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Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400530001-4 ,Q r BIOGRAPHIES ON ,HOUSE PERMANENT SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE AND SENATE SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE MEMBERS 99th Congress February 1985 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400530001-4 ? MEMBERSHIP FOR HOUSE PERMANENT SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE DEMOCRATS REPUBLICANS Chairman Ranking Minority Member Lee H. Hamilton (D., IN) Bob Stump (R., AZ) Louis Stokes (D., OH) Andy Ireland (R., FL) Dave McCurdy (D., OK) 8S Henry J. Hyde (R., IL) Anthony C. Beilenson (D., CA)5po, Dick Cheney (R., WY) ? *Robert W. Kastenmeier (D., WI) Bob Livingston (R., LA) Dan Daniel (D., VA) Bob McEwen (R., OH) Robert A. Roe (D., NJ) George E. Brown, Jr. (D., CA) Matthew F. McHugh (D., NY) Bernard J. Dwyer (D., NJ) EX OFFICIO: James C. Wright, Jr. (D., TX) Robert H. Michel (R., IL) is Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Next 1 Page(s) In Document Denied Iq Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Lee H. Hamilton (D) Of Nashville - Elected 1964 Barn: April 20, 1931, Daytona Beach, Fla. Education: DePauw U., B.A. 1952; Ind. U., J.D. 1956. Occupation Lawyer. Family: Wife, Nancy Nelson; three children. Religion Methodist. political Career. No previous office. Capitol Office: 2187 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-5315. In Washington: A man who chooses his issues carefully and times his few speeches for maximum impact, Hamilton has a reservoir of respect few members can match. But he has been reluctant to take advantage of it, and he has never sought a broker's role in House politics. Scornful of self-promotion, Hamilton ap- proaches his fob with unwavering earnestness. Every week he mails his constituents a newslet- ter notable because it lacks the traditional self- serving photos and features about the incum- bent. Hamilton simply explains one issue each week and sets out the major arguments on each side. Sometimes he does not even express his own opinion. This low-key style has evolved over nearly 20 years on Foreign Affairs, which Hamilton joined as a freshman in 1965, and on the Europe and Middle East Subcommittee, which he chairs. He is one of a handful of members who have made the once-passive Foreign Af- fairs Committee closer in stature to its tradi- tionally dominant Senate counterpart. Now third in line on Foreign Affairs behind two Democrats who are both more than a decade older, Hamilton seems almost certain to inherit the committee at some point in the 1980s. In 1972 Hamilton sponsored the first end- the-Vietnam-War measure ever adopted by the Foreign Affairs Committee. His amendment to a foreign aid bill called for withdrawal of U.S. forces from Vietnam, contingent on release of all prisoners of war and agreement with North Vietnam on a cease-fire plan. The amendment was killed on the House floor in August 1972, but it helped set the stage for later congres- sional actions to end the war. Hamilton frequently writes e pre to top administration officials demanding explana- t pD-S. of..po ) ecisIons_ and publishes their responses in the Congressional Record. He forces the State Department to brief him regu- larly on developments in the Middle East. When the peace treaty between Egypt. and Israel in 1979 forced Congress to approve a new $4.8 billion American aid package, Hamilton managed it on the House floor and won its approval, calling it "a bargain for the United States." As subcommittee chairman, he has sought to steer a middle course between the panel's militant pro,Israel faction and those who want to pay serious attention to Arab and Palestin- ian demands. In the 97th Congress, Hamilton sharply criticized Israeli handling of the raids on Palestinian camps in Lebanon. But he also was one of the more skeptical members in his approach toward Reagan administration plans for new arms sales to Jordan. In his subcommittee's sensitive debates over aid to Greece and Turkey, Hamilton played what amounted to a referee's role. He was willing to back increased arms sales to Turkey, but insisted on imposing conditions and considering arms for Greece at the same time. Hamilton began to build his favorable reputation early in his House career, winning election in 1965 as president of the freshman Democratic class in the 89th Congress. Later the same year, Hamilton received widespread press attention with a letter to President John- son saying it was "time to pause" in action on Great Society social programs. That strain of domestic conservatism has shown up in his budget voting of the last few years. Skeptical of the deficit levels the House Budget Committee has endorsed, he has some- times voted against the committee's resolutions on final passage, taking most of the Indiana Democratic delegation with him. In 1981 he backed the Democratic leadership in voting against President Reagan's budget. Much of Hamilton's time in recent years Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Indiana 9 This is the largest and least urbanized district in the state. The hilly forest-; and farm lands are more akin to Kentucky and parts of southern Ohio and Illinois than to the flat Hoosier farm lands farther north. Many of those who settled here came from the South and brought with them their Democratic allegiances. Poultry and cattle are the major agri- cultural commodities of the area, which is also the center of some of the nation's finest and most abundant limestone quarries. Stone cutters, like those portrayed in the movie "Breaking Away," regularly excavate rock that is used for building material throughout the country. The Indiana suburbs of Louisville, Ky., along the Ohio River, make up the district's largest concentration of voters. Centered on New Albany, the district's largest city with just 37,000 people, this area is experiencing a minor population boom. With the counties along the Ohio River leading the way, the 9th grew faster in the 1970s than all but one district in the state. as been spent on ethics issues as a member of e mmittee on Standards of Official on- uct. In 1977 he chaired a task-force that recommended new rules limiting members' out- side earned income and honoraria. Most of the recommendations were adopted by the House, although in 1981 the outside income limit was doubled, to 30 percent of a member's salary. In the 96th Congress, Hamilton was the dominant Democrat on the ethics committee, performing many of the behind-the-scenes chores for its mercurial chairman, Charles E. Bennett, D-Fla. Hamilton persuaded the panel to revise the ethics rules to clarify the differences among various punishments meted out in ethics cases. He worked on the committee's recommenda- tion of censure for Michigan Democrat Charles C. Diggs Jr., convicted in a kickback scheme, and on the Abscam bribery investigations. On Abscam, however, Hamilton broke with Bennett and most of the committee. The panel recommended that Rep. Michael "Ozzie" My- ers, D-Pa., be expelled following his conviction in federal court for accepting bribes. The ex- pulsion came to the floor on the day the House Southeast Bloomington; New Albany In the days of the steamboats, when Indiana's economy depended upon the car. goes that came up the Ohio River, New Albany was the state's largest city. Although the river's contribution to the local liveli. hood has dropped off considerably in the last hundred years, the 9th District still depends upon river traffic and industries located along the river bank for many of its jobs. In its northwest corner, the 9th takes in most of Bloomington, the home of Indiana University. The district boundary rune along 3rd Street in Bloomington, placing the northern two-thirds of the city's 52,006 residents in the 9th. Included in that area is all of Indiana University's campus as well a: most of the off-campus housing and faculty neighborhoods. Population: 544,873. White 530,291 (97%), Black 10,205 (2%). Spanish origin 3,180 0%). 18 and over 383,018 (70%). 65 and over 56,470 (10%). Median age: 28. was scheduled to recess for the 1980 election. and Hamilton said the rushed atmosphere was denying Myers due process. But the majority was on the other side, and Myers was expelled Hamilton left the panel at the end of 1980. At Home: The son and brother of minis. tars, Hamilton has a devotion to work that comes out of his traditional Methodist family. From his days to Evansv a rg c loo u 1948, when he helped propel the basketbdl team to the state finals, to his race for Congress in 1964, he displayed a quiet, consistent deter. mination. When he graduated from DePauw Univer sity in 1952, he received an award as the outstanding senior. He accepted a scholarship to Goethe University in G Hamilton practiced law for a while-in Chi- cago, but soon decided to settle in Columbus. Indiana, where his interest in politics led him into the local Democratic Party. In 1960 he was chairman of the Bartholomew County (Colum- bus) Citizens for Kennedy. Two years later be managed Birch Bayh's Senate campaign is Columbus. