 83 21 72 64 1979 89 4 90 13 1978 75 15 80 28 1977 70 10 80 33 1976 80 4 77 32 1975 95 7 95 6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 New Jersey = 6th District Bernard J. Dwyer (D) Of Edison - Elected 1980 Born: Jan. 24, 1921, Perth Amboy, N.J. Education: Attended Rutgers U. Military Career. Navy, 1940-45. Occupation: Insurance salesman. Family: Wife, Lilyan Sudzina; one child. Religion: Roman Catholic. Political Career. Edison Township Council, 1958-69; Edison mayor, 1969-73; N.J. Senate, 1974-80, major- ity leader, 1980. Capitol Office: 404 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-6301. In Washington: Elected to Congress at age 59 after decades of loyal service to the Middlesex County Democratic organization, Dwyer slid right into the groove established by Edward J. Patten, his Democratic predecessor. He picked up Patten's staff, his seat on the Appropriations Committee and even his assign- ment on the Labor, Health and Human Ser- vices Subcommittee. About the only thing he did not assume was Patten's clownish personal- ity. He is as quiet and low-key as his predeces- sor was loud and roisterous. Dwyer's reputation as an unassuming party loyalist helped him when he decided to trv for Patten's slot on Appropriations in 1981. There was only one opening for a first-term member, and several other freshmen were com- peting actively for the position. Of all the candidates, though, Dwyer was the one whose background virtually guaranteed that he would deliver his vote when the leadership asked. After strenuous lobbying on his behalf by fel- low New Jersey Democrat Robert A. Roe, Dwyer won the post. On the committee, Dwyer has specialized in higher education - Rutgers, New Jersey's state university, is in his district - and health matters. When Reagan administration funding cuts threatened the alcoholism research pro- gram that had been established at Rutgers, Dwyer made sure the project was protected. He also included money in the National Institutes of Health appropriations package to be used to upgrade health research equipment at universi- ties and facilities funded by the National Insti- tutes. Like many other House members from heavily ethnic districts, Dwyer peppers, the Congressional Record with insertions on such matters as Soviet annexation of the Baltic states and human rights violations in Byelorus- sia. But he almost never says anything on the floor himself. His sole speech during his first term in Congress was on behalf of a resolution he had introduced honoring the Ukrainian Hel- sinki Watch Group; the measure passed in mid- 1982. At Home: Dwyer was known in the New Jersey Senate as a legislative tactician who avoided the public spotlight and preferred be- hind-the-scenes maneuvering. His most notable individual accomplish- ments attracted little public attention. Dwyer pushed through a ban on state government purchase of imported cars and a $50 million bond issue to weatherize state buildings. Much of his work was done at the Joint Appropria- tions Committee, which he chaired at one point during his Senate career. In his 1980 campaign to succeed Patten, Dwyer held off primary and general election opponents with the confidence born of solid organization support in a district where that still means a great- deal. As the candidate of the Middlesex County Democratic organization, Dwyer let the party do most of the work for him. In contrast, William O'Sullivan Jr. was the candidate of a badly divided local GOP. He also was outspent by Dwyer 3-to-1. Some excitement was generated when op- ponents accused Dwyer, an insurance salesman, of using his clout to get a no-bid county insur- ance contract. However, Dwyer was able to deflate the issue by producing a letter from the state Senate Ethics Committee approving his conduct. In his first re-election campaign, in 1982, Dwyer faced Republican Bertram L. Buckler, a construction company executive. Dwyer won 68 percent of the vote. Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 8ornord J. Dwyer, D-N.J. New Jersey 6 Exxon's giant Bayway refinery, with its flaring gas and oppressive stench, is respon- sible for much of New Jersey's image prob- lem. Travelers seeing the refinery from the turnpike wonder why anyone would live near it. But thousands of the 6th's voters do. They are predominantly white ethnics and Hispanics, many of them within sight and smell of the refinery complex. The 6th extends for miles beyond the refinery and the turnpike. Covering most of industrial Middlesex County, it tradition- ally has been a rich source of votes for the Democratic Party. On the congressional level, the Middlesex constituency has been reliably Democratic since 1961. Before that, the county was split between two Republi- can districts. In state and national elections, how- ever, partisanship is far from solid. Middle- sex, which solidly supported John F. Ken- nedy in 1960, barely went for Jimmy Carter in 1976 and voted for Ronald Reagan in 1980. In the 1981 gubernatorial election, the county gave Democrat James J. Florio only Central - New Brunswick, Perth Amboy a scant plurality. Middlesex is a place where heavy things are made. The closer one gets to the Arthur Kill, separating New Jersey and Staten Is- land, the heavier and dirtier the industry becomes. Bleak Perth Amboy, now 40 per- cent Hispanic, illustrates the economic problems troubling this industrial belt. A Canadian company opened a new steel plant there in 1977, but recent layoffs have dashed any hopes it would spark a resur- gence. The presence of Rutgers University and a one-quarter black population keep New Brunswick thoroughly Democratic. Though parts of the city are faded, Johnson & Johnson is leading an effort to revitalize New Brunswick by building its new head- quarters in the middle of downtown.. Population: 523,798. White 458,270 (88%), Black 42,240 (8%), Asian and Pa- cific Islander 9,699 (2%). Spanish origin 33,393 (6%). 18 and over 392,465 (75%), 65 and over 48,773 (9%). Median age: 31. 1980 Committees Dwyer(D) $154,996 $52,500 (34%) $149,141 Appropriations (31st of 36 Democrats) O'Sullivan Jr.(R) $55,264 $23,376 (42%) $53,055 Commerce, Justice, State and the Judiciary; Labor-Health and Human Services-Education. Voting Studies Presidential Party Conservative Support Unity Coalition Year S 0 S 0 S 0 1982 General ) 418 (68'/ 100 1982 39 57 94 5 22 78 3 Bernard J. Dwyer (D) . , 1981 41 57 93 5 16 8 Bertram Buckler (R) 46,093 (31%) 1980 General . Bernard J Dwyer (D) 92.457 (53%) Key Votes . (R) William O'Sullivan Jr 75.812 (44%) Reagan budget proposal (1981) N . District Vote For President Legal services reauthorization (1981) Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y N 1980 1976 Index income taxes (1981) Y 7 53 41% D 113.745 (52%) Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) et (1982) d b d N D R 1 .5 8 107,163 14.533 ) ( (50%) ( 7%) R 101,923 (46%) u g Amend Constitution to require balance Delete MX funding (1982) Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) llon (1982) 5 N N Campaign Finance cents per ga Increase gas tax by Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) i Y 1982 Receipts fr Receipts om PAC Expend- s Nuns ngs Interest Group Rat Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS Dwyer(D) 019 $80 075 (74%) $50,131 $59 1982 90 13 90 27 Buckler (R) , $27,817 , 0 $27,489 1981 75 13 93 22 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Bob Stump (R) Of Tolleson - Elected 1976 Born: April 4, 1927, Phoenix, Ariz. Education: Ariz. State U., B.S. 1951. Military Career. Navy, 1943-46. Occupation: Farmer. Family: Divorced; three children. Religion: Seventh Day Adventist. Political Career. Ariz. House, 1959-67; Ariz. Senate, 1967-77, president, 1975-77. Capitol Office: 211 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-4576. In Washington: For years, Republican officials urged conservative Democrat Stump to cross the aisle and run for office the way he voted - in support of the GOP. "Any time he wants to switch parties," Republican leader and homestate colleague John J. Rhodes used to say, "I can guarantee him the Republican nomination." In 1981, a few months after he backed President Reagan in the critical tax and budget decisions, Stump announced he would finally make the move. He said he had been a Demo- crat out of family tradition, but felt increas- ingly alienated from his party after it began withholding favors from members who strayed from the leadership line too often. Both parties wondered whether his deci- sion would bring about aftershocks in the House, prompting other disaffected Democrats to join the GOP. That never happened. Only one other Democrat left his party - Eugene V. Atkinson of Pennsylvania - and he lost the next election. Perhaps the most important effect of Stump's switch was a change in party rules. In 1982 Democrats pushed through a rule provid- ing that any future member who leaves the party in the middle of a session will lose his Democratic committee assignments immedi- ately. Stump had been allowed to keep his seats on Armed Services and Veterans' Affairs through the 97th Congress, despite his declared intention to run as a Republican in 1982. As it turned out, the party switch eventu- ally forced him to give up his Veterans' Affairs assignment. He won his place there in 1981, when the Conservative Democratic Forum pressured Speaker O'Neill to give prize Demo- cratic committee assignments to conservatives. But two years later, new party ratios in the House altered the balance on each committee, reducing the Republican membership of Veter- ans' Affairs from 15 to 11. Stump, being last in seniority, failed to win a place. Stump can still pursue his interests in national defense on the Intelligence and Armed Services committees. He has been on Armed Services since 1978 and is a member of its Investigations and Research and Development subcommittees. But he is not one of the more active people there. Stump seldom speaks on the floor, and he introduces few bills. He has held one press conference during his six years in the House - the one at which he announced he would run as a Republican in 1982. But like all Arizonans in Congress, on water issues Stump is a vocal protector of his state's interests. When the Carter administra- tion tried to impose on Western landowners the stringent federal water controls of a long-ig- nored 1902 law, Stump simply introduced a bill to repeal major portions of the law. That bill never went anywhere; a compromise on the issue was finally reached after several years of dispute. While he was still a Democrat, Stump was much in demand as a board member for na- tional conservative organizations, to whose ef- forts he lent a trace of bipartisanship. He is still on some of the boards, such as that of the National Right to Work Committee, but they have one less Democratic name on their letter- heads. At Home: Secure in his northern Arizona seat since his first election in 1976, Stump had plenty of time to mull over his long-contem- plated party switch. When he finally filed on the Republican side in 1982, it caused barely a ripple back home. Stump said his decision would not cost him any significant support in either party. He was right. The middle-class retirees who have Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Bob Stump, R-Ariz. Arizona 3 Once dominated almost entirely by "pinto Democrats" - ranchers and other conservative rural landowners - the 3rd has become prime GOP turf over the years. The GOP has fared particularly well here in recent presidential elections. Gerald R. Ford carried the area within the bound- aries of the 3rd by a comfortable margin in 1976; four years later Ronald Reagan racked up 67 percent here, his best showing in the state. The majority of the 3rd's population resides in the Maricopa County suburbs west of Phoenix. Glendale and Sun City, an affluent retirement community, are among the most important towns politically. Both produce mammoth Republican majorities. Political organizations among the retirees in Sun City contribute to turnouts of 90 per- cent or higher in congressional elections. In redistricting, map makers sent the Hispanic areas of southern Yuma County to the 2nd District. The 3rd kept the more conservative northern section of Yuma County. Residents of this section moved to North and West - Glendale; Flagstaff; part of Phoenix set up their own local government in June of 1982, passing a ballot initiative that trans- formed northern Yuma into brand-new LaPaz County. Mohave County, occupying the north- western corner of the state, is home to three groups in constant political tension - Indi- ans, pinto Democrats in Kingman and Re- publican retirees in Lake Havasu City. The county split between Democrats and Re- publicans has been close in recent statewide elections. Old-time Democratic loyalties persist in Flagstaff, the seat of Coconino County and the commercial center of northern Ari- zona. But the heavily Mormon part of Coco- nino County, closer to the Utah border, is staunchly Republican. Population: 544,870. White 468,924 (86%), Black 8,330 (2%), American Indian, Eskimo and Aleut 27,538 (5%), Asian and Pacific Islander 3,845 (1610. Spanish origin 64,414 (12%). 