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400530001-4 He was the consensus choice of the local Democratic organization for the 9th District House nomination in 1964, and won the pri- mary with 46 percent of the vote in a field of five candidates. He went on to defeat longtime Republican Rep. Earl Wilson, a crusty fiscal watchdog who had represented the district for almost a quarter of a century. With his widespread personal respect, Hamilton has been re-elected easily ever since. After a few years, Republicans gave up on defeating him and added Democrats to his district to give GOP candidates a better chance Indiana - 9th District elsewhere in the state. In 1976, for the first time in the history of the district, the Republi- cans put up no candidate at all. In 1980, as Democrats were having trouble all over Indi- ana, Hamilton was drawing his usual percent- age - nearly 65 percent of the vote. Conceding that Hamilton was unbeatable, the Republican Legislature made no effort to weaken him in the 1981 redistricting, although they removed Hamilton's hometown of Colum- bus from the district. He switched his residence to the next county and was re-elected with 67 percent of the vote. Committees Foreign Affairs (3rd o124 Democrats) Europe and the Middle East (chairman); International Security and Scientific Affairs. lal.ct Intelligence (6th of 9 Democrats) Oversight and Evaluation. Joint Economic (vice chairman) Economic Goals and Intergovernmental Policy (chairman); Mon- etary and Fiscal Policy. 1182 General Lee H. Hamilton (D) 121,094 (67%) Floyd Coates (R) 58,532 (32%) 1180 General lee H. Hamilton (D) 136,574 (64%) George Meyers Jr. (R) 75,601 (36%) Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (66%) 1978 (100%) 1174 (71%) 1972 (63%) 1970 (63%) 1969 (54%) 1181 (54%) 1984 (54%) District Vote For President 1990 1971 D 92,931 (43%) D 109,023 (52%) R 112,568 (52%) R 98,908 (47%) 1 8.747 ( 4Y.) Campaign Finance - - Receipts Expend- Receipts from PACs itures Hamilton(D) $159,150 $58,065.(36%) $177,607 Coates (R) $233,458 $550 (.2?/.) $147,881 1110 Mam,lton(0) $113.260 $33.532 (25%) $122,674 Voting Studies Presidential Party Conservative Support Unity Coalition S 0 S 0 S 0 47 52 66 33 58 42 47 51 71 27 56 44 1980 74 25 67 31 48 47 1979 76 23 71 .29 44 56 1978 86 14 74 26 33 67 1977 72 23 80 18 32 65 1976 33 67 72 27 43 55 1975 51 48 69 29 45 54 1974 (Ford) 65 35 1974 70 26 65 32 39 55 1973 41 58 82 18 . 30 70 1972 68 30 71 28 "35 63 1971 42 54 85 12 .17 78 1970 68 23 74 21 23 73 1969 68 32 85 15 22 78 1968 82 15 77 18 27 65 1967 85 12 79 19 44 52 1966 82 10 75 15 32 51 1965 84 11 82 13 24 75 S = Support 0 = Opposition Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) N Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y Index income taxes (1981) N Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) ' Y Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N Delete MX funding (1982) Y Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1982 70 30 80 45 1981 65 33 67 28 1980 44 46 47 76 1979 53 27 70 50 1978 35 31 50 35 1977 60 15 64 50 1978 50 11 52 32 1975 68 43 74 29 1974 65 7 70 50 1973 80 4 73 36 1972 50 26 82 10 1971 89 7 75 - 1970 80 13 67 22 1969 53 13 90 - 1968 58 22 75 - 1967 53 11 83 30 1966 47 33 85 1965 58 15 - 10 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Anthony C. Beilenson (D) Of Los Angeles - Elected 1976 Born: Oct. 26, 1932, New Rochelle, N.Y. Education: Harvard U., B.A. 1954; Harvard Law School, LL.B. 1957. Occupation: Lawyer. Family: Wife, Dolores Martin; three children. Religion: Jewish. Political Career. Calif. Assembly, 1963-67; Calif. Sen- ate, 1967-77; sought Democratic nomination for U.S. Senate, 1968. In Washington: An in llectual with the soft, resonant voice of an FM radio announcer, Beilenson has maintained - rib ral v 1Qg record while demonstrating a pronounced skep- tct'Tam about much of what government does. He is a man who likes to think for himself on any major issue - once he makes up his mind he does not seem to care whether there are four people on his side or 400. In 1980 he cast the only vote in the House against a resolution reassuring Social Security recipients that Congress would not tax benefits. He said all ideas for helping out Social Security deserved consideration. The next year he was on the losing side as the House voted 394-2 to make it easier for former prisoners of war to receive veterans' benefits. Beilenson did not see why former POWs deserved priority over other veterans. Feu? House memhersof either party -are ected as Beilenson for their willing- ss out of conviction regardless of political interest. Sometimes, -however, his con- victions run up against the demands of partisan politics. Toward the end of the 97th Congress, Beilenson was picked to chair a task force studying possible changes in the budget pro- cess. Former Rules Chairman Richard Bolling began the task force because he was concerned that too much power was in the hands of the Budget Committee. Beilenson shared his view, but insisted that the panel should be totally non-partisan, with an aim toward making the process "less onerous and less time-consuming." In early 1983, he was ready to present his recommenda- tions to the Rules Committee. His plan would give the Rules and Appropriations committees more say in the way the budget is put together. But even if his ideas had been acceptable to the Democratic leadership, his timing was off. Moments before Beilenson was to present his plan, Speaker O'Neill asked the Rules Com- mittee to postpone a vote, worried that a dis- pute over changing the process might have jeopardized Democratic unity on the 1983 bud- get itself, due to come to a decision shortly. Beilenson brought two special legislative interests with him from the California Assem- bly - f,~ri l}_ plai ing n^~ elephants Con- cerned over world population problems, he has worked to increase federal funds for family planning clinics. And he has tried to ban trade in elephant tusk ivory to protect the endan- gered African elephant. His 1979 anti-ivory bill passed the House but died in the Senate. Beilenson also has directed his attention to the issue of automobile safety. His strong pro- safety views have receive little hearing, though, in a deregulatory-minded Congress. He has sponsored one bill requiring car manufac- turers to post crash test results on all new cars and another requiring automakers to install a "high-mounted" brake light in the rear center of all new cars. At Home: Beilenson was a 14-year veteran of_lbg state Legislature when Democratic Thorn announce his retirement from Congress in 1976. The district was ideal territory for Beilenson; his record suited him well to voters in some of the most liberal and heavily Jewish parts of Los Angeles. Beilenson's one major obstacle was cleared away when Howard Berman, then the Assem- bly's majority leader, chose to remain in the Legislature in 1976. Berman had been seen as Rees' likely successor, and he would have had access to an organization difficult for Beilenson to match. But running against five other candi- Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Anthony C. Bei/enson, D-Colif. California 23 The 23rd District is divided geographi- cally and culturally by the Santa Monica Mountains. On the southern slope of one of the world's few urban mountain ranges are the lush, well-tended neighborhoods of Bel Air and Westwood, the home of the sprawling U.C.L.A. campus. To the east, at the foot of the mountains is Beverly Hills, and to the south, Century City, Rancho Park and West Los Angeles. These are, for the most part, the provinces of wealthy, liberal families, many of them Jewish. Older residents and young people living in small two-story apartment buildings are scattered through some of the area. They also vote Demo- cratic. On the other side of the Santa Monicas, where the ocean breezes seldom blow, is a different world. Here are the middle-class San Fernando Valley commu o e- se a arzana. an ar an ~- uburbs lin ed together by shoppingogacenters an commer- cial strips. Although many of the voters in this area register as Democrats, most of them vote Republican. dates, none of whom held public office, Beilen- son was the clear front-runner. ? Wallace Albertson, who headed the state's leading liberal organization, the California Democratic Council, criticized Beilenson for not being active enough in his support for Proposition 15, which would have restricted the development of nuclear power plants in the state. But Proposition 15 fared almost as poorly in the district as it did statewide, drawing 38 percent, and Albertson did even worse, finish- ing second in the primary with 21 percent to Beilenson's 58 percent. Beilenson's first worrisome general elec- tion came in 1982, and it proved less difficult than had been expected. In order to draw a favorable district for Berman, who now wanted to run for Congress, map makers had removed part of the area near Beverly Hills from the 23rd and added conservative voters in the western San Fernando Valley; Beilenson com- plained that the change had hurt him badly. Democrats who drew the district insisted Beilenson was panicking for no reason. "It's a good district for Tony," said the late Rep. Beverly Hills; Part of San Fernando Valley To create a new, solidly Democratic district to the east - the 26th - eilen- lons23rd-was pushed fa*+t. =we tin the aan_fernando Valley into territory that for the last decade voted overwhe mtng y for Republican Rep. Barry Goldwater Jr. The changes pushed the Democratic registration down from 63 to 57 percent, and a majority of the voters now live on the valley side. Under the plan drawn up by Democrats for the 1984 elections, the 23rd will move even farther afield from its Beverly Hills base of the 1970s. Beverly Hills will con- tinue to anchor the +s , Ut t a .i+~r.G+ .,. 1 et.a+~ti, westward to tha coast, picking up territory, around Mali u. T'he nnew communities alongg t have Democratic registration advantages, but like other similar areas, they are not averse to voting Republican. Population: 526,007. White 466,648 (89%), Black 14,044 (3%), Asian and Pa- cific Islander 21,112 (4%). Spanish origin 48,853 (9%). 