18 and over 389,150 (71 '10, 65 and over 79,881 (15%). Median age: 31. flocked to this Sun Belt territory in recent years brought their Republican voting habits along, and the conservative rural Democrats who traditionally have formed the core of Stump's constituency proved willing to move across the aisle with him. Stump.coasted to victory with 63 percent of the vote, the only House incumbent to switch and survive the fight in 1982. The ease with which Stump made the transition owes a lot to his roots as a "pinto" Democrat, a conservative of the type that dom- inated state politics before the postwar popula- tion boom. A cotton farmer with roots in rural Arizona, Stump served 18 years in the state Legislature and rose to the presidency of the state Senate during the 1975-76 session. When Republican Rep. Sam Steiger tried for the U.S. Senate in 1976, Stump decided to run for his House seat. In the 1976 Democratic primary, he de- feated a more liberal, free-spending opponent, former Assistant State Attorney General Sid Rosen. Stump drew 31 percent to Rosen's 25 percent, with the rest scattered among three others. In the fall campaign, Stump's GOP opponent was fellow state Sen. Fred Koory, the Senate minority leader. Stump wooed conser- vative Democrats by attacking his party's vice presidential nominee, Walter Mondale. Stump was helped in the election by a third candidate, state Sen. Bill McCune, a Republican running as an independent, who drained GOP votes away from Koory. Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Arizona - 3rd District Committees Armed Services (7th of 16 Republicans) Investigations; Research and Development. Select Intelligence (4th of 5 Republicans) Program and Budget Authorization. 1982 General Bob Stump (R) 101,198 (63%) Pat Bosch (D) 58,644 (37%) 1980 General Bob Stump (D) 141,448 (64%) Bob Croft (R) 65,88455 (30%) Sharon Hayse (LIB) Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (85%) 1978 (48%) District Vol. For President 1980 1978 D 48,133 (24X) 0 63,232 (39%) R 132,455 (67%) R 95,078 (58%) 1 13,103 ( 7%) Campaign Finance Receipts Expen- Receipts from PACs ditures 1982 Stump (R) $280,713 $128,290 (46%) $280,331 Bosch (D) $90,319 $58,250 (64%) 1980 Stump (D) $144,326 $59,397 (41%) $85,154 Croft (R) $2,471 0 $5,229 Voting Studies Presidential Party Conservative Support Unity Coalition Year 8 0 S 0 $ 0 1982 82 13 3 93 96 0 1981 74 18 17 81 97 0 1980 32 65 15 82 93 4 1979 19 73 8 85 92 1 197$ 20 65 14 74 82 4 1977 29 61 16 76 91 3 S - Support 0 e Opposition Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y Legal services reauthorization (1981) N Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N Index income taxes (1981) Y Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) N Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y Delete MX funding (1982) N Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1982 0 95 0 89 1961 0 91 13 95 1980 0 83 17 71 1979 0 96 10 100 1970 5 100 10 82 1977 5 100 9 100 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 10 Andy Ireland (R) Of Winter Haven - Elected 1976 Born: Aug. 23, 1930, Cincinnati, Ohio. Education: Yale U., B.S. 1952; L.S.U. School of Bank- ing, graduated 1959; attended Columbia U. School of Business, 1953-54. Occupation: Banker. Family: Wife, Nancy Detmer; four children. Religion: Episcopalian. Political Career. Winter Haven City Commission, 1966-68; Democratic nominee for Fla. Senate, 1972. Capitol Office: 2446 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-5015. - 'Allik / In Washington: Joking and jostling with his southern colleagues on "Redneck Row" at the back of the House chamber, Ireland offers little clue that he is a graduate of Phillips Academy and Yale, or that he used to be the treasurer of the Florida Bankers Association. He comes as close to being a good old boy as anybody with his background ever will. Whether one views Ireland as a corporate conservative or just an old-fashioned Southern Democrat, he leaves no doubt about his ideol- ogy. Except for his first year, he never has voted against the "conservative coalition" of Republicans and Southern Democrats much more than 10 percent of the time. In the 97th Congress, he was one of only nine Democrats to back President Reagan on all of five key eco- nomic votes. Most of Ireland's legislative work has been on small business matters. On the Small Busi- ness Committee in the 96th Congress, Ireland worked for the "Regulatory Flexibility Act," which requires federal agencies to weigh the effect of proposed regulations on small busi- nesses - and consider making exceptions for them. That.bill became law in late 1980. In 1982, while most members of Congress were trying to narrow the scope of a bill to set aside a portion of federal research and develop- ment contracts for small business, Ireland wanted to increase its scope by adding the Agency for International Development to the list of agencies required to use some small contractors. His amendment was defeated by a voice vote. In 1982 he took an even more direct role to help small businesses, forming a political action committee to work on their behalf. He serves as its treasurer. On the Foreign Affairs Committee, Ireland has fought to lift a ban on the use of U.S. foreign aid to spray the herbicide paraquat on marijuana fields. As a member of the Asian and Pacific Affairs Subcommittee, he has lobbied along with Florida citrus growers to persuade Japan to reduce barriers to the importation of American oranges. He is probably best known, though, for his Washington fund-raisers featuring the Ringling Brothers Circus, which used to winter in his district. Ireland puts up a tent and has clowns, showgirls and midgets entertain contributors before the show. At Home: As a wealthy banker, Ireland had the resources to outclass his competition in 1976, when the open 8th District was up for grabs. The $144,000 he spent on the effort was not an unusual amount, but it brought him a sophisticated campaign. Expert advice from political and advertising consultants, a care- fully built county-by-county organization and Ireland's own relaxed manner compensated for his political inexperience. - Ireland and five others sought the Demo- cratic nomination that year when seven-term Rep. James A. Haley announced his retirement. A runoff between Ireland and state Rep. Ray Mattox was expected, but Ireland won the nomination outright with 51 percent of the vote in the primary. His general election foe was Republican state Rep. Robert Johnson, who had served in the Legislature for six years but was not well- known outside his Sarasota home. Ireland won 58 percent of the vote, a slightly higher share than veteran Democrat Haley had received in his last two elections. Since then, Ireland has met only one nominal foe. Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Andy Ireland, 0-Fla. Florida 10 All over Florida, land once devoted to agriculture is being eaten away by shopping centers, motels and condominiums. But in Polk County, centerpiece of the 10th Dis- trict, citrus is still king. Thousands of area jobs are connected with the growing, picking, packing, process- ing and loading of oranges, orange concen- trate and grapefruit. Polk is the nation's foremost citrus-producing county. Phosphate rock, the raw material of fertilizer, is another key element of the Polk County economy. Three-fourths of Ameri- ca's phosphate is strip-mined out of Polk, although the industry has suffered recently from slack demand. About 60 percent of the people in the 10th live in Polk, with the major concentra- tion in the Lakeland-Winter Haven area. In congressional elections, Polk has given Ire- land overwhelming margins; in presidential contests, however, it usually goes Republi- can. Central - Lakeland; Winter Haven; Bradenton The 10th has one Gulf Coast county, Manatee, which accounts for about 30 per- cent of the district's population. The city of Bradenton there grew 43 percent during the 1970s, to a population exceeding 30,000. Manatee County is a popular retirement area for people from Central and Midwest- ern states where Republican voting was a habit. Registered Democrats once outnum- bered registered Republicans in Manatee County by 3-to-1; lately the Democratic advantage has slipped to about 55.45. De Soto and Hardee counties are also included in the 10th. Predominantly agri- cultural, they have cattle ranches, citrus groves, a scattering of small towns and conservative Democratic voters. Population: 512,890. White 435,256 (85%), Black 66,731 (13%). Spanish origin 16,774 (3 %). 18 and over 381,628 (74 %), 65 and over 92,163 (18%). Median age: 35. Committees Foreign Affairs (8th of 24 Democrats) Asian and Pacific Affairs; Europe and the Middle East. Small Business (9th of 26 Democrats) Export Opportunities and Special Small Business Problems (chairman). 1992 General Andy Ireland (D) 1980 General Andy Ireland (D) Scott Nicholson (R) 151,613 '(69%) 61,620 (28%) Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (100%) 1976 (58%) District Vote For President 1980 1976 0 71.059 (38%) D 77,872 (49%) R 107.348 (58%) R 78,521' (50%) I 5.857 ( 3%) Campaign Finance Receipts Expend- Receipts from PACs itures 1982 Ireland (D) $196,145 $76,445 (39%) $155,480 1980 Ireland (D( $261,483 $88,894 (34%) 9221,103 Nicholson (R) $12,394 0 $12,460 Voting Studies Presidential Support Party Conservative Unity Coalition Year S 0 S 0 S 0 1982 60 17 22 50 75 5 1981 74 16 29 56 87 7 1960 58 33 47 46 82 8 1979 46 44 42 46 76 12 1978 39 44 30 56 74 12 1977 62 30 42 52 72 21 S = Support 0 = Opposition Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y Legal services reauthorization (1981) N Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y Index income taxes (1981) Y Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y Delete MX funding (1982) N Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1992 10 84 6 80 1981 5 74 29 100 1960 6 46 11 73 1979 16 50 11 71 1978 20 78 21 67 1977 15 61 30 75 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MOl152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Henry J. Hyde (R) Of Bensenville - Elected 1974 Born: April 18, 1924, Chicago, Ill. Education: Georgetown U., B.S. 1947; Loyola U., J.D. 1949. Military Career. Navy, 1942-46. Occupation: Lawyer. Family: Wife, Jeanne Simpson; four children. Religion: Roman Catholic. Political Career. 111. House, 1967-75, majority leader, 1971-72; Republican nominee for U.S. House, 1962. Capitol Office: 2104 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-4561. In Washington: Hyde's crusade against federal'funding for abortions has brought him national attention beyond the reach of most of his colleagues. But it also has brought a reputa- tion for fanaticism that seems to trouble him as he competes for a leadership role in the House. "When an issue. develops," he has said, .,you either evade it or you grapple with it. I grappled with it, and now it's grappling back." Hyde would like to be known as a thought- ful conservative who legislates with restraint on a variety of issues. But the only subject most people want to talk about with him is abortion. And he rarely refuses to talk about it. Hyde was a freshman when he offered his first amendment to ban federal funding of abortions, largely at the urging of Maryland's conservative Republican, Robert E. Bauman. At that time, the federal government was pay- ing for between 200,000 and 300,000 abortions a year, mostly for Medicaid recipients. The amendment passed the House, although it was modified in the Senate to allow payment for abortions to save the life of the mother. By 1981, the Hyde amendment was firmly in place,.upheld as constitutional by the Su- preme Court. It permitted abortion funding only to save the mother's life or in cases of rape or incest. The number of federally funded abortions has declined to about 2,000 annually. With that question apparently settled, Hyde made a conscious effort to concentrate on other subjects in the 97th Congress. While he introduced legislation to identify conception as the beginning of life, he made no real attempt to move it through Judiciary or on to the House floor. "We don't have the votes," he admitted. Instead, Hyde spent much of 1981 arguing about extension of the Voting Rights Act, an experience in which he played a constructive but frequently unhappy role. When Judiciary first debated extension of the 1965 act, Hyde felt it was time to ease up on the restrictions imposed by the law upon Southern states. All these states have to pre- clear any election law changes with the govern- ment; Hyde felt some of them deserved the chance to "bail out" because of good behavior. "A handful of Southern states have been in the penalty box for nearly 17 years," he said. He talked about writing a new law that would apply equally to all regions of the country. But hearings on the issue changed his mind, and he admitted it with the candor that is his most appealing quality. "I have learned from the hearings," he said, "that there are still enormous difficulties with people getting the right to vote in the South." Hyde's conversion was the decisive event guaranteeing that a strong Voting Rights revision eventually would pass the House. Still, Hyde was unable to go along with the law drafted by the committee's Democrats. Although he voted to approve it in committee, he felt it still set too many obstacles against a state that genuinely had reformed and wanted to bail out. He thought some of the language was unconstitutional. At that point, Democrat Don Edwards of California, chairman of the subcommittee that wrote the bill, decided to work around Hyde and negotiate a compromise with oth& Repub- licans on Judiciary. Hyde took personal offense at being bypassed. But after failing to win approval of a floor amendment designed to ease the bailout process, he voted for the bill on final passage. Several months later, however, when the Voting Rights bill returned to the House fol- lowing Senate passage, Hyde and Edwards again quarreled over the procedures for its final approval. Hyde stormed out of the House Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Henry J. Hyde, R-111. Illinois 6 Hyde was given what amounted to a brand-new district in 1982, with less than 5 percent of his former constituency. The old 6th, almost entirely in Cook County, was chopped up and grafted in pieces onto the western ends of underpopulated inner-city Chicago districts. The redrawn 6th takes in new parts of Cook, but DuPage County dominates, cast- ing more than 60 percent of the vote. It is an even safer district for Hyde than the previous one. Before 1982 the 6th included pockets of Democratic strength in Maywood and other moderate-income sub- urbs with significant black populations. There are no such enclaves in the new district, whose suburban territory is nearly all white-collar and Republican. The 6th follows the route of two com- muter rail lines that drew Chicagoans west- ward as early as the 1930s. Elmhurst, Villa Park, Lombard, Glen Ellyn and Wheaton spread out from the city in the southern part of the district. Farther north are Wood chamber, and shortly afterward he resigned from Edwards' subcommittee. Although Hyde has often led the conserva- tive opposition in his years on Judiciary, his actions have not been easy to predict. It was Hyde who fought against a proposal to bar strikes by Legal Services Corporation lawyers, arguing that, as private citizens, they had a constitutional right to strike. It was a very lawyerlike Hyde who, in 1977, pointed out that an emergency bill to combat child pornography might be unconstitutional. "In our well-inten- tioned desire to attack the revolting crime of child abuse," he said, "we have let our zeal overcome our judgment." On the Foreign Affairs Committee, Hyde is a more predictable hawk and supporter of U.S. military aid to right-leaning regimes around the world. In the 97th Congress, he strongly backed U.S. help for El Salvador. He opposed efforts. to restrict American aid to Egypt because of re- ported human rights violations. But unlike many conservative Republicans, Hyde does not reject the concept of humanitarian economic aid to the Third World. He has risen virtually every year to defend U.S. aid programs against Far West Chicago Suburbs - Wheaton Dale, Itasca and Roselle, newer suburbs that are still expanding. Roselle has more than doubled in size since 1970. Schaumburg, which was still rural in 1960, has tripled in size during the past decade, with condomin- iums and apartment complexes cropping up around its enormous shopping center. Less affluent is the area between the rail lines, including Glendale Heights and Addison, which have some light industry. A huge industrial park is located near Elk Grove Village, another fast-growing suburb to the north. On its northeastern border, the 6th hooks into Cook County to take in the older,., prosperous suburbs of Des Plaines and Park Ridge. Des Plaines, adjoining O'Hare Air- port, is home to many airline employees. Population: 519,015. White 494,144 (95 %), Black 4,321 (1%), Asian and Pacific Islander 14,413 (3%). Spanish origin 15,155 (3%). 18 and over 367,916 (71%), 65 and over 38,548 (7%). Median age: 30. attacks by those who work with him on the abortion issue. When Republicans sought to cut funding for the Asian Development Bank by half in 1980, Hyde accused them of trying to turn back the clock "to the days of the early 1930s." On another occasion, he warned them that "the biblical injunction to give food to the hungry and clothe the naked does not stop when we enter this chamber." Hyde has been one of the most active critics of the movement for a nuclear freeze. In mid-1982, when the House narrowly rejected a freeze, Hyde led the opposition, calling the idea "government by bumper sticker." Later in the year, after the National Conference of Catholic Bishops had prepared draft language endorsing a freeze, he persuaded 23 other Catholic mem- bers to sign his letter urging them to consider the arguments against it. Hyde is one of the best debaters in the House. For all his references to abortion and other controversial topics as moral issues, he has never taken himself or his legislative role with solemnity. When he sees what he thinks is a flaw in the opposition's reasoning, he pounces on it with the sarcasm he used for more than a Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Illinois - 6th District decade as a trial lawyer in Chicago. One day in 1980, when he was arguing against a new open-ended appropriation for child welfare, Democratic leaders told Hyde they disagreed with the practice in principle, but thought it was the wrong time to end it. "1 understand." Hyde said. "We'll sober up to- morrow, but meanwhile pass the bottle." It was Hyde's reputation for debating skill, rather than his national anti-abortion follow- ing, that brought him within three votes of the Republican Conference chairmanship in a last- minute campaign in 1979. Dissatisfied with the front-running candidate, Ohio's Samuel De- .vine, a group of freshman members persuaded Hyde to run less than a week before the elec- tion. Hyde's 74-71 loss was seen as a symbolic victory by his supporters and appeared to give him a shot at a higher leadership post later on. Hyde was briefly a candidate for party whip in the 1980 election for that job, but faced an impossible problem - the fact that the front-running candidate for party leader, Rob- ert H. Michel, was a fellow-Illinoisan, and no one state has ever had the top two members of the leadership. Once Michel's election as leader began to seem certain, Hyde withdrew. At Home: Hyde grew up as an Irish Cath- olic Democrat in Chicago, but like Ronald Reagan, began having doubts about the Demo- cratic Party in the late 1940s. By 1952, he had switched parties and backed Dwight D. Eisen- hower for president. After practicing law in the Chicago area for more than 10 years, and serving as a GOP precinct committeeman, Hyde was chosen by the Republican organization in 1962 to chal- lenge Democratic Rep. Roman Pucinski in a northwest Chicago congressional district. The heavily ethnic district had been represented by a Republican for eight years before Pucinski won it in 1958. Hyde came within 10,000 votes of upsetting Pucinski. Elected to the Illinois House in 1966, Hyde became one of its most active and outspoken members and one of its most articulate debat- ers. He was voted "best freshman represen- tative" in 1967 and "most effective represen- tative" in 1972. In 1971 Hyde became majority leader; he made an unsuccessful attempt at the speakership in 1973. In 1974 longtime Republican Rep. Harold Collier retired from the suburban 6th Congres- sional District just west of Chicago. Much of the district was unfamiliar to Hyde, but he dominated the Republican primary anyway. He called on his political contacts to help line up support from area GOP officials and emerged with 49 percent of the vote in a field of six candidates. The general election was tougher. Hyde's Democratic opponent was Edward V. Hanra- ban, a controversial former Cook County state's attorney trying for a political comeback. Hanrahan had made a name for himself in an unpleasant way five years earlier, when Chicago policemen attached to his office carried out an early morning raid on Black Panther Party headquarters, killing Panther leaders Fred Hampton and Mark Clark. Hanrahan was indicted for attempting to obstruct the ensuing federal investigation, which had called into question police reports of the raid, but he was acquitted. He was beaten for re-election in 1972. Nonetheless, Hyde went into his contest with Hanrahan at a disadvantage. The Demo- crat's past exploits had given him almost uni- versal name recognition in the district and had made him something of a folk hero among some of the area's blue-collar ethnics. With rank- and-file Republicans deserting their party in droves in that Watergate year, the district's nominally Republican nature was not expected to hurt Hanrahan. At the same time, Hyde had the edge in organization and funding. He launched a door- to-door campaign that brought him into each of the district's precincts and gave him a chance to appeal to traditional Republicans and liberal Democrats uncomfortable with Hanrahan's record. Hanrahan proved unable to keep pace. The Democrat used his record of antagonism to the Daley machine to tout his independence, but traditionally Democratic sources of funding were dry for. him. His penchant for running his own show produced a disorganized effort. On Election Day, Hyde's superior re- sources won out. Using telephone banks and an army of precinct workers, his campaign staff turned out enough voters to give him an 8,000- vote plurality over Hanrahan at a time when Republican districts all over the country were falling to Democrats. Since then, Hyde has become politically invincible. Because the 1981 redistricting gave him an almost completely new constituency, an aggressive primary challenger from the new area might have caused Hyde some trouble, as ? he himself conceded. But no one bothered to challenge him for renomination in 1982. In the general election, he won more than two-thirds of the vote, just as he did in 1978 and 1980. Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 N.nry J. Nom, R-lll. Committees Foreign Affairs (9th of 13 Republicans) International Security and Scientific Affairs; Western Hemi- sphere Affairs. Judiciary (3rd of 11 Republicans) Courts. Civil Liberties and Administration of Justice; Monopo- lies and Commercial Lew. 199 General Henry Hyde (R) 97,918 (68%) Leroy Kennel (0) 45,237 (32X) 1980 General Henry Hyde (R) 123,593 (67%) Mario Reda (D) 60,951 (33%) Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (66%) 1978 (61%) 1974 (53%) District Vote For President 1990 1978 D 51.049 (25%) 0 72.192 (33%) R 126,318 (63%) R 142,229 (65%) 1 21,069 (11%) Voting Studies Presidential Party Conservative Support Unity Coalition Tear S 0 8 0 8 0 1982 75 17 79 19 86 8 1981 79 20 77 19 . 81 16 1980 53 39 67 29 76 21 1979 42 50 71 25 78 ,19 1978 43 54 75 19 73 20 1977 47 52 77 20 80 .15 1976 76 22 83 14 85 13 1975 79 20 82 15 85 14 S = Support 0 = Opposition Key Votes. Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y Legal services reauthorization (1981) N Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) P. Index income taxes (1981) Y Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y Delete MX funding (1982) N Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N Campaign Finance Receipts Expend- Receipts from PACs (turn 1982 ,Hyde (R) $267,975 $69,452 (26%) $181,713 Kennel (D) $52,656 $4,550 (9X) $45,271 1960 Hyde (R) $209,818 $57,819 (28%) $144,469 Reda(D) $30,558 $14,750 (48%) $30,147 Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1982 15 86 11 81 1981 10 74 7 94 1980 28 74 26 79 1979 5 77 25 94 1978 10 70 5 94 1977 10 59 26 100 1976 0 70 26 74 1975 5 86 13 94 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Wyoming - At Large AL Dick Cheney (R) Of Casper - Elected 1978 Born: Jan. 30, 1941, Lincoln, Neb. Education: U. of Wyo., B.A. 1965, M.A. 1966. Occupation: Financial consultant. Family:. Wife, Lynne Vincent; two children. Religion: Methodist. Political Career. No previous office. Capitol Office: 225 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-2311. In Washington: Cheney's background as President Ford's White House chief of staff made him something more than an ordinary House freshman in 1979, and it helped him vault into the top ranks of the Republican leadership just two years later. At the start of his second term, he defeated veteran Marjorie S. Holt of Maryland for the chairmanship of the Republican Policy Com- mittee. Considered an audacious move by some, Cheney 's successful challenge brought him far more influence than any other member of his class. Once in office, Cheney altered the tradi- tional role of the Policy Committee, which had been to issue position papers on dozens of diverse subjects. Instead, Cheney focused on making the panel an integral part of the GOP hierarchy, listening to the views of younger members and giving party leaders an idea of problems that might be coming up. In the 98th Congress, Cheney has become more of a leader- ship figure, spending long hours on the floor and working to coordinate strategy. His public statements are a good barometer of what the GOP leaders are thinking. While he has been winning influence in Congress, Cheney also has been developing close ties with the Reagan White House. As a Ford loyalist, he was slow to endorse Ronald Reagan's campaign in 1980, but he has made the right moves to build alliances, in the admin- istration. In the 97th Congress, Cheney voted with the president more often than any other House member. He lobbied hard for the 1982 Reagan-oriented tax increase while some of the most militant Reaganites in the House were. trying to defeat it. At the end of the year, he gave a well- publicized speech to a governors' conference backing the administration's hard line toward the new Andropov regime in the Soviet Union. "He speaks English and he likes Scotch," Che- ney said of Andropov, "but he is not a card- carrying member of the American Civil Liber- ties Union." Cheney has managed to build an image in the House as a pragmatic conservative, one who votes Wyoming's anti-government sentiments but negotiates with the other side on a friendly basis. During his first term, when a group of Democrats led by Missouri's Richard Bolling decided to launch a bipartisan breakfast group to explore the common frustrations of House membership, Cheney was one of the first Re- publicans invited. Cheney's only committee assignment is House Interior, but he is a major player there and an able conciliator between the more ag- gressive pro-development forces and the envi- ronmentalist majority. Although originally fa- vorable toward Interior Secretary James G. Watt's proposal to open up wilderness areas to oil and gas leasing, Cheney joined his Demo- cratic colleagues in opposing the secretary after learning of several leases pending in the Washakie Wilderness, near Yellowstone Na- tional Park in northwestern Wyoming. Cheney introduced legislation in the 97th Congress banning oil and gas leasing in Wyo- ming wilderness areas and adding 480,000 addi- tional wilderness acres. Unlike the Democrats, though, Cheney would release potential wilder- ness areas for development. Democrats had proposed to extend the ban to potential areas as well as current ones. Although the Senate passed the Wyoming wilderness measure, the House failed to act. Cheney reintroduced his measure in the 98th Congress, adding another 171,000 acres to be designated wilderness. Cheney was frustrated on a park protec- tion measure in 1982. He felt the bill, intended to protect areas "adjacent to" national parks, was poorly drafted; he searched in vain for a definition of "adjacent." On the floor, Cheney Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Wyoming - At Large Wyoming has always been fairly easy to explain in terms of partisan politics. Demo- crats are competitive in the five counties along the state's southern border. North of these five - Albany, Carbon, Laramie, Sweetwater and Uinta counties - they al- most never win, and this makes it difficult for them to succeed statewide. The Democratic voting tradition in southern Wyoming goes back to the early days of the state when immigrant laborers, many of them from Italy, were imported to build the Union Pacific rail line through those southern counties. The state's first coal miners followed. Like their counter- parts in other states, most of the working- men were drawn into the Democratic Party. Although the southern counties remain the most Democratic area in the state, today their residents are conservative on most issues and in recent years have often sided with Republicans. Ronald Reagan easily carried all five southern counties in 1980. The few Democrats who have won statewide in recent years - notably former Sen. Gale McGee and Gov. Ed Herschler - have done so by restraining the growth of the Republican vote in the south. In 1978, when Herschler won re-election by 2,377 votes, he did it on an 8,000-vote plurality in the five southern counties. Three of the four largest towns in Wyo- ming are in this region, including Cheyenne, the state capital, and Laramie. In 1980 slightly more than a third of the state's read a letter from Secretary Watt objecting to the measure. Despite - or perhaps because of - Watt's objections, the House. passed the bill overwhelmingly. In his first term, one of Cheney's interests was a historic preservation bill offering federal money to include new buildings in the National Register of Historic Places. Cheney complained that buildings should not be added to the register without the owner's permission. He threatened to hold up action on the bill at the end of the 96th Congress, but ultimately nego- tiated a deal that added the consent language he wanted and allowed the bill to become law. He was less conciliatory toward the new Energy Mobilization Board President Carter wanted to create to speed up the approval of residents lived in the southern corridor. The northern part of the state is the Wyoming of ranch and rock. Its dry pla- teaus and basins accommodate the cattle ranches that make Wyoming the "Cowboy State." The mountains and valleys contain most of the state's mineral wealth. This is conservative country, and ranching interests have traditionally domi- nated it. The gradual shift from ranching to mineral development and the ensuing popu- lation growth changed the power structure in some of these counties in the past decade, but did little to shake the region's Republi- can voting habits. Casper, in Natrona Country, ?is the state's largest city. A 1970s energy boom town with 51,016 people, Casper finally passed Cheyenne, the traditional leader, in 1980. Once a trading center, Casper has become the hub of Wyoming's mineral oper- ations. The population boom is changing the face of northern Wyoming, with new towns and subdivisions sprouting like prairie grass. Nevertheless, the people are still widely scattered. Apart from Casper, Sheri- dan is still the only town in northern Wyo- ming with more than 15,000 inhabitants. Population: 469,557. White 446,488 (955x? ), Black 3,364 (1 % ), American Indian, Eskimo and Aleut 7,094 (2%). Spanish ori- gin 24,499 (5%). 18 and over 324,004 (69%), priority energy projects. The board was a sensi- tive issue all over the Rocky Mountain West, which feared it would override existing state law and clear the way for projects depriving the region of scarce water. Cheney fought the board both in commit- tee and on the floor. Managers of the legislation accepted his floor amendment blocking the board from overriding any existing state law regulating water rights. But most Westerners still found the idea dangerous and when the issue came back to the House as a conference report, Cheney joined the majority that killed the legislation outright. Cheney also served a term on the House ethics committee, investigating the kickback case of Michigan Democratic Rep. Charles C. Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Diggs Jr. and the Abscam bribery charges. More restrained than many junior Repub- licans, he refused to vote with a majority of them to expel Diggs at the start of the 96th Congress, after he had been convicted in fed- eral court. When the ethics committee later recommended Diggs' censure rather than ex- pulsion, Cheney argued the case for it on the floor, saying expulsion would deprive his con- stituents of their right to representation. On Abscam, he backed the committee's decision to expel Democrat Michael "Ozzie" Myers of Pennsylvania after viewing tapes of Myers ac- cepting bribes from an FBI agent. At Home: Cheney grew up in Wyoming, but his long absence from the state while he worked in national politics subjected him to carpetbagging charges during his 1978 House campaign. He countered with literature stress- ing his local roots and education, and effec- tively played to home state pride as a Wyo- mingite who had served at the top in Washington. Committees interior and Insular Affairs (6th of 14 Republicans) Water and Power (ranking); Public Lands and National Parks. 1982 General 113 236 (71%) T Cheney (R) Ted Rommel (D) , 46,041 (29'/.) 1982 Primary 093 (891/6) 67 Dick Cheney (R) Michael Dee (R) 1880 General , 8,453 (111/0 Dick Cheney (R) 116,361 (69X) % Jim Rogers (0) ) 53,338 (31 Previous Winning Parean/agr. 1978 (59%) District vote For Praaidmt. 1980 1976 0 49 427 0 (63%) R D 62.239 92 717 (~~) R 110,70 1 12.072 ( 7%) , Campaign Finance Receipts Expend- Receipts from PACs horn 1982 Cheney(R) $110,733 $71,906 (65%) $109,171 Hommet (D) $5,923 $100 (2%) $5,863 Wyoming -At Largo The future of Cheney's congressional ca- reer was placed in doubt during the summer of 1978, when he suffered a mild heart attack. But he recovered quickly enough to' resume a full schedule of campaigning for the nomination against popular state Treasurer Ed Witzen- burger, who stressed that he had been a Reagan man in 1976 - the popular choice in Wyoming - while Cheney had been working for Ford. Cheney beat Witzenburger by 7,705 votes, and the general election was no contest. He has been re-elected with landslide margins since. Cheney was a political science graduate student in the late 1960s when he came to Washington on a fellowship. He stayed to take a job under Donald J. Rumsfeld at the Office of Economic Opportunity, followed Rumsfeld to the Ford White House and replaced his mentor as White House chief of staff in 1975. Cheney shared some of Rumsfeld's moderate 'Republi- can reputation during his White House years, but he is entrenched in Wyoming now as a clear-cut Mountain conservative. 1680 Cheney(R) $110,949 $58,020 (52%) $97,959 Rogers (D) $9,814 $1,150 (1Y/.) $8,854 Voting Studies Presidential Support Party Unity Conservative Coalition Year $ 0 S 0 S 0 1982 87 10 83 7 93 3 11 1981 83 14 83 13 84 1980 38 53 66 83 10 83 85 11 1979 30 S- Support 0 - Opposition Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y Legal services reauthorization (1981) N Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N Index income taxes (1981) N Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N Delete MX funding (1982) N Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Interest Group Ratings Yea ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCU$ 1982 5 100 0 80 1981 5 79 7 100 1980 6 95 11 70 1179 11 100 11 94 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Bob Livingston (R) Of New Orleans - Elected 1977 Born: April 30, 1943, Colorado Springs, Colo. Education: Tulane U., B.A. 1967, J.D. 1968. Military Career. Navy, 1961-63. Occupation: Lawyer. Family: Wife, Bonnie Robichaux; four children. Religion: Episcopalian. Political Career. Republican nominee for U.S. House, 1976. Capitol Office: 306 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-3015. In Washington: After several years of looking after Louisiana water projects and fo- cusing on the ethical conduct of colleagues, Livingston turned his gaze toward world affairs in the 97th Congress. In 1981 he became a member of the Appro- priations subcommittee handling foreign aid. This seemed an unusual choice since, as he later admitted, he had "never been a supporter of foreign aid." Yet with a Republican in the White House, he quickly became convinced of the need for aid as an instrument of foreign policy. One of several Americans tapped to ob- serve the 1982 elections in El Salvador, Living- ston left more convinced than ever of the need for American involvement in that country. "If we in the United States subsequently listen to " those who would have us pull out altogether," Livingston said when he returned, "... then we would be doing a great disservice to the people of El Salvador and to ourselves." Generally, Livingston has supported the foreign aid mix endorsed by President Reagan. Like Reagan, he prefers a tilt toward military aid, but has been willing to accept some eco- nomic spending as well. He was one of only three Republicans on his subcommittee to back Reagan's 1981 request for $850 million for the International Development Association, an arm of the World Bank that gives loans to the poorest nations. In 1982 he was on the losing end when his subcommittee voted to deny Reagan $301.5 million he wanted in additional military aid. On his other subcommittee, Labor and Health and Human Services, Livingston has followed a more traditional cost-cutting line, at least for projects that do not benefit Louisiana. In the winter of 1982, when states were com- plaining that they had exhausted their low- income energy assistance funds, he opposed the additional $123 million the subcommittee wanted to give, arguing that states could trans- fer money from social services block grants if they were running out. During the 