18 and over 426,336 (81%), 65 and over 66,676 (13%). Median age: 34. Phillip Burton, main architect of California's new congressional map. "He just doesn't know it. He's not a numbers guy." As it turned out, Burton was right. Beilenson's Republican opponent was Da- vid Armor, a former analyst with the Rand Corporation. Armor had prepared a series of studies on the effects of school busing to achieve integration, and the studies had been used by anti-busing forces during Los Angeles' bitter struggle over the issue at the end of the 1970s. Republicans hoped Armor would do par- ticularly well in the San Fernando section of the district, where anti-busing sentiment had been especially fierce. With his Beverly Hills base relatively se- cure, however, Beilenson was able to put most of his effort into the communities new to him. Substantially. outspending Armor, he took al- most 60 percent of the vote, only a slight decline from his previous tallies. Since he moved to the West Coast to practice law at age 25, Beilenson has metlvith only one political defeat. He was in the middle-' of his first state Senate term in 1968 when he Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 decided to run for the U.S. Senate as a peace candidate, criticizing former state Controller Alan Cranston for what he said was a lukewarm Committees Rules (5th of 9 Democrats) Rules of the House. 1982 General Anthony C. Beilenson (D) David Armor (R) 1980 General 120,788 (60'h) 82.031 (40%) Anthony C. Beilenson (D) 126.020 (63%) Robert Winckler (R) 62.742 (32%) Jeffrey Lieb (LIB) 10.623 ( 5%) Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (66%) 1976 (60%) District Vote For President 1980 1978 D 83,686 (38%) D 114,406 (50'/.) R 107,985 (49'/.) R 111,766 (49%) I 21,880 (10'/.) 1982 Campaign Finance Receipts Expend- Receipts from PACs itures Beilenson (D) $248,250 $5,500 ( 2%) $274,303 Armor (R) $261,557 $69,907 (27%) $228,222 1980 Beilenson (D) $75,659 $2,000 ( 3%) $861,192 Winckler (R) $9,726 $4,575 (47%) $9,865 anti-war position. Beilenson was second among five primary candidates, but more than a mil- lion votes behind Cranston. Voting Studies Presidential Party Conservative support Unity coalition Year s 0 8 0 s 0 1962 38 53 81 5 11 82 1981 30 64 79 8 8 80 1980 80 15 86 8 7 88 1979 77 21 88 6 5 90 1978 76 12 81 9 5 80 1977 66 22 83 7 '4 90 S- Support 0 = Opposition Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) N Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y Index income taxes (1981) N Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) N Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N Delete MX funding (1982) Y Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) 7 Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1982 95 17 84 19 1981 90 4 80 6 1960 94 21 68 39 1979 100 8 83 12 1978 80 8 79 31 1977 90 11 78 24 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Robert W. Kastenmeier (D) Of Sun Prairie - Elected 1958 Born: Jan. 24, 1924, Beaver Dam, Wis. Education: U. of Wis., LL.B. 1952. J1ilitary Career. Army, 1943-46. Occupation: Lawyer. Family: Wife, Dorothy Chambers; three children. Religion: Unspecified. Political Career. Democratic nominee for U.S. House, 1956. Capitol Office: 2232 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-2906. In Washington Isast_nrnai r d not attract the attention he did e o as& militant House i era , but his scialties re still the same - equal rights and civil liberties,. These days, much of his energy is devoted to maintaining the status quo. As chairman of the Courts and Civil Liberties Subcommittee at Judiciary, he fights any proposed legislation to strip federal courts of jurisdiction over busing, school prayer and other controversial social issues. Kastenmeier has held hearings on some of these bills at various times in recent years, but he has never come close to scheduling any action on them. "These bills are merely a form of chastisement," he said while sitting on sev- eral of them in the 97th Congress. During the early months of the Reagan administration, however, Kastenmeier found himself focusing on a different role, defending the Legal Services Corporation against White ouse efforts to replace it with a block grant system. The block grants could have been used for any law enforcement purpose, not just for the original Legal Services commitment to pro- viding legal aid to the poor. Kastenmeier was militantly opposed to the change. To get the program reauthorized by the House, Kastenmeier had to accept several new rules restricting Legal Services lawyers, such as one barring them from filing class action suits, and a reduction in the corporation's budget. But the House voted to reauthorize the pro- gram in June of 1981, one of the few tangible victories up to that point for the liberal House critics of the Reagan administration. . In the end, no reauthorization passed the Senate, but Legal Services survived through the 97th Congress on stopgap funding from the Appropriations Committee. Kastenmeier came to Congress as one of the small cadre of 1950s peace activists. He complained about the anti-communist "witch hunts" of his state's former Republican sena- tor, Joseph R. McCarthy, and said the "mili- tary-industrial complex" was out of control. With two former campaign aides, Marcus kin an as ow, now we - nown lefti writers. he se r uce a manifesto ei n o is in e 1 0s. They began the Liberal Project and at- tracted 17 other congressmen who wanted to publish position papers on liberal issues. The 1960 election was not kind to them; 16 of the 18 were defeated. But Kastenmeier continued as head of the redrawn "Liberal Group" and a few years later,eublished the Liberal Papers, call- ing for disarmamen~misssior ma- in and China to the United Nations and an end to the draft. Republicans labeled them "apostles of appeasement" and most Democrats ignored them. Since then, Kastenmeier has kept a lower profile both inside the House and out. But many of the ideas were accepted eventually. Kastenmeier is as cnncervatrye in his per- sonal style as he is liberal in ideology. A dull speaker TNT; a distaste for flamboyance, he is often overshadowed on Judiciary by members who express their views more militantly. His timing has been unusual. His opposi- tion to the Vietnam War was so far ahead of public opinion that by the time the anti-war fervor reached its peak, Kastenmeier had been through it already. He was consistent in his support for the anti-war movement, but he was never a national leader in it. Early in his career, Kastenmeier and his allies in the Liberal Group - Don Edwards and Phillip Burton of California - worked on efforts to democratize House procedure. But Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 STAT Wisconsin 2 Republicans have most of the land in the 2nd, and Democrats have most of the voters. While the district covers a sizable portion of southern Wisconsin's Republi- can-voting rural areas, its centerpiece is the traditionally Democratic city of Madison in Dane County. The 1980 election serves as an example of the GOP's frustration. Even though Kas- tenmeier lost every county except Dane, his 3-to-2 edge there was sufficient to lift him to victory. Madison, the state capital and second largest city in Wisconsin, has its share of industry; meat processor Oscar Mayer, for example, employs more than 3,500 in its Madison plant. But the city's personality is dominated by its white-collar sector - the bureaucrats who work in local and state government, the 2,300 educators and 40,000 students at the University of Wisconsin, and the large number of insurance company home offices, so many that Madison calls itself a midwestern Hartford. Madison boasts a tradition of political liberalism. Since 1924, when Robert M. La Follette carried Dane County as the Pro- gressive Party's presidential candidate, Democrats nearly always have won there. In 1972, George McGovern won 58 percent in Dane County, and eight years later Demo- cratic Sen. Gaylord Nelson took two-thirds here too, Kastenmeier did not play a leading role when the changes were actually made a decade later. By then, he had turned his atten- tion to legal work on Judiciary. He supported the procedural reforms but was not publicly associated with them by most members. In part, that reflects Kastenmeier's reluc- tance to involve himself in confrontations. In recent veers at leas e more aggressive or liberal Demo- crats in t e ouse. 'ke many civil libertarians, Kastenmeier was distnr tactics in the 1980 Abscam bribe scandal. But while he was pondering t e issue, Edwards went ahead and held hearings that drew national attention to the issue of FBI entrapment. While his friends plunged themselves into controversy during the 1970s, Kastenmeier worked on the technicalities of copyright law, producing the first comprehensive revision in South - Madison of the vote there while losing statewide. Outside the Madison area, agriculture and tourism sustain the district's economy. Dairying is important, and there is some beef production, although many livestock farmers have switched in recent years to raising corn as a cash crop. In New Glarus (Green County), which was founded by the Swiss, the downtown area has been redone to resemble a village in the mother country. Wisconsin Dells (Co- lumbia County) lures big-city tourists to view the steep ridges and high plateaus along the Wisconsin River. The majority of farmers and townsfolk in the district are conservative, and they chafe at Madison's dominance of district politics. Ronald Reagan's conservatism found many followers in the rural areas of the district. In 1980 Reagan won six of the eight counties partly or wholly within the 2nd, leaving only Dane and its western neighbor, Iowa County, in Jimmy Carter's column. But the wide Democratic margin in Dane enabled Carter to carry the district. Population: 523,011. White 509,003 (97%), Black 6,051 (1%), Asian and Pacific Islander 3,670 (1%). Spanish origin 4,233 0%). 