96th Congress, Livingston spent most of his time on the Committee on Standards of Official Conduct. He took a quiet interest in the details of the numerous ethics cases that came up during the Congress, often asking factual questions at the panel's open hearings. But he proved one of the harsher members of the committee, arguing strongly for the expulsion of Pennsylvania Democrat Michael "Ozzie" Myers in an Abscam bribery case and for censure of Charles H. Wilson, the California Democrat accused of several kickback charges. Livingston also spent two terms on a pair of committees more important to his district, Public Works and Merchant Marine. On the Public Works Water Resources Subcommittee, he had an opportunity to look out for the flood control interests of his fre- quently threatened lowland district. On Mer- chant Marine, he voted the interests of his local fishing industry. He supported a resolution to increase the tariff on imported shrimp. At the start of the 97th Congress, Living- ston left both Public Works and Merchant Marine for Appropriations. At Home: The 1st District did not come close to electing a Republican to the House for a century after Reconstruction, but now that it has one, it seems quite satisfied. Livingston has had no difficulty holding the seat he won in a 1977 special election. Most of his constituents accept him as a logical replacement for his famous' predecessor, Democrat F. Edward He- bert. A prosperous New Orleans lawyer, former assistant U.S. attorney and veteran party Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Bob Livingston, R-La. Louisiana 1 New Orleans casts more than 60 per- cent of the 1st District vote. While the district has some of the fashionable neigh- borhoods along Lake Pontchartrain and around Loyola, Tulane and Xavier universi- ties, it includes few of the city's tourist spots; most of the district's New Orleans portion is in middle- to lower-income neigh- borhoods. Some of this territory is in the northern and eastern parts of the city; the rest is along the west bank of the Mississippi River in a section known as Algiers. These are ethnic communities, "marble cake" mix- tures of Italians, Irish, Cubans and the largest number of Hondurans outside Cen- tral America. St. Tammany Parish, with just over 20 percent of the district's popula- tion, is a booming suburban haven. Once an isolated vacation area for residents escaping the heat and humidity of New Orleans, it has become a popular home for New Or- leans oil executives. During the last decade St. Tammany showed a 74 percent population increase, the largest of any parish in the state. Many of the newcomers are transplants from the East and Midwest who have maintained Republican voting habits. St. Tammany gave Ronald Reagan 63.7 percent of the vote in the 1980 presidential contest, his second Southeast - New Orleans best showing in Louisiana. Down river is the low, flat marshland of Plaquemines and St. Bernard parishes. For generations Plaquemines has been a world of its own, ruled with an iron hand by segregationist Leander Perez until his death in 1969. Reflecting Perez' wishes, Plaquemines cast more than 75 percent of its presidential ballots for Dixiecrat Strom Thurmond in 1948, Barry Goldwater in 1964 and George C. Wallace in 1968. But Perez' descendants have not matched his influence; they played only a minor role in the 1980 campaign. Reagan carried the par- ish with 54 percent of the vote. Lying closer to New Orleans, St. Ber- nard has a growing blue-collar population; many of its residents work in large Kaiser Aluminum and Tenneco plants. The blue- collar element often votes Democratic in closely contested statewide races. Jimmy Carter carried the parish narrowly in his 1976 presidential bid, although Reagan won it in 1980 with 60 percent of the vote. Population: 524,961. White 357,946 (68%), Black 154,454 (29%), Asian and Pacific Islander 7,474 (1%). Spanish origin 20,693 0%). 18 and over 367,614 (70%),65 and over 50,290 (10%). Median age: 29. worker, Livingston made his first bid for Con- gress in 1976, when Hebert stepped down. But he lost narrowly to a labor-backed Democrat, state Rep. Richard A. Tonry. The result was due in part to the independent conservative candidacy of former Democratic Rep. John R. Rarick, who drew nearly 10 percent of the vote. Livingston did not have to wait long, how- ever, for a second try. Tonry's 1976 primary opponent succeeded in pressing a vote fraud case against him, and Tonry resigned from the House in May 1977. He sought vindication in a second Democratic primary that June, but lost to state Rep. Ron Faucheux. Tonry subse- quently pleaded guilty to several violations of federal campaign finance law and was sent to prison. Livingston was ready to run again as soon as Tonry resigned. He mounted a well-financed campaign against Faucheux that drew signifi- cant blue-collar support as well as backing from more traditional GOP' voters in white-collar areas. Spending more than $500,000, Living- ston launched an advertising blitz that showed him in his earlier job as a welder and as a devoted family man (in contrast to Faucheux, a young bachelor). The Republican did not stress his party ties in the traditionally Democratic district. Instead he emphasized his background in law enforcement and claimed that he was in the conservative mainstream that had elected He- bert to Congress for 36 years. With organized labor refusing to support Faucheux, Livingston won easily. Since then, the Democrats have not run a formidable chal- lenger against him. The only threat to his House career was posed in 1981 by the Democratic Legislature, which passed a redistricting bill that would Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MOl152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 bob Livingston, R-La. have forced Livingston to run in a substantially changed district that included large blue-collar sections of Jefferson Parish. When Republican Committees Appropriations (16th of 21 Republicans) Foreign Operations; Military Construction. 1182 Primary. Bob Livingston (R) 76.410 (86%) Murphy Green (I) 6.660 ( 8%) Suzanne Weiss (I) 6.026 (7%) 1160 Primary. Bob Livingston (R) 81.777 (88%) Michael Musmeci Sr. (D) 8,277 ( 9.1.) M Louisiana the primary is open to candidates of all parties. If ? candidate wins 50% or more of the vote in the primary no gen- eral election Is held. Previous Winning Percentages: 1976 (86%) 1977? (51%) Special Election. District Vote For President "Be 1976 D 79.279 (42%) D 79.056 (50%) R 103,597 (55%) R 75,879 (48%) 1 4.074 ( 2%) Campaign Finance Receipts Expend- Receipts from PACs ttttres Livingston(R) $242.558 $41,607 (17%) $134.169 11160 Livingston (R) $249,967 $54,375 (22%) $138,724 Gov. David C. Treen threatened to veto the plan, the Legislature backed off and gave Liv- ingston a district in which he could win easily. Voting Studies Msidantial Support Party Conservative Unity Coalition Year $ 0 $ 0 ? 0 1182 79 14 76 20 84 11 1181 76 21 71 20 76 17 1180 41 51 72 15 61 7 1179 23 72 80 16 90 5 1176 30 67 82 11 Be 5 1177 42 53t 80 lot 87 4t S - Support 0 7 Not eligible for all recorded votes - Opposition Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y Legal services reauthorization (1981) X Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) V Index income taxes (1981) Y Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) 7 Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y Delete MX funding (1982) N Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N Interest Group Ratings Vast ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1182 5 100 5 82 1M81 20 62 27 94 11160 11 83 5 84 1979 11 83 10 .94 1976 10 92 15 82 1977 0 78 29 89 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Bob McEwen (R) Of Hillsboro - Elected 1980 Born: Jan. 12, 1950, Hillsboro, Ohio. Education: U. of Miami (Fla.), B.B.A. 1972. Occupation: Real estate developer. Family: Wife,_Elizabeth Boebinger. Religion: Protestant. Political Career. Ohio House, 1975-81. Capitol Office: 329 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-5705. In Washington: A one-time aide to Re- publican Rep. William H. Harsha, his 6th Dis- trict predecessor, McEwen landed a seat on the Public Works Committee, where Harsha had spent eight years as ranking minority member before his retirement in 1981. Harsha was known as a gifted player of pork barrel politics; McEwen is doing his best to match him. At a time when budget cutbacks are delaying or eliminating many federally funded projects across the country, McEwen uses his congenial personal style to convince colleagues that the 6th District should be an exception to the rule. In the 97th Congress, McEwen helped pre- serve funding for a gas centrifuge uranium enrichment project at Piketon, in his district. Though the plant has been plagued by costly construction delays, McEwen argued that abandoning the effort would be even more costly and would hamper the nation's nuclear enrichment program. He prevented Reagan administration ef- forts to delete money for two bridges that will cross the Ohio River and link southern Ohio with Kentucky. And he secured money for completion of a floodwall project that protects the city of Chillicothe from the vagaries of the Scioto River. Those and other plums are the stuff of which re-elections are made; McEwen's dis- trict, though politically conservative, is amena- ble to almost any plan that will help it fight economic decline. At Home: McEwen is a real estate devel- oper, but his - entire adult life has revolved around politics. He was elected to the state Legislature at age. 24, and directed two of Harsha's re-election campaigns. When Harsha retired in 1980, McEwen quickly emerged as the favorite to succeed him. Harsha remained publicly neutral in the eight-candidate GOP primary because the field included two other candidates with whom the congressman had past political associations. But McEwen was the choice of the local GOP establishment and, as a state legislator, the only proven vote-getter. In the Ohio House, McEwen had gained visibility by working to get the state to dredge a flood-prone creek in his district. He also advocated abolishing the Ohio lottery. McEwen won the primary easily, sweeping 10 of the 12 counties in the district. He made particularly good showings in Scioto County (Portsmouth) and three counties he repre- sented in the Legislature - Clinton, Fayette and his home base of Highland. He enjoyed Harsha's backing in the gen- eral election and presented himself as a conser- vative protege of the retiring incumbent. He favored the death penalty, opposed legalization of marijuana and called for an end to federal regulations that he said hurt industrial devel- opment. His campaign attracted fundamental- ist Christian backing. McEwen also had a campaign treasury about twice as large as that of Democrat Ted Strickland, a minister who had a Ph.D. in psychology and counseling. Democratic leaders tried to get a stronger candidate, but promi- nent Democrats in the district, such as state House Speaker Vernal G. Riffe Jr., were not interested. Redistricting added to the diversity of the 6th, pushing it northwestward. But against an underfunded Democratic challenger in 1982, McEwen had no trouble emerging as an exam- ple of the "sophomore surge." He was re- elected with a tally nearly 5 percentage points higher than the vote he drew in 1980. Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MOl152ROO0400510001-6 Bob McEwen, R-Ohio ? Ohio 6 . The 6th is a mixture of suburbia and Appalachia. Republican majorities in the Cincinnati and Dayton suburbs and the countryside nearby enable the GOP to win most elections. But when the Democrats run well in Appalachia, as they occasionally do, the outcome can be close. Nearly one-third of the voters in the 6th live in a suburban sector between Cin- cinnati and Dayton, part of which was gained in redistricting. The new territory, which lies north of Interstate 71, the major Cincinnati-to-Columbus artery, is Republi- can. Immediately east is rural Republican country. Clinton and Highland counties and the southern portion of Fayette County lie on the outer fringe of the Corn Belt. and Farther east the land is poorer Republican strength begins to diminish. When one enters Adams County, one is in Appalachia. Adams, Pike and Vinton coun- ties are three of the four poorest in Ohio. Nearly one-half the land area of this South Central - Portsmouth; Chillicothe Appalachian portion is enclosed in the Wayne National Forest. What little indus- try exists is concentrated in Portsmouth (pop. 25,943) and Chillicothe (pop. 23,420). While steel and bricks have been linch- pins of Portsmouth's economy throughout the century, the largest employer in the district is the nearby uranium enrichment facility owned by the Atomic Energy Com- mission and operated by Goodyear. In Chil- licothe, 44 miles due north of Portsmouth, nearby forests support a large paper plant. . Spurred by a revival in the coal indus- try, the Appalachian 6th was one of the fastest-growing parts of Ohio in the 1970s. But as the coal boom ebbed, unemployment soared. In 1982, five of the region's seven counties had rates over 17 percent. Population: 514,895. White 501,745 (97%), Black 10,499 (2%). Spanish origin 2,531 (1%). 18 and over 359,641 (70%), 65 and over 56,017 (11%). Median age: 30. 1980 Committees McEwen (R) $183,324 $89,001 (491/.) $182,387 Public Works and Transportation (9th of 18 Republicans) Strickland (D) $76,622 $32.250 (421.) $76.212 Aviation: Economic Development: Water Resources. Veterans' Affairs (5th of 12 Republicans) d Voting Studies Compensation, Pension and Insurance (ranking): Hospitals an Health Care Presidential Party , Conservative lition C . oa Support Unity Year S 0 S 0 S 0 1912 58 34 77 18 77 17 1982 General 1981 76 24 90 8 Bob McEwen (R) 92.135 63.435 (59%) (41%) S = Supper 0 = Opposition Lynn Grimshaw (D) 1980 General 288 101 (55%) Key Votes Bob McEwen(A) , 235 84 (45%) Y Ted Strickland (D) , Reagan budget proposal (1981) N District Vote For President Legal services reauthorization (1981) Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N 1980 1976 Index income taxes (1981) Y 4,96 38%) D 85,675 (48% D 61 ) Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) 1982) t V . 577 (57%) R 91,021 (51% R 93 ( Amend Constitution to require balanced budge N . 1 6.356 ( 4%) Delete MX funding (1982) ressional salaries (1982) n con i Y Campaign Finance g ng cap o Retain exist Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Ratings G N Receipts Receipts from PACs Expenct- itures roup Interest Yew ADA ACA AFL-C10 CCU$ 1982 McEwen(R) Grimshaw(D) 058 $144 154 $67 (47%) $141,631 1962 30 77 83 , $81.344 . $13.100 (16%) $71,085 /N1 0 30 86 20 09 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MOl152ROO0400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Jim Wright (D) Of Fort Worth - Elected 1954 Born: Dec. 22, 1922, Fort Worth, Texas. Education: Attended Weatherford College; U. of Texas 1940-41. Military Career. Army 1941-45. Occupation: Advertising executive. Family: Wife, Betty Hay; four children. Religion: Presbyterian. Political Career. Texas House, 1947-49; Mayor of Weatherford, 1950-54; defeated for U.S. Senate, 1961. Capitol Office: 1236 Longworth Bldg. 20515; 225-5071. In Washington: The early months of Ronald Reagan's administration were a special source of embarrassment for Wright, who had to watch as the president carried vote after vote by raiding the majority leader's own in-House constituency of Southern Democrats. Within his Texas delegation alone, at least a dozen Democrats deserted Wright for Reagan on the crucial budget and tax votes. "I feel like the wife who was asked whether she ever con- sidered divorce," Wright said at one point. "She answered 'Divorce, no, murder, yes.' That's how I feel about those guys." As second in command to Tip O'Neill within the House leadership, Wright had a special assignment at the start of the 97th Congress. It was his job to establish 'decent working relations with the Southerners whose votes had made him majority leader but who were personally and politically reluctant to oppose the incoming president. Wright went out of his way to help the most conservative Democrat of all, Phil Gramm of Texas, win a place on the Budget Commit- tee. He joined Gramm in introducing legisla- tion that would have required the president to offer Congress a balanced budget by 1984. But the results of this effort at .detente were nil. Gramm cosponsored the Reagan budget on the House floor, and neither Wright's personal pleading nor his famous rhetoric turned more than a handful of Southern votes against it. When Reagan's tax cut came to the floor in August of 1981, Wright urged Southerners to be careful. "Stay with us," he warned. "Don't commit yourselves too early. You don't want to be in the position of giving $6.5 billion to the super-rich." But 36 Southern Democrats, in- cluding eight Texans, helped Reagan win eas- ily. That Christmas, the majority leader called 1981 'the hardest year I've experienced in the Congress - the most frustrating year." He said he had been "singularly unsuccessful in provid. ing the kind of leadership the post would seem to require." More important from the point of view of some liberal Democrats, Wright showed no immediate interest in punishing the conserve. tive renegades for their pro-Reagan posture. "We're going to open the door and invite them back in," he said early in 1982. We're just going to love them to death." But if those events hurt Wright perma. nently among House Democrats, there have been few clear signs of it. By early 1982, the majority leader had a new assignment: strate- gist and spokesman for the effort to move s public jobs program through the House. After working all summer with Budget chairman James R. Jones of Oklahoma and Education and Labor chairman Carl Perkins of Kentucky, Wright offered the first Democratic package in September of 1982. It would have provided $1 billion for 200,000 jobs. That legislation passed the House, at- tached to a supplemental labor appropriations bill. It did not become law, nor did a more ambitious version Wright worked on a few months later, to spend $5 billion and create 350,000 jobs. But early in the 98th Congress, the president gave in to the House leadership and agreed to support legislation to provide more than $4 billion for job creation. Wright's work on the jobs issue helped restore his credentials among liberal Democrats who had complained openly that he was going a little too far in his effort to make friends with the likes of Phil Gramm. The majority leader's image as a national Democrat was further Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Texas 12 Less than half the size of neighboring Dallas, and declining in population, Fort Worth projects a blue-collar and Western roughneck image that contrasts with its more sophisticated neighbor. But that image of the city - which comprises nearly 60 percent of the 12th's population - is not entirely accurate. Cele- brations such as the Southwestern Expo- sition Fat Stock Show and Rodeo may recall Fort Worth's heyday as a cattle marketing center, but since World War II the city has been a major manufacturer of military and aerospace equipment, and electronics is in- creasingly prominent. General Dynamics and Bell Helicopter, which lies just beyond the 12th's eastern boundary, are among the area's leading employers; both firms regu- larly net huge defense contracts. As many middle- and upper-income Fort Worth residents have fled the city, formerly rural territory in surrounding Tarrant County has sprouted shopping malls and suburbs. Old residential neigh- borhoods on the city's Near South Side are now largely black; the Near North Side hosts a sizable Hispanic community. Efforts have been made to upgrade helped by his vocal opposition to the constitu- tional amendment for a balanced federal bud- get, which came up on the floor in October of 1982. Although it involved changing the Con- 'titution, this measure had some similarities to Wright's own proposal of early 1981. But he helped work out the strategy against it, a conspicuous gesture in a liberal Democratic direction. By March of 1983. Wright had clearly been restored to the position of Speaker-in-waiting - if he had ever lost it. O'Neill, in announcing his own intention to run for re-election in 1984, delivered what amounted to an endorsement of Wright for the time when the Speakership finally opens up. Few Democrats thought of Wright as a likely winner in 1976 when he announced for majority leader, offering himself as an alterna- tive to the bitterly antagonistic front-runners, Richard Boiling of Missouri and Phillip Burton of California. But on the day of decision, he eliminated Boiling by three votes on the second ballot and Burton by one vote on the third. Fort Worth; Northwest Tarrant County urban Fort Worth. A northern portion of the city once given over. to stockyards now hosts Billy Bob's, a huge Western-style complex where urban cowboys drink, shop and watch live rodeo. The affluent western and southwestern sections of the city and its suburbs give the 12th a Republican vote of some significance. The northeastern Mid-Cities area in the corridor between Fort Worth and Dallas is a pocket of affluent, GOP-minded voters. The redrawn 12th narrowly favored Ronald Rea- gan in the 1980 presidential race. But the combined forces of organized labor, liberals, low-income whites and mi- norities - Hispanics and blacks make up more than one-fourth of the district's popu. . lation - generally lift Democrats to victory here. The 12th gave Democratic guberna- torial nominee John Hill 54 percent of the vote in his unsuccessful 1978 Statehouse bid. Population: 527.074. White 399.839 (76%), Black 90,979 (17 ^i ), Asian and Pa- cific Islander 2.773 (1 i ). Spanish origin 54,697 (10%). 18 and over 374.579 (-#1%), 65 and over 53,166 (10%). Median age: 29. The Texan had one enormous advantage. Unlike his two rivals, he had few enemies. He had always compromised personal differences when possible, or disagreed gently if he had to. He aimed to please - if not everyone, then as many as possible. When he had something good to say about a colleague, he went out of his way to sav it. Shortly before the 1976 balloting, Wright addressed newly elected Democrats. With elab- orate courtesy, he said something flattering about each of his opponents, and then, almost as an afterthought, suggested he might he a combination of the best in each of them. In courting senior Democrats, he had an- other advantage. From his position on Public Works, he had done countless small favors, making sure there was a dam here or a federal building there. He reminded New Yorkers he voted for federal aid to their city. He noted one-third of the House Democrats came from Southern and Southwestern states and said they deserved a spot in the leadership. As majority leader. Wright has been a loyal Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Texas - 12th District O'Neill lieutenant, serving as the leadership man on the Budget Committee and on the ad hoc panel that assembled President Carter's energy bills in the 95th Congress. He still aims to please. He never misses an opportunity, for example, to say Tip O'Neill is the smartest man alive at counting votes in the House. If Wright is ingratiating, however, he is not modest. He sees himself as a voice of reason, an accomplished writer and a well-read and thoughtful member of Congress. He is proud of his reputation for oratory in a chamber where such talents are dying out. He is florid and sometimes theatrical, slipping unusual words into his speeches and rolling them slowly off his tongue, savoring each syllable. He is alternately loud and very soft, forcing listeners to lean forward to hear him and then surprising them by turning up the volume. He is sometimes preachy, sometimes patronizing. "I am deeply humble and grate- ful.... I want the president [Reagan) to suc- ceed very much because I want the country to succeed.... We've got to dream bold dreams.... We sat down and hammered upon the anvils of mutual understanding...." House GOP leader Robert H. Michel has referred to this style as "the syrup and the eyebrows." Critics see it as trite or self-indul- gent. But it can be effective. Wright changed numerous votes with his eloquent speech in 1979 against expelling Michigan Democrat Charles C. Diggs Jr., who had been convicted on kickback charges. "We do not possess the power," Wright said, "to grant to any human being the right to serve in this body. That gift is not ours to bestow." In the exchanges of House floor debate, Wright sometimes surprises people with emo- tional excess. He has a hot temper. Several times during any Congress, when he is angry at an opponent, he will blurt out something un- kind and be forced to apologize later. But even then the ingratiating side soon takes over. Wright's apologies are often so effusive the entire episode balances out as a compliment. When he became majority leader, Wright had to give up his membership on the Public Works Committee, which he was in line to chair in 1977. Wright's years on Public Works helped to define his politics. He is a bread-and-butter Democrat who speaks in proud terms about the roads, dams and other forms of tangible gov- ernment largesse his old committee specializes in. His support for public jobs in 1982 was no short-term political gesture - he has been pushing a public works solution to the unem- ployment. problem for nearly 30 years. He has never felt comfortable with the environmental- ist argument that the nation has enough water projects and enough highways. In his early years on Public Works, Wright took the lead in exposing what he called "the great highway robbery," " trying to root out fraud and corruption in the massive Interstate system. But he never lost his confidence in the system itself. He has been similarly consistent in his backing for water projects and has been some. thing of a water policy specialist. At the start of the