18 and over 383,086 (73%), 65 and over 55,870 (11% ). Median age: 29. that field in more than 60 years and guiding it through nearly a decade of debate. In the 97th Congress, Kastenmeier again s nt most of his time on some c nice an little notice - although potentially important - pieces of legislation. He managed to move them through Judiciary, only to find the road to enactment strewn with obstacles. The committee easily approved a bill establishing longer patent protection for drug manufacturers, who often have to spend years waiting for federal approval before they can market their products. Because Kastenmeier feared weakening amendments, he brought the bill to the floor under amendment-proof "sus- pension" procedures that required two-thirds approval for passage. Heavy lobbying by ge- neric drug producers denied it the two-thirds, and it died. Kastenmeier's bill to clarify copyright Ii- Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 ability for cable tV stations did pass the House, supported by the cable industry as well as the National Assocation of Broadcasters, but the Senate never took it up. One Kastenmeier product that did become law in the 97th Con- gress was a bill making piracy of phonograph records,a federal crime, punishable by impris- onment. Kastenmeier also has served most of his career on the Interior Committee, but devoted considerably less time to its work. For years he was a willing environmentalist vote to back up Burton and Chairman Morris K. Udall on is- sues such as strip mining, creating wilderness areas in Alaska, and expansion of the California redwoods park. He left Interior at the start of 1983. Kastenmeier admits that he and other House liberals have modified the approach of years a o. "We are less pretentious," he as sai . "We don't presume to accomplish as much. We, in the context of the House of Representatives, ought to try to be reasonably effective. We feel we ought to be the cutting edge of American liberalism in the body politic, yet there is even a limitation to that." At Home: It s no longer ssible for .Kastenme-ierto'win re-election Basil on the mere strength of his opposition to the ietnam War or Ii-isupport impeachment of President Nixon. He has to take camnaianing aim s seriously as he did in the early years of his career. But is seat seems s After dropping to 54 percent of the vote in 1980 and losing every county in the district except Dane, home of the University of Wis- consin, he bounced back with a solid 61 percent in 1982. Although Kastenmeier never has seemed very comfortable campaigning, he now does the things that endangered Democrats have been doing for years. In 1980 he hired a professional campaign manager for the first time. The son of an elected minor -official from Dodge County, Kastenmeier took only a lim- ited interest in politics until he was nearly 30 years old. Then he became the Democratic chairman of the second-smallest 'county in the district, and three years later, in 1956, decided to run for the seat left open by Republican Glenn R. Davis, who ran for the Senate. Kas- tenmeier lost to GOP nominee Donald E. Tewes by a 55-45 margin. But in 1958, with two of Wisconsin's most popular Democrats -Wil- liam Proxmire and Gaylord Nelson - running on the statewide ticket, many Republicans in the 2nd District stayed home and Kastenmeier won. Kastenmeier's first three elections were hotly contested affairs that included accusa- tions that the Democrat was sympathetic to communists. In his first successful campaign, in 1958, he was helped by farm discontent with the policies of the Eisenhower administration. After 1964 redistricting removed Milwau- kee's suburban Waukesha County from the district, Kastenmeier's percentages shot up. In 1970, when the old charges were updated to include criticism that Kastenmeier was "soft on radical students," the incumbent won by his highest percentage ever. Kastenmeier had few problems for a full decade after that. But in 1980, his refusal to back away from any of his liberal views opened him to Republican assault as being out of step with the new fiscal conservatism. Those at- tacks, made by his challenger, former yo-yo manufacturer James A. Wright, had particular appeal in the farming communities that sur- round Madison. Only Kastenmeier's strong support in the Madison university community allowed him to survive the 1980 contest, in which Nelson went down to defeat at the statewide level. In 1982 Republicans nominated a more moderate candidate, tax consultant Jim John- son, who tried to appeal to Madison and avoided the Reagan-style rhetoric that Wright had used. But the issues were moving back in Kastenmeier's direction. Much of the anti-gov- ernment feeling of the previous election had subsided, and the issue with the strongest emo- tional appeal was the nuclear freeze. Wisconsin voted overwhelmingly for the freeze, and Kastenmeier was one of its most vocal support- ers. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Robert W. Kastenmeier, D-Wis. . Committees Judiciary (3rd of 20 Democrats; Courts. Civil Liberties and Administration of Justice (chairman): Civil and Constitutional Rights. 1982 General Robert Kastenmeier (D) Jim Johnson (R) 1980 General Robert Kastenmeier (D) James Wright (R) 112.677 (61%) 71,989 (39%1 142.037 (54%) 119.514 (45%) Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (58%) 1976 (661/4 1974 (65%) 1972 (68 70) 1970 (69%) 1968 (60%) 1966 (58%) 1964 (64%) 1962 (53%) 1960 (53%) 1958 (52%) District Vote For President 1980 1976 D 124.236 (47%) 0 124.106 (51%) R 106.003 (40%) R 109.405 (459%) 25,513 (106) Campaign Finance Receipts Expand- Receipts from PACs (turn 1982 Kastenmeier(D) $319.055 $152,359 (48%) $326,450 Johnson(R) $268,092 $47,484 (18%) $270,602 1990 Kastenmeier (D) $243,465 $97,381 (40%) $225.706 Wright (R) $294,214 $117,624 (40%) $292,348 Voting studies Presidential Support Party Unity Conservative Coalition Year S 0 a 0 S 0 1982 26 74 89 10 12 88 1981 22 75 89 lit 5 95 1980 71 26 89 10 9 87 1979 79 20 88 9t 6 92 1978 ' 86 14 91 9 7 93 1977 76 23 87 12 14 85 1976 33 67 89 10 18 81 1975 31 65 86 11 15 82 1974 (Ford) 41 57 1974 42 58 84 13 7 89 1973 26 73 87 12 11 87 1972 49 51 83 12 10 87 1971 26 72 Be 9 2 94 1970 55 43 85 11 7 86 1969 45 51 82 15 7 89 1968 83 14 91 5 4 92 1967 80 16 87 9 2 96 1966 75 12 75 15 5 86 1965 86 7 90 8 2 98 1964 92 8 84 16 8 92 1963 84 13 at 15 7 93 1962 85 15 84 11 12 88 1961 94 6 93 5 9 87 S = Support 0 a Opposition I Not eligible for all recorded votes. . Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) N Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y Index income taxes (1981) N Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N Delete MX funding (1982) Y Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y Interest Group Rating Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1982 90 9 100 20 1981 95 13 80 5 1980 100 13 79 58 1979 95 4 95 0 1978 95 4 95 22 1977 100 15 74. 24 1976 90 11 83 0 1975 100 18 91 6 1974 91 0 89 10 1973 100 20 82 9 1972 100 9 91 ? 0 1971 95 11 82 1970 92 11 100 10 1969 93 19 . 100 1968 100 0 75 1967 93 11 100 10 1966 94 20 100 1965 100 0 10 1964 100 16 100 - 1963 - 6 - 1962 86 4 91 1961 100 - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 ? California - 36th District George E. Brown Jr. (D) Of Riverside - Elected 1962 Did not serve 1971-73. Born: March 6, 1920, Holtville, Calif. Education: U. of Calif., Los Angeles, B.A. 1946. Military Career. Army, 1942-46. Occupation: Physicist. Family: Wife, Rowena Somerindyke; four children. Religion: Methodist. Political Career. Monterey Park mayor, 1954-58; Calif. Assembly, 1959-63; sought Democratic U.S. Senate nomination, 1970. Capitol Office: 2256 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-6161. In Washington: Brown has pursued his liberal principles through two very different careers in the House, punctuated by a one-term absence following his defeat for the Senate in 1970. Watching Brown in action today, as he listens patiently to testimony on the budget for science research or ponders amendments to a farm bill, it is easy to forget the militant anti- war crusader of the 1960s. At first glance, he seems to be a different man. But he is simply a mellower version of the same man. Never a radical on domestic issues, Brown became a peace advocate during his days as a scientist, and argued his cause from the start of his first term, in 1963, when he opposed exten- sion of the draft as it passed the House 388-3. He voted 'against money for civil defense, charging that it "created a climate in which nuclear war becomes more credible" and in 1966 cast the only vote in the House against a $58 billion defense funding bill. He was already speaking out against the Vietnam War in the spring of 1965, when he accused President Lyndon B. Johnson of pre- tending "that the peace of mankind can be won by the slaughter of peasants in Vietnam." He continued to talk that way through the next five years in the House, both on the floor and at outside rallies. He refused to vote for any military appropriations bill while the war con- tinued and once boasted that he had opposed more federal spending than any member in history. Brown's anti-war work gave him a national reputation during those years, but much of his legislative time was devoted to environmental issues. He introduced a bill in 1969 to ban offshore oil drilling along the California coast, and he backed federal land use planning. He proposed outlawing the production of internal combustion engines after a three-year period. Environmentalism is the link between Brown's two House careers. When he returned as a freshman in 1973, U.S. participation in the war was ending. He settled quietly into the Agriculture and Science committees and fol- lowed his issues without seeking much public attention. Since 1973, he has not been one of the more visible members of the House. But he has been busy. Much of his work has been in defense of the