Carter administration, he played a key role in trying to bargain with a president deter. mined to eliminate a long list of water develop- ment projects. But he avoided criticizing Carter publicly when other Democrats were doing so. Outside Public Works, Wright has been a strong supporter of defense spending and espe. cially helpful to General Dynamics, his dis. trict's leading employer and producer of the TFX fighter plane. For years, Wright exercised his oratorical skills on behalf of the much maligned TFX, sparring with members from the state of Washington, home of Boeing, Gen- eral Dynamics' chief rival. In more recent times, Wright has continued to speak up for successors to the TFX. He is similarly enthusiastic about syn. thetic fuels development and has worked hard to convince other party leaders that synfuels ought to be included in any future Democratic energy agenda. He was instrumental in over- whelming House passage of a loan guarantee system for synfuels development in 1980; the next year, when the Reagan administration sought to scale down the program, Wright gathered the signatures of 30 Democrats and 4 Republicans on a letter arguing against it. But symfuels enthusiasm has been waning since then. Wright once wrote a magazine article, "Clean Money for Congress," noting that he accepted only small campaign contributions. But in recent years, like many members, he has become dependent on larger givers. His fi- nances have been complicated by debts he incurred in running for the Senate in 1961, and he has spent years trying to straighten them out. In 1976, he raised $132,000 at a $1,000-a- plate Washington fund-raiser and used $84,000 to pay off debts still outstanding from the old Senate race. He had taken out personal loans to try to repay his contributors, and his personal and political finances had become entangled. He said he had been a poor financial manager but violated no law. At Home: As majority leader, Wright must support and defend national Democratic policies that are not always popular in Fort Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Worth. Republicans tried to portray him in 1980 as too liberal for the 12th, but the GOP effort was a costly failure, and Wright now seems safely ensconced in a district that per- ceives him as a centrist despite his close associ- ation with Speaker O'Neill. For most of the 1970s, Wright was so secure at home that he was able to devote most of his campaigning time to other Democrats 'across the country. This field work augmented Wright's influence in the House; candidates elected with Wright's help often became his allies in Congress. In 1980, national GOP strategists decided to take a serious shot at Wright, partly just to keep him occupied at home, but also to see whether he had lost touch with Tarrant County, which was being lured rightward by the candidacy of Ronald Reagan. The Republican nomineee was Jim Bradshaw, a former mayor pro tempore of Fort Worth who insistently denounced Wright as beholden to liberals and the Washington estab- lishment. Bradshaw - young, well-known and articulate - convinced conservative money that Wright could be beaten; the Republican collected more than $600,000 from local and national sources. But Wright would not be outdone. He raised and spent more than $1.1 million, using the money to tout his congressional influence and his ability to draw military contracts and other federal plums to Fort Worth. He even sent a letter to local businessmen, telling them to back Bradshaw if they wished, but remind- ing them he would still be around and would remember it. Wright retained his seat with ease, winning 60 percent of the vote even though Reagan carried the 12th over Carter in presidential voting. In 1982 Republican resistance to Wright was minimal. Only carpenter Jim Ryan entered the GOP primary; outspent by more than 10- to-1, he won fewer than one-third of the No- vember ballots. Majority Leader Budget (2nd of all Task Forces. 1982 Gen" Jim Wright (D) 78,913 (69x) Jim Ryan (R) 34,879 (31%) Inc Ganaral Jim Wright (D) 99,104 (606/6) Jim Bradshaw (R) 65,005 (39%) Jim Wright, D-T.xas For virtually his entire adult life, Wright has been immersed in politics.'In 1946, shortly after returning from combat in the South Pa- cific, he won a seat in the Texas Legislature. He lost a re-election bid two years later but in 1950 began a four-year tenure as mayor of Weatherford, a small town about 20 miles west of Fort Worth. In 1953, he served as president of the League of Texas Municipalities. Wright was known in those years as a liberal crusader, thanks to his support for anti- lynching legislation and for federal school aid. In 1954 he challenged the conservative incum- bent, Rep. Wingate Lucas, in the Democratic primary. Wright was opposed by much of the Fort Worth business establishment, but he turned that to his advantage by portraying himself as the candidate of the average man. He defeated Lucas by a margin of about 3-2. Once established in the House, and recog- nized as a young man of talent and ambition, Wright had to decide whether to stay there. "You reach the point," he complained, "where you're not expanding your influence." The Sen- ate beckoned, and in April 1961 he ran in a special election for the seat vacated by Vice President Johnson. The field of more than 70 candidates badly split the Democratic vote, and Texas elected John G. Tower, its first Republi- can senator since Reconstruction. Wright placed third, narrowly missing a runoff he probably would have won. Wright next considered running for gover- nor, but gave it up and began to aim for a 1966 Senate campaign. His vote the year before to repeal state "right-to-work" laws increased his following in organized labor, but it chilled his support in the Texas business community and made it difficult for him to raise money. Low on funds, he made an emotional statewide telecast appealing for $10 contributions to the half-million-dollar fund he said he would need for the race. Only $48,000 flowed in, mostly from his district, and Wright was forced to abandon his candidacy. Preriau Winning Paresntoo" 1978 (69%) 1976 (.76%) 1974 ( 791/6) 1972 (100'/.) 1970 (100%) 1988 (10(P%) 1W (100%) 1994 ( 69'/.) 1982 ( 61%) 1980 (1001%) 1959 (100%) 1998 (100x) 1954 ( 99x) 1989 1918 D 77,202 (48%) D 74.846 (53%) A 79,254 (49%) R 63.612 (45%) 1 3,272 (2%) Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 ? Jim Wright, D-T xas Campaign Finance 1962 75 22 63 26 44 50 1961 54 12 52 9 39 9 N a Y N Y N Y N Y S - Support 0 - Opposition 1992 Key Votes Wright (D) 9557,636 $237.036 (43%) $448.471 Reagan budget proposal (1981) Ryan (R) $45.033 95,902 (13%) $34,520 Legal services reauthorization (1981) 1990 Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) ht (D) Wri 458 131 $1 073 $345 (30%) $1,193,622 Index income taxes (1981) g Bradshaw (R) , , ? $524,203 , $83,757 (16'/.) $523,684 Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Delete MX funding (1982) Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Voting Studies Presidential Party Consenatm Support Unity Coalition Year S 0 S 0 S 0 1982 48 48 79 16 56 36 1981 49 43 60 23 63 28 1980 74 16 78 5 32 48 1979 69 14 77 9 35 52 1978 68 22 77 12 33 57 1977 77 16 62 9 27 64 1976 45 49 61 29 59 32 1975 52 45 64 31 59 36 1974 (Ford) . 50 26 1974 53 32 62 26 49 36 1973 39 45 71 19 44 47 1972 57 38 62 26 50 38 1971 67 19 43 27 48 23 1970 52 31 57 26 43 39 1969 55 23 65 16 38 53 1968 64 16 57 16 35 4,1 1967 76 9 78 8 30 52 1966 72 11 68 13 32 38 1965 76 4 60 9 22 45 1964 81 10 76 8 33 50 1963 76 7 76 7 40 27 Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 9982 55 39 75 38 1981 30 28 67 29 1950 39 29 71 73 1979 37 8 59 41 1976 35 29 83 33 1977 45 4 95 29 1976 30 19 86 50 1975 32 46 65 24 1974 30 31 70 50 1973 40 24 80 44 1972 19 41 80 33 1971 24 40 86 - 1970 32 35 - 1889 33 17 1988 50 5 - - 1967 60 7 - 22 1966 29 29 - 1965 42 6 - 20 1964 72 12 73 - 1963 - 13 1962 63 24 73 1981 50 - - Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 ? Robert H. Michel (R) Of Peoria - Elected 1956 Born: March 2, 1923, Peoria, Ill. Education: Bradley U., B.S. 1948. Military Careez- Army, 1942-46. Occupation: Congressional aide. Family: Wife, Corinne Woodruff; four children. Religion: Apostolic Christian. Political Career. No previous office. Capitol Office: 2112 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-6201. In Washington: While Howard H. Baker Jr. was drawing unanimous praise in 1981 for persuading a Republican Senate to pass a Re- publican economic program, his House coun- terpart was doing something much more im- pressive - quietly moving that same program through a chamber in which the GOP was a distinct minority. Through months of bargaining and lobby- ing over President Reagan's budget and tax bills, Bob Michel was the man the White House depended on for a sense of strategy and timing in the House. To pass those measures, Michel had to steer them through the factional prob- lems of both parties, working with the White House to sweeten the legislation for conserva- tive Democrats without alienating moderate Republicans from the urban Northeast. The real tribute to his skill was the virtual unanim- ity of the GOP vote: a combined 568-3 on the, trio of decisive tax and budget decisions during 1981. Michel had a different approach for every Republican faction. He made it clear to the moderate "Gypsy Moths" that their overall budget support would count later on when they wanted specific financial help for their dis- tricts. He persuaded the militant Reaganites not to pick any fights with the moderates while the key legislation was still pending. "You can't treat two alike," he explained later. "I know what I can get and what I can't, when to back off and when to push harder. It's not a matter of twisting arms. It's bringing them along by gentle persuasion." As sweet as those victories were for Michel, he did not have much time to savor them. By the time the House returned from its August recess that year, Reaganomics was under attack even on the Republican side for the high inter- est rates and budget deficits it seemed to be generating. Michel began striking a posture more inde- pendent of Reagan, one he would maintain through the rest of the 97th Congress. In Octo- ber 1981 he announced that Reagan's proposed $16 billion in new domestic spending cuts could never pass. The next January he declared that Reagan's proposed 1983 budget would go no- where unless the deficit were reduced. A few weeks later, he began lobbying the White House for a tax increase to get the deficit down, a tactic the president eventually supported. In the spring of 1982 Michel loyally worked for the revised budget backed by Reagan and managed its passage after weeks of stalemate. By that time, though, he was facing his most determined opposition from the Republican right, whose members complained that the Reagan-Michel compromise was too soft on the social welfare programs against which the pres- ident had campaigned. As he moved toward a moderate Republi- can position - in favor of lowering the deficit through a tax increase rather than more heavy spending cuts - Michel was meeting his con- stituent needs both inside and outside the House. Over the years, his Peoria-based district had moved beyond its earlier Corn Belt conser- vatism and developed the problems of a declin- ing Frostbelt industrial area. Some of the Reaganomics votes that were popular for Southern and Western Republicans did not play very well in Peoria, as Michel's brush with defeat in 1982 was-to prove. And within the chamber, Michel had de- veloped strong personal ties to the Gypsy Moth Republicans. They had been his primary con- stituency in his campaign for party leader in 1981; most of the hard-line Reaganites had backed Guy A. Vander Jagt of Michigan. Gypsy Moth leaders such as Carl D. Pursell of Michi- gan had swallowed hard and backed the Rea- gan budget partly as a favor to Michel in 1981, and Michel responded sympathetically when Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Illinois 18 The 18th zigs and zags from Peoria south to the outskirts of Decatur and Springfield and west to Hancock County on the Mississippi. A mostly rural area, it is linked by the broad Illinois River basin, ideal for growing corn. The only major ur- ban area is made up of Peoria, with 124,160 residents, and neighboring Pekin, Everett M. Dirksen's hometown, with 33,967. Although redistricting in 1981 gave Mi- chel more than 200,000 new constituents, it did not hurt him on a partisan basis. The GOP may be even a bit stronger within the new district lines than in the old ones; Ronald Reagan's 1980 vote was 60 percent in the old 18th, and 61.2 percent in the new one. Michel's hometown of Peoria, however, is a troubled industrial city. It is dominated by the Caterpillar Tractor Company, which makes its international headquarters there and employs more than 30,000 people in the district at five different plants. Peoria has lost much of its other industry in the past decade, including a once thriving brewery. Pekin is n grain processing and shipping they told him they could no longer accept Reaganomics. Late in 1981, when several conservative Republicans said they wanted to form a pro- Reagan pressure group to counter the Gypsy Moths, Michel talked them out of it. "They're ton, good as people to dismiss," he said of the Gypsy Moths at that time. "I love those guys, even if we've been voting on opposite sides for years." Whatever the failures of the.Reagan pro- gram, Michel emerged from the twists and turns of the 97th Congress with a broad respect few House leaders have generated in modern times. That respect extended clear through Democratic ranks: On election night, when it was clear that Michel had survived, Speaker O'Neill openly expressed his relief, breaking an unwritten rule of partisanship that House lead- ers are supposed to-obey. Michel won his position as Republican leader in 1981 on the same qualities that have traditionally won House GOP elections - cloakroom companionship, homespun Mid- western conservatism, an appetite for legisla- tive detail and a knowledge of the rules. center; it produces ethanol, both for fuel and for drink. In the 1960s Peoria anchored the south- ern end of the district; in the 1970s it was in the center. For the 1980s it is perched at the northern tip. Peoria and Tazewell counties are the only territory remaining from the district that elected Michel in 1970. As redrawn, the 18th is a particularly frag- mented constituency. Michel once repre- sented eight counties and most of a ninth, but now he is responsible not only for eight complete counties but also parts of eight more. Seven of the eight entire counties in- cluded in the district gave Reagan at least 60 percent of the vote in the 1980 presiden- tial election. In the 1982 governor's race, GOP incumbent James R. Thompson car- ried seven of the eight. Population: 519,026. White 490,556 (95%), Black 23,919 (5%). Spanish origin 3,728 (1%). 18 and over 368,659 (71 %), 65 and over 62,341 (12% ). Median age: 30. When Republicans chose him over Vander Jagt by a 103-87 vote, they opted for Michel's "workhorse" campaign arguments against Van- der Jagt's oratorical flourishes. Michel has as good a baritone voice as there is in the House, but he is not exactly an orator; his sentences often begin with volume and emphasis and end in a trail of prepositions. But Michel is at home on the House floor, where Vander Jagt has been a stranger most of his career, and in a newly conservative House, most Republicans decided strategy was preferable to speeches. Like his two immediate predecessors as Republican leader, John J. Rhodes and Gerald R. Ford, Michel is a product of the Appropria- tions Committee. Like them, he has spent most of his career arguing over money and detail rather than broad policy questions. But a quar- ter-century on that committee made Michel a top-flight negotiator, skilled in the trade-offs and compromises that are the hallmark of the appropriations process. Concentrating on the Labor-Health, Edu- cation and Welfare Subcommittee at Appropri- ations, he was in a minority for years against a working majority of liberal Democrats and Re- Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 publicans. Every year, when the subcommittee reported its spending bill, he took the House floor to say that it cost too much and wasted too much. But his efforts to scale back spend- ing rarely succeeded. About the only exceptions came in cases where he could suggest a hint of scandal. In 1278, after the Health, Education and Welfare (HEW) inspector general issued a report show- ing widespread waste and fraud in Medicaid, Michel was able to get the House to adopt an amendment requiring the department to trim $1 billion worth of waste and fraud from its budget. HEW said it could not find that much of either, but Michel followed up the next year with a second $500 million cut. The effort was largely symbolic, but it was not lost on presidential candidate Ronald Rea- gan, who made the elimination of such abuses a key part of his campaign. Michel also anticipated Reagan by making an issue of entitlements - the programs like Social Security and Medicare that are not lim- ited by regular congressional appropriations. Arguing that 75 percent of the domestic budget is now in this category, Michel has insisted repeatedly that federal spending can never be brought under control unless the rules are changed on entitlements. In 1979 Michel intro- duced an amendment that successfully blocked the House from making child welfare payments a new entitlement. Michel's conservatism is primarily fiscal. Although he is a strong opponent of abortion, he has never had much in common with the New Right social conservatives who began en- tering House Republican ranks in large num- bers in the late 1970s. . At the beginning of 1979, when the aggres- sive class of GOP freshmen accused Rhodes of being too compliant in his dealings with the majority Democrats, Michel found himself un- der attack as part of the Rhodes leadership. He chafed privately at talk that he was not com- bative enough, citing the years he had spent fighting to cut HEW budgets. But he found it difficult to defend himself without appearing to break with Rhodes. Rhodes announced his impending retire- ment as party leader in December 1979, and from that time on Michel and Vander Jagt were open competitors for the leadership job. Michel started out with a big advantage among senior members, who knew him well, and among most moderates, who found him less strident than Vander Jagt. But Vander Jagt, as chairman of the campaign committee that donated money to GOP-challengers, had the edge among those recently elected. Illinois - 18th District The sparring between the two candidates extended to the 1980 Republican convention in Detroit. When Vander Jagt was.selected as keynote speaker, Michel's forces ' complained, and their man was made floor manager for Ronald Reagan. In the weeks before the November elec- tion, it was clear that Michel had an edge. Vander Jagt needed the benefit of an unusually large new 1980 Republican class to have any chance. The returns actually brought 52 new Re- publicans, more than even Vander Jagt had hopefully anticipated. But by-installing Repub- lican control in the White House and in the Senate, the election also helped Michel. It allowed him to argue successfully that Presi- dent Reagan needed a tactician to help him move his program through the House, not a fiery speaker. Vander Jagt got his majority of the newcomers, but it was not a large enough majority to deny Michel the leadership. At Home: Michel's role as Reagan's spokesman in the House nearly thrust him into the growing ranks of Peoria's unemployed in 1982. Voters in the 18th were so enraged with Reaganomics that they gave 48 percent of the vote to Democrat G. Douglas Stephens, a 31- year-old labor lawyer making his first bid for elective office. A narrow escape from defeat had been the furthest thing from Michel's mind at the outset of 1982. In January his re-election seemed cinched when the filing deadline for congres- sional candidates passed without any Demo- cratic entry in the 18th. But Stephens and another Democrat, state Rep. Gerald R. Brad- ley, realized that the Democratic nomination would be worth having in November if by that time a substantial number of voters had lost faith in the restorative powers of GOP eco- nomic policy. So Stephens and Bradley launched write- in efforts in the March primary. With strong support from labor unions, which he had served as a lawyer in disability cases, Stephens gener- ated three times as many write-in ballots as Bradley. In the fall campaign, Stephens told voters that Michel's role as chief mover of Reagan programs in the House put him at odds with the district's factory workers, farmers, small- business people, poor and elderly, all of whom Stephens said had been adversely affected by Reagan policies. The Democrat criticized Michel particu- larly for failing to convince Reagan to lift U.S. sanctions on selling natural gas pipeline equip- ment to the Soviet Union. Those sanctions cost Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MOl152ROO0400510001-6 Robert H. Michel, R-Ill. Caterpillar and other Illinois heavy equipment companies lucrative contracts, exacerbating al- ready high levels of unemployment in the 18th. The national Democratic Party did not give Stephens a great deal of financial help, but it did focus attention on the campaign, hoping to pull off an upset that would be seen as a resounding rejection of Reaganomics from the heartland. Michels. task was complicated also by redistricting, which gave him a territory where some 45 percent of the people were new to him. Initially slow to counterattack, Michel be- gan to cast Stephens as a puppet of organized labor and a negativist foe with few constructive suggestions and a limited record of involvement in community activities. Michel proved capable at blending modern-style media appeals with traditional person-to-person campaigning. Shortly before the election, Reagan ap- peared in the district on Michel's behalf and hinted at the forthcoming removal of sanctions on the sale of pipeline equipment to the Sovi- ets. In the two most populous counties of the district - Peoria and Tazewell - Michel was held to 51 percent. Stephens finished first in four other counties, but Michel's slim margins in the district's 10 remaining counties pulled Elections 1162 deneral Robert H. Michel (R) 97,406 (52%) G. Douglas Stephens (D) 91,281 (48%) 1160 General Robert H. Michel (R) 125,561 (62%) John Knuppet (D) 76.471 (38%) Previous Winning Percentages: 1178 (66%) 1976 (58%) 1974 (55%) 1912 (65%) 1970 (66%) 1966 (61%) 1966 (58%) 1964 (54%) ?1962 (61%) 1160 (59%) 1956 (60%) 1956 (59%) District Vote For President 1160 1976 D 71,861 (32%) 0 92,613 (44%) R 137.198 (61%) R 114.120 (55%) 1 12,710 ( 6%) Campaign Finance Receipt. Expend- Receipts tram PACs Rurea 1962 Michel (R) $697,067 $471,129 (68%) 6652,773 Stephens(D) $174,559 $96,460 (55%) $165,777 .11160 Michel(R) $168,667 $98,624 (5854) $134,540 Knuppel (D) $34,894 $5,750 (160/6) $34,483 him to victory by a margin of 6,125 votes. In his victory speech on election night, Michel said he had come to realize that his constituency ex- pected some modifications in Reaganomics to relieve unemployment. Prior to 1982, Michel's re-election margins were rarely overwhelming, but he encountered close races only in the Democratic years of 1964 and 1974. Relative peace at the polls gave -him time to concentrate on mastering the politics of Congress. Michel was born in Peoria, the son of a French immigrant factory worker. Shortly after graduating from Bradley University in Peoria, he went to work for the district's newly elected representative, Republican Harold Velde. Velde became chairman of the old House Un-American Activities Committee during the Republican-dominated 83rd Congress (1953- 55) and received much publicity for his hunt for Communist subversives. Michel rose to be- come'Velde's administrative assistant. In 1956 Velde retired and Michel ran for the seat. Still not very well-known in the dis- trict, Michel nevertheless had the support of many of the county organizations, whose politi- cal contact he had been in Washington. He won the primary with 48 percent of the vote against four opponents. Voting Studies Presidential Party Conservative Support Unity . Coalition Year s 0 6 0 s 0 1162 83 1881 80 1980 37 1979 30 1978 42 1177 44 1976 78 1975 88 1974 (Ford) 65 1974 79 1973 75 1912 51 1971 75 1970 74 1969 64 1166 42 1167 37 1966 32 1965 27 1964 35 1963 18 1162 18 1161 22 12 81 16 89 10 17 82 11 83 13 51 84 8 79 12 58 76 12 85 6 56 77 14 80 12 44 75 10 82 4 12 87 8 85 10 8 82 9 82 10 22 9 69 15 77 15 17 84 7 86 5 24 72 10 77 7 16 74 10 76 6 9 74 7 70 7 28 69 20 80 11 38 66 13 63 18 51 84 7 81 7 44 71 4 65 5 54 76 10 76 12 58 71 10 83 17 55 67 . 9 53 27 65 75 5 81 0 60 . 69 14 78 9 S = Support 0 = Opposition Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y Legal services reauthorization (1981) N Disapprove We of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N Index acorn taxes (1981) Y Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87MOl152ROO0400510001-6 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6 Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) 1177 1s Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) 1171 5 Delete MX funding (1982) 1975 16 Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) 1974 9 Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) 1973 0 1972 6 1971 3 1970 20 "Be 7 Interest Group Ratings 1968 25 rer ADA ACA AFL-CIO ccus 1967 1666 7 6 1162 5 87 10 80 1965 0 1111 10 86 0 100 1964 8 "so 6 82 11 74 1963 1979 5 87 10 100 1962 14 1171 15 75 5 89 1961 0 Illinois - 18th District 88. 9 94 61 9 94 61 9 100 93 18 100 68 0 100 94 30 90 . 96 0 - 82 14 as 75 33 - 90 75 89 0 100 75 8 84 - 90 83 27 - 87 9 Approved For Release 2009/11/03: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400510001-6