Environmental Pro- tection Agency (EPA), whose programs are authorized through the Science Committee. Brown has continually fought against cuts in the EPA budget; he has regularly introduced floor amendments adding extra money to fight air or water pollution. In 1981, when the House passed a bill cutting funds for pollution re- search by 18 percent, Brown was a dissenting voice, calling the reduction "irresponsible." He favors creation of a National Technology Foun- dation to parallel the National Science Founda- tion in commercial research. Browm's suspicion of the military still comes out in his attitude toward the U.S. space program. He is a strong believer in exploration, but not in the military uses of space. In 1982 he complained that 20 percent of the budget of the National Aeronautics and Space Administra- tion was going to defense-related work. "This blatant and unabashed use of the civilian space agency for Defense Department purposes," " he said, "is a shocking departure from the past." Brown also has been a vehement opponent of the controversial Clinch River nuclear Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 California 36 Of the three districts covering the San Bernardino-Riverside metropolitan area, this is the only one a Democrat can. win. Since his 1972 comeback, Brown has been able to combine the votes of the blue- collar residents of Riverside and San Ber- nardino with those of the growing Mexican- American population in San Bernardino. The burgeoning Republican suburban vote, particularly in the suburbs of Norco and Corona, was removed in the 1981 re- districting, along with a large part of the city. of Riverside. Only the Democratic north side of Riverside remains in the new 36th District. The San Bernardino side of the district - usually more favorable to Democrats - was expanded. Now, nearly three-quarters of the district vote comes from San Bernar- dino County. The district extends westward to On- tario, which has grown into a booming, industrial city of 88,000, supporting a major commercial airport and large Lockheed and General Electric plants. In recent years, with jobs in the local defense plants hanging in the balance, Ontario voters have turned increasingly toward Republican candidates, breeder reactor. He sought to kill it in commit- tee in 1977, joined the Carter administration in trying to deny funds for it in 1979, and was on the winning side as the Science Committee voted against it in early 1981. Later the full House voted against Clinch River, although it was kept alive in a House-Senate conference. In the 97th Congress, however, Brown's most visible role was on the Agriculture Com- mittee, as the frustrated chairman of the sub- committee handling renewal of the Federal Insecticide, Fungicide and Rodenticide Act. That argument pitted pesticide manufacturers against environmentalists demanding more regulation of the industry. Brown was the ref- eree, but he was not a happy one. "If this ever comes up again while I am on the committee," he said at one point, "I hope you will refer it to another subcommittee." As the bill left Agriculture in 1982, it had two provisions that the pesticide industry wanted but Brown did not particularly like. One would have limited public access to in- formation about potentially dangerous chemi- San Bernardino; Riverside both statewide and congressional. The new 36th takes in all of San Ber- nardino', 118,000 inhabitants. More than 50 miles from Los Angeles, the city once marked the eastern terminus for the big red trolley cars of Los Angeles' Pacific Electric interurban rail system. Today, San Bernardino residents have little contact with the Los Angeles area. A' fruit-packing center in the 1930s, San Ber- nardino now forces its citrus industry to share space with the many electronics and aerospace firms in the area, as well as the Kaiser Steel Corporation's blast furnace in nearby Fontana. The steelworkers and the employees at the large Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe railroad yards in San Bernar- dino usually provide enough votes to put the city and nearby Rialto and Colton into the Democratic column. Population: 528,091. White 404,144 (77%), Black 42,407 (8%), American In- dian, Eskimo and Aleut 6,179 (1%), Asian and Pacific Islander 7,685 (1%). Spanish origin 123,049 (23%). 18 and over 363,372 (69%), 65 and over 48,660 (9%). Median age: 27. cals; the other would have restricted state con- trol over the industry. Both provisions were eventually removed on the House floor, with. Brown's approval, and the bill passed the House easily. But it died in the Senate. On other domestic issues, Brown has been casting liberal votes, much as he did during the 1960s. But on a few occasions, he has cast pragmatic pro-defense votes he might have denounced a decade ago. In 1980 he began voting for production of the B-1 bomber. "If the B-1 was being built in some other state," he explained afterward, "and I didn't have two Air Force bases and a lot of retired military people who feel strongly about the B-1, I'd probably have voted the other way." At Home: Brown's 1970 Senate campaign divides his electoral career the same way it has split his Washington career. Before 1970, Brown's political career revolved around the heavily Hispanic community of Monterey Park. The more recent phases have focused on mid- dle-class politics in San Bernardino, 50 miles east. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152ROO0400530001-4 California - 36th District Born in a small town in California's Impe- rial Valley, Brown moved to Los Angeles to attend college, then settled in Monterey Park after getting his physics degree. While working for the Los Angeles city government, he began to dabble in Monterey Park politics, and moved from the Monterey Park Democratic Club to the town's mayoralty. After four years on the City Council and in the mayor's office, he was elected to the state Assembly, where he focused on housing issues. In 1962 the new 29th Congressional Dis- trict was created on Brown's home turf. He easily defeated two strong primary opponents and Republican H. L. "Bill" Richardson in the general election. Once he developed his reputation as an anti-war leader, Brown attracted a series of opponents - Democrats and Republicans - who challenged him on the Vietnam issue. His closest call came in 1966 against Republican Bill Orozco, who capitalized on his Mexican- American heritage and support for the guber- natorial campaign of Ronald Reagan. Brown won by 3,000 votes out of 135,000 cast. In 1968 Orozco ran again. But redistricting had added territory on the district's east side, giving Brown more Anglo voters, and even though Republicans made it a high priority contest, Brown doubled his plurality. Still, it was clear Brown would have tough races in future years. Rather than run again for what had be- come a marginal seat, Brown decided in 1970 to take on GOP Sen. George Murphy. But to do that he had to wage a primary against fellow U.S. Rep. John V. Tunney, son of former boxing champion Gene Tunney. After American troops invaded Cambodia that spring, polls began to show Brown moving into a slight lead over Tunney, who had been much less outspoken in his opposition to the war. Brown called for the impeachment of President Nixon because of the invasion. Tun- ney then turned his aim on -Brown, accusing him of being a radical and advocating student violence. Brown attempted to deflect what he termed Tunney's "dirty" tactics, but failed and lost by a 42-33 percent margin. However, Brown exacted a revenge of sorts. His description of his opponent as the "lightweight son of the heavyweight champ" became part of California political folklore and helped end Tunney's career in 1976. Brown's political resurrection came just two years after his failed Senate bid, in a newly created district in the San Bernardino-River- side area. There it was middle-class white con- servatives, not Mexican-Americans, who caused problems for Brown. The 1972 Democratic primary in the new district was one of the fiercest battles in the state that year. Brown was attacked, as an extreme liberal and as a carpetbagger by David Tunno, a Tunney protege, and by the conserva- tive chairman of the San Bernardino County Board, Ruben Ayala. But Brown won the eight- candidate primary by finishing second in all three parts of the district. His 28 percent of the vote was not very impressive, but it was enough to get him on the fall ballot as the Democratic candidate. The district was then about 63 per- cent Democratic in registration, and he was an easy winner in November. After the 1974 redistricting put more of fast-growing and conservative Riverside County into the district, Brown had to rely increasingly on the portion of his district in San' Bernardino County to carry him. In 1980, fac- ing Republican John Paul Stark, a conservative whose organization came largely from the Cam- pus Crusade for Christ, Brown was held below a majority in Riverside for the fast time. His vote in San Bernardino County remained safely above 55 percent, allowing him to survive with 53 percent overall. Brown's 1980 showing landed him on just about every Republican and New Right target- ing list for 1982. Stark, whose performance the first time had given him credibility as a candi- date, came back with the same corps of funda- mentalists enthusiastically staffing his cam- paign. The Republican establishment, eager to do in a liberal in a part of Southern California that seemed to have abandoned liberalism, threw substantial support Stark's way. But Brown was not to be caught napping twice. He began spending heavily on his cam- paign in 1981, firming up his base of support in friendly areas and wooing voters in more mar- ginal communities. Severe economic problems made his attack on Stark's adherence to GOP economic policies all the sharper. On Election Day, Brown did about a per- centage point better than he had done within slightly different district lines two years before. But the results masked a significant change. Redistricting had left Brown with only Demo- cratic areas of Riverside and had added more of San Bernardino County to the district. This time, Brown's greatest strength lay in Riverside County, where he pulled 57 percent of the vote; he took the San Bernardino portion by a much narrower margin. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152ROO0400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Committees Agricufure (5th of 26 Democrats) Department Operations. Research and Foreign Agriculture (chairman); forests, Family Farms and Energy. Science and Technology (3rd of 26 Democrats) Natural Resources, Agriculture Research and Environment; Sci- ence, Research and Technology; Space Science and Applica- tions. 1982 General George Brown Jr. (D) 76.546 (54%) John Stark (R) 64.361 (46%) 1982 Primary George Brown Jr. (D) 38,054 (74%) Ron Hibble (D) 5.742 (11%) Jimmy Pineda (D) 7,382 (14%) 1980 General George Brown Jr. (D) 88.634 (53'/.) John Stark (R) 73.252 (43%) Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (63%) 1978 (62%) 1974 (63%) 1972 (56%) 1988 (52%) 1888 (51%) 1961 (59?/.) 1982 (56%) District Vote For President 1980 1976 D 58,253 (40X) D 73,491 (57?/.) R 74,870 (51%) R 53,212 (42%) I 10.847 ( 7%) Campaign Finance Receipts Receipts from PACs Expend- itures 1982 Brown (0) $413,482 $120,485 (29%) $428,305 Stark (R) $193,208 $55,075 (29%) $181,294 1980 Brown (D) $86,317 $27,646 (32%) 584.680 Stark (R) $28,497 $875 ( 3%) $28,103 Voting Studies ' Presidential Party Conservative Support Unity Coalition Year 8 0 8 0 . 8 0 1992 32 51 85 5 12 79 Goorgo E. Br own Jr., D-C alif- 1981 38 57 77 10 19 75 1980 69 15 82 5 8 77 1979 74 13 83 5 10 75 1978 76 13 74 9 7 79 1971 . 70 14 81 4 6 78 1978 31 59 73 8 18 69 1975 37 60 81 10 11 76 1974 (Ford) 33 46 1974 28 47 70 8 11 68 1973 30 61 82 8 10 80 1972 - - 1971 1970 29 31 39 15 2 36 1969 17 36 64 9 7 ' 69 1968 41 16 43 7 1 39 1967 54 14 55 13 11 65 1996 42 11 46 8 5 43 1965 78 4 85 1 2 86 1964 81 2 73 2 0 67 1993 75 6 77 2 0 60 Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) N Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y Index income taxes (1981) N Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N Delete MX funding (1982) Y Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y Interest Group Ratings Yesr ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1982 75 5 94 29 1981 85 5 86 12 1980 94 10 82 52 1979 84 0 74 12 1978 70 8 79 13 1977 80 4 90 6 1976 80 19 79 13 1975 89 4 100 24 1974 91 0 100 0 1973 86 13 91 18 1972 - - - - 1971 - - - - 1970 88 17 100 13 1969 87 25 89 - 1968 83 16 100 - 1967 87 11 100 11 1966 82 11 100 1965 95 0 - 10 1964 92 0 100 - 1963 - 0 - - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Vkg/nla - 5th Diat'rkt Dan Daniel (D) Of Danville - Elected 1968 Born: May 12,.1914, Chatham, Va. Education: Attended Danville H.S. Military Career. Navy, 1944. Occupation: Textile company executive. Family: Wife, Ruby McGregor; one child. Religion: Baptist. Political Career. Va. House, 1959-69. Capitol Office: 2368 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-4711. In Washington: Daniel has been a quiet, courtly hawk at Armed Services, voting unob- trusively for the highest possible level of de- fense funding. In recent years he has begun to take on a new role, as critic of Pentagon bud- geting practices. In 1978 he took over as chairman of a select subcommittee to examine "NATO stan- dardization, " the drive of Ford and Carter administration officials to reduce the number of different kinds of equipment being used to defend Europe. The next year, his panel issued a report complaining that standardization was forcing American troops in the field to depend on inferior European equipment and that the Pen- tagon should insist on top quality purchases regardless of cost. That led Daniel to the issue of readiness. During the 96th Congress, he and Democrat Bob Can of Michigan, one of the committee's handful of Pentagon critics, teamed up to de- mand more funds for basic maintenance in the defense budget. They argued that money was being diverted from maintenance to pay for new weapons. In 1980, Congress enacted a Daniel-spon- sored requirement that maintenance be given its own separate section in each defense au- thorization bill. In 1981 Daniel became chair- man of a new Armed Services subcommittee established to handle that part of the bill. Daniel has favored letting the Pentagon buy planes and missiles in large lots, spread over several years. In the past, it has contracted separately for each year's batch of weapons. Pentagon officials have asked for the multi- year approach, arguing it would lower the cost of weapons, and Daniel has backed them up. His support.for multi-year procurement has brought him into conflict with Jack Brooks of Texas, the Government Operations chairman, who feels that approach essentially removes an important tool of congressional control. Daniel rarely talks about subjects outside the military field. Despite a friendly personal relationship with Speaker O'Neill, he seldom gives the Democratic leadership a vote on any major issue. He backed all of President Rea- gan's economic programs in the 97th Congress. The one non-military initiative Daniel has mounted in recent years dealt with loyalty to the U.S. government. A constituent of Daniel's who was a member of the Communist Workers' Party applied for a federally funded job under the Comprehensive Employment and Training Act (CETA). Daniel offered an amendment to two budget resolutions banning CETA employ- ment for anyone advocating the violent over- throw of the federal government. The woman insisted she did not personally advocate such a thing, but the restriction became law. At Home: Daniel is more comfortable philosophically with his Republican colleagues in the Virginia delegation than the new breed of Democrats elected in 1982. He admits that his Democratic seniority is the main reason he has not joined the GOP himself. Daniel has come a long way. The son of a sharecropper, he started his career at a Dan- ville textile mill as a blue-collar worker and ended it as assistant to the chairman of the board. While he is not a dynamic force in Con- gress, he has cut a large figure in state and national civic organizations, serving as presi- dent of the Virginia state Chamber of Com- merce and national commander of the Ameri- can Legion. A'Dixiecrat in many respects, Daniel was a leader in the state's short-lived resistance to desegregation in the 1950s. In the following decade, he was a Byrd machine stalwart in the state Legislature. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Virginia 5 The 5th is in the heart of Virginia's rural "Southside," a largely agricultural re- gion that more closely resembles the Deep South than any other part of the state. It is relatively poor and has a substantial black population. Tobacco and soybeans are ma- jor crops, but this region lacks the rich soil of the Tidewater. , Though the 5th continues to support conservative Democrats like Daniel, it has long refused to vote for more liberal Demo- cratic candidates at the state and national level. It was one of only two districts in Virginia to back George C. Wallace in 1968 and has not supported a Democrat for presi- dent in more than a quarter-century. Barry Goldwater carried it in 1964 with 51 percent of the vote. In the closely contested U.S. Senate race in 1982, the district went narrowly for Republican Rep. Paul S. Trible Jr. over Democratic Lt. Gov. Richard J. Davis. The district's largest city is Danville, (population 45,642), a tobacco market and textile center on the North Carolina border. Ronald Reagan received 61 percent of the vote in Danville in 1980. The residents of Daniel came to Congress in 1968, when veteran Democratic Rep. William M. Tuck, a former governor and staunch conservative, re- tired and endorsed him. While George C. Wal- lace was carrying the district in the year's South - Danville the city and those of surrounding Pittsylvania County, which Reagan took by 2-to-1, make up about one-fifth of the dis- trict's population. Most of the people in the 5th are scat- tered through farming areas and a few fac- tory towns. Most of these areas normally vote Republican at the statewide level. The best area for Democratic candidates is Henry County; with nearly 58,000 residents, it is the second most populous county in the district after Pittsylvania, its eastern neigh- bor. Jimmy Carter won it with 49 percent in 1980. In the 1982 Senate race, Davis took the county with 53 percent of the vote. To the north, the district takes in part of Lynchburg. That section of Lynchburg and its southern neighbor, Campbell County, are strongly conservative areas where Reagan won two-thirds of the 1980 vote. Population: 531,308. White 398,091 (75%), Black 131,482125%). Spanish origin 3,753 (1%). 18 and over 382,312 (72%), 65 and over 63,859 (12%). Median age: 32. presidential balloting, Daniel easily outdis- tanced his Republican and black independent opponents with 55 percent of the vote. He faced a feeble GOP challenge in 1970 and no one has filed against him since. Committees Armed Services (5th o128 Democrats) Readiness (chairman); Investigations. 1982 General Dan Daniel (D) 1990 General Dan Daniel (D) Unopposed Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (100%) 1978 (100%) 1974 (99%) 1972 (100%) 1970 (73%) 1968 (55%) District Vote For President 1960 1978 D 73.569 (42%) D 77.138(48%) R 97,203 (55%) R 78.306 (49%) 1 3,660 (2%) 1677 33 66 19 81 97 3 1976 75 25 12 68 98 1 1975 70 30 15 64 98 1 1974 (Ford) 56 44 1974 64 36 16 841 93 6 1973 66 34 19 81 100 0 1972 57 41 17 80 94 6 1971 77 23 25 74 97 2 1970 64 36( 24 74 91 - 19119 45 55 20 76 96 2 S - Support 0 - opposition tNotaligIble for all recorded votes. Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) Legal services reauthorization (1981) Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Index Income taxes (1981) Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Delete MX funding (1982) Campaign Finance Receipts Receipts from PACs Expend- hum 19{2 Daniel (D) $74,954 $51,965 (690%) $24,084 1980 Daniel(D) $20,383 $18,010 (88%) $7,747 Voting Studies Presidential Party Conservative support Unity Coalition Veer 8 0 a 0 a 0 1992 70 19 19 76 88 4 1981 78 20 15 81 93 4 1980 37 62 27 70 93 3 1979 30 69 15 82 94 4 1979 22 75 16 81 95 2 Retain existing cap on congressiorW salaries (1982) N Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1982 5 77 11 71 1981 0 83 13 89 1980 6 92 11 82 1979 5 100 10 100 1978 0 96 5 89 1977 0 93 9 94 1976 5 96 13 88 Y 1975 0 100 4 Be N 1974 0 80 0 90 N 1973 4 85 18 100 Y 1972 0 100 10 100 Y 1971 3 93 8 - 7 1970 0 79 14 100 N 1989 7 94 20 - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 ? Dave McCurdy (D) Of Norman - Elected 1980 Born: March 30, 1950, Canadian, Texas. Education: U. of Okla., B.A. 1972, J.D. 1975. Military Career. Air Force Reserves, 1968-72. Occupation: Lawyer. Family: Wife, Pamela Plumb; two children. Religion: Lutheran. Political Career: Okla. asst. state attorney general, 1975-77. Capitol Office: 313 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-6165. In Washington: With as many military bases as McCurdy has in his district, he could vote unflinchingly for just about any increase in the defense budget and provoke very little criticism from constituents. But as a member of Armed Services, he has taken a relatively skep- tical approach toward much of what the Penta- gon tells Congress. On the House floor in 1981, McCurdy said, "We have a lot of catching up to do" before achieving military balance with the Soviet Union. But then he added: "We owe it to the taxpayers to hold the Defense Department's feet to the fire to bring order and discipline to the procurement process." McCurdy's- interest in procurement poli- cies earned him a spot on a special Armed Services panel set up in 1981 to study that subject. He was chosen chairman of the panel and presided over testimony from more than 100 witnesses during 18 days of hearings. In 1982 McCurdy sponsored a floor amendment requiring the Defense Department to report to Congress on any weapon system with a cost increase of 15 percent or more. President Reagan's popularity exerted a rightward pull on McCurdy in the 97th Con- gress, but he did break occasionally from the White House and the Boll Weevils to vote as a national Democrat. He opposed the Reagan budget in 1981. "A lot of people say this vote is political suicide for me," McCurdy conceded before casting it. Liberal Democrats hope McCurdy's con- vincing 1982 re-election will embolden him to move closer to the party's center. But he will still be likely to display the sort of Sun Belt conservatism that led him in 1982 to propose the "Lobster Profit Sharing Act" in response to an oil severance tax offered by the Northeast- Midwest coalition. The coalition wanted to levy the tax on domestically produced crude and use the money to help rebuild aging cities in energy- poor areas. McCurdy said the plan was "noth- ing short of proclaiming civil war" on oil- producing states like Oklahoma, and he countered with a tongue-in-cheek plan to tax the lobster industry in northeastern coastal states and send the money to the lobster- starved Southwest and other areas. At Home: When McCurdy began his 1980 campaign, he was unknown throughout most of his district. A former assistant attorney general with a law practice in Norman, he had never run for office before and had not been active in Democratic Party affairs. But what McCurdy lacked in political ex- perience he made up for in hustle. Enlisting help from several longtime backers of retiring Democratic Rep. Tom Steed, he built his own grass-roots organization. That network and his appeal as a "fresh face" enabled McCurdy to come within 5,000 votes of veteran state Rep. James B. Townsend in the primary, and over- take him in the runoff. The general election race was just as tight. The GOP nominated Howard Rutledge, a re- tired Navy captain and former prisoner of war in Vietnam whose calls for strengthening de- fense capability endeared him to the district's sizable community of military employees and retirees. But McCurdy held on, winning enough support for his conservative economic themes to win by 2,906 votes. Seeking revenge, Rutledge returned in 1982, claiming he had done his "homework" by tracking conservative Democrats who might be persuaded to cross party lines. Rutledge com- mercials painted McCurdy as a profligate lib- eral. But McCurdy carried all 12 counties in the 4th, firmly establishing his hold on the district with 65 percent of the vote. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152ROO0400530001-4 ? Oklahoma 4 This slice of southwestern Oklahoma maintains a military presence that no politi- cian can afford to forget for very long. In addition to Altus Air Force Base and the Army's Fort Sill, near the Texas border, map makers stretched the boundaries in 1981 to take in Tinker Air Force Base, just east of Oklahoma City. With a combined civilian and military staff of 24,000, Tinker is Oklahoma's largest single-site employer. Its inclusion reinforces the 4th's conserva- tive sentiment. Despite the military orientation, Demo- cratic candidates usually carry the 4th; Sen. David Boren polled 72 percent of its vote - his best showing statewide - in his 1978 Senate bid. But two years later Ronald Reagan carried the district and helped Re- publican Senate nominee Don Nickles take the 4th by a narrow margin. The GOP's surest foothold lies at the district's northern end, in the Oklahoma City suburbs of Moore and Midwest City. In recent years, Oklahoma's energy boom has brought new oil and gas b'tsi- Committees Armed Services (17th of 28 Democrats) Procurement and Military Nuclear Systems: Readiness. Science and Technology (16th of 26 Democrats) Energy Development and Applications; Science. Research and Technology. Select Intelligence (9th of 9 Democrats) Program and Budget Authorization. Elections 1982 General - Dave McCurdy (D) 84,205 (65%) Howard Rutledge (R) 44,351 (34%) 1980 General Dave McCurdy(D) 74,245 (51%) Howard Rutledge (R) 71,339 (49%) District Vote For President 1980 1976 D 58,544 (36%) D 82,330 (54%) R 95.129 (60%) R 67.060 (44%) 1 6.778 ( 4%) Campaign Finance Receipts Expend- Receipts from PACs Iturse 1982 McCurdy(D) $333,815 $112,564 (34%). $315,203 Rutledge (R) $207.008 $22,550 (11%) $181.220 Southwest - part of Oklahoma City nesses to the many of the district's south- western counties. Map makers increased the district's share of cotton and cattle terri- tory, bringing in farmland in Garvin, Ste- phens. Jefferson and Cotton counties. Eco- nomic growth also is occurring at the 4th's northern end in Norman, where the the University of Oklahoma is drawing high- technology industries. Much of the district's 24 percent popu- lation growth in the past decade came in the counties close to Oklahoma City, including Cleveland, McClain and Grady. With 80,000 people, Lawton (Comanche County) is the 4th's largest city and a commercial center of southwest Oklahoma; Fort Sill is located nearby. Population: 505,869. White 441,346 (87%). Black 31,953 (6%), American In- dian, Eskimo and Aleut 15,603 (3%), Asian and Pacific Islander 5,256 0%). Spanish origin 16,368 0%). 18 and over 356,658 (71%), 65 and over 47,534 (9%). Median age: 27. 1980 McCurdy(D) $232,293 $39,900 (17%) $229.248 Rutledge (R) $164.589 $21,340 (13%) $163.351 Voting Studies Presidential Support Party Unity Conservative Coalition Year S 0 S 0 S 0 1982 58 36 48 43 79 19 1981 57 42 55 43 88 12 S = Support 0 = Opposition Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) N Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y Index income taxes (1981) Y Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y DJlete MX funding (1982) Y Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1982 25 64 28 62 1981 35 57 60 37 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152ROO0400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 New Jersey = 6th District ? Bernard J. Dwyer (D) Of Edison - Elected 1980 Born: Jan. 24, 1921, Perth Amboy, N.J. Education: Attended Rutgers U. Military Career. Navy, 1940-45. Occupation: Insurance salesman. Family: Wife, Lilyan Sudzina; one child. Religion: Roman Catholic. Political Career. Edison Township Council, 1958-69; Edison mayor, 1969-73; N.J. Senate, 1974-80, major- ity leader, 1980. Capitol Office: 404 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-6301. In Washington Elected to Congress at age 59 after decades of loyal service to the Middlesex County Democratic organization, Dwyer slid right into the groove established by Edward J. Patten, his Democratic predecessor. He picked up Patten's staff, his seat on the Appropriations Committee and even his assign- ment on the Labor, Health and Human Ser- vices Subcommittee. About the only thing he did not assume was Patten's clownish personal- ity. He is as quiet and low-key as his predeces- sor was loud and roisterous. Dwyer's reputation as an unassuming party loyalist helped him when he decided to try for Patten's slot on Appropriations in 1981. There was only one opening for a first-term member, and several other freshmen were com- peting actively for the position. Of all the candidates, though, Dwyer was the one whose background virtually guaranteed that he would deliver his vote when the leadership asked. After strenuous lobbying on his behalf by fel- low New Jersey Democrat Robert A. Roe, Dwyer won the post. On the committee, Dwyer has specialized in higher education Rutgers, New Jersey's state university, is in his district - and health matters. When Reagan administration funding cuts threatened the alcoholism research pro- gram that had been established at Rutgers, Dwyer made sure the project was protected. He also included money in the National Institutes of Health appropriations package to be used to upgrade health research equipment at universi- ties and facilities funded by the National Insti- tutes. Like many other House members from heavily ethnic districts, Dwyer peppers, the Congressional Record with insertions on such matters as Soviet annexation of the Baltic states and human rights violations in Byelorus- sia. But he almost never says anything on the floor himself. His sole speech during his first term in Congress was on behalf of a resolution he had introduced honoring the Ukrainian Hel- sinki Watch Group; the measure passed in mid- 1982. At Home: Dwyer was known in the New Jersey Senate as a legislative tactician who avoided the public spotlight and preferred be- hind-the-scenes maneuvering. His most notable individual accomplish- ments attracted little public attention. Dwyer pushed through a ban on state government purchase of imported cars and a $50 million bond issue to weatherize state buildings. Much of his work was done at the Joint Appropria- tions Committee, which he chaired at one point during his Senate career. In his 1980 campaign to succeed Patten, Dwyer held off primary and general election opponents with the confidence born of solid organization support in a district where that still means a great deal. As the candidate of the Middlesex County Democratic organization, Dwyer let the party do most of the work for him. In contrast, William O'Sullivan Jr. was the candidate of a badly divided local GOP. He also was outspent by Dwyer 3-to-1. Some excitement was generated when op- ponents accused Dwyer, an insurance salesman, of using his clout to get a no-bid county insur- ance contract. However, Dwyer was able to deflate the issue by producing a letter from the state Senate Ethics Committee approving his conduct. In his first re-election campaign, in 1982, Dwyer faced Republican Bertram L. Buckler, a construction company executive. Dwyer won 68 percent of the vote. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 "? i$anard J. Dlrrryar, D-N.J. New Jersey 6 Exxon's giant Bayway refinery, with its flaring gas and oppressive stench, is respon- sible for much of New Jersey's image prob- lem. Travelers seeing the refinery from the turnpike wonder why anyone would live near it. But thousands of the 6th's voters do. They are predominantly white ethnics and Hispanics, many of them within sight and smell of the refinery complex. The 6th extends for miles beyond the refinery and the turnpike. Covering most of industrial Middlesex County, it tradition- ally has been a rich source of votes for the Democratic Party. On the congressional level, the Middlesex constituency has been reliably Democratic since 1961. Before that, the county was split between two Republi- can districts. In state and national elections, how- ever, partisanship is far from solid. Middle- sex, which solidly supported John F. Ken- nedy in 1960, barely went for Jimmy Carter in 1976 and voted for Ronald Reagan in 1980. In the 1981 gubernatorial election, the county gave Democrat James J. Florio only Central - New Brunswick, Perth Amboy a scant plurality. Middlesex is a place where heavy things are made. The closer one gets to the Arthur Kill, separating New Jersey and Staten Is- land, the heavier and dirtier the industry becomes. Bleak Perth Amboy, now 40 per- cent Hispanic, illustrates the economic problems troubling this industrial belt. A Canadian company opened a new steel plant there in 1977, but recent layoffs have dashed any hopes it would spark a resur- gence. The presence of Rutgers University and a one-quarter black population keep New Brunswick thoroughly Democratic. Though parts of the city are faded, Johnson & Johnson is leading an effort to revitalize New Brunswick by building its new head- quarters in the middle of downtown.. Population: 523,798. White 458,270 (88%), Black 42,240 (8%), Asian and Pa- cific Islander 9,699 (2%). Spanish origin 33,393 (6%). 18 and over 392,465 (75%), 65 and over 48,773 (9%). Median age: 31. 1980 Committees Dwyer(D) $154,996 $52,500 (34%) $149,141 Appropriations (31st of 36 Democrats) d O'Sullivan Jr.(R) $55,264 $23,376 (42%) $53,055 Commerce, Justice, State and the Judiciary; Labor-Health an Human Services-Education. Voting Studies Presidential Party Conservative Support Unity Coalition Year 9 0 S 0 S 0 1982 General Bernard J. Dwyer (D) 100,418 (68%) 1982 39 57 94 5 22 1981 41 57 93 5 16 78 83 Bertram Buckler (R) 46,093 (31%) 1980 General - Bernard J Dwyer (D) 92,457 (53%) Key Votes . (R) William O'Sullivan Jr 75.812 (44%) Reagan budget proposal (1981) N . District Vote For President lue 41%) D 113.745 87 5530 (52'/.) Legal services reauthorization (1981) Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Index income taxes (1981) Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) 1982) t d d b Y N y N , ( D R 107,163 (50%) R 101.923 1 14,533 ( 7%) (46%) ( u ge Amend Constitution to require balance Delete MX funding (1982) Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) n (1982) ll V N y Campaign Finance o Increase gas tax by 5 cents per ga Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) y Reuipts Expend- Receipts from PACs Ituree Interest Group Ratings Yur ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1982 075 (74%) $50,131 019 $59 Dwyer (D) $80 1982 90 13 90 27 , . Buckler (R) $27,817 0 $27,489 1991 75 13 93 22 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Now York - 28th District Matthew F. McHugh (D) Of Ithaca - Elected 1974 Born: Dec. 6, 1938, Philadelphia, Pa. Education: Mount St. Mary's College, B.S. 1960; Villanova Law School, J.D. 1963. Occupation: Lawyer. Family: Wife, Eileen Alanna Higgins; three children. Religion: Roman Catholic. Political Career- Tompkins County District Attorney, 1969-72. Capitol Office: 2335 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-6335. In Washington: McHugh's quiet, serious pragmatism has made him a major player in the appropriations process and a figure of real respect among House Democrats. A man who wears a plain dark suit and a somber expres- sion. he is not one of the more conspicuous younger members. But he has the implicit trust of most members, and he is unflappable even in the midst of the most trying negotiations. He has found himself in a sensitive posi- tion on the Appropriations subcommittee that handles foreign aid. A strong personal sup- porter of Israel, he has sometimes had to nego- tiate between that country's even more militant backers and the growing anti-foreign aid fac- tion in the House. Most of the time, even getting a foreign aid bill passed has been a difficult struggle. In 1981 McHugh was a key player in bringing together a coalition that passed the first regular appropriation in three years. With a Republican president in office, conservative House Republicans who had attacked foreign aid for years suddenly came to its defense, and McHugh welcomed their support. As the pro- cess moved forward, McHugh emerged as the key man on the Democratic side, often eclips- ing Clarence Long of Maryland, the sub- committee's eccentric and unpredictable chair- man. Differences remained, though, over the character of the aid. McHugh has long been a strong supporter of development aid, and par- ticularly the International Development Asso- ciation (IDA), the arm of the World Bank that makes loans to the poorest nations. Conserva- tives have long opposed IDA, because it lends to communist nations. But President Reagan came to office vowing to fulfill the U.S. obliga- tion to pay $3.24 billion to IDA. McHugh negotiated through most of the summer of 1981, finally persuading the com- mittee to approve Reagan's request of $850 million for IDA in 1982. On the floor, some conservatives rebelled and tried to cut the appropriation to $500 million; McHugh reluc- tantly supported a compromise of $725 million, and held together the coalition. The figure was later cut to $700 million. Warning that the coalition in support of the measure was fragile, McHugh succeeded in blocking any further attempts to cut multilat- eral aid. He fought an amendment to prohibit "indirect" aid to certain communist nations. The next year, the coalition splintered. McHugh and other influential Democrats were dismayed over the administration's request for increased military aid for 1983 and a supple- ment to the aid already passed for 1982. Mc- Hugh balked, saying the administration "should have known that people on this side would be deeply offended." Democrats on the panel succeeded in blocking the aid request. Later that year, though, McHugh helped form a coalition to approve $350 million for President Reagan's Caribbean Basin Initiative. The aid was approved as part of a measure Reagan vetoed; Congress overrode the veto. Despite the frustrating year in 1982, Mc- Hugh seemed hopeful that a bipartisan coali- tion could be resurrected for the 98th Congress. But he warned that "the administration has to have the support of Democrats, moderate to progressive Democrats.... Our interests and concerns have to be taken into account." McHugh assumed leadership on foreign aid in 1978, his first year on the subcommittee. He and Wisconsin Democrat David R. Obey led the successful fight for the Carter administra- tion's $7.4 billion foreign aid request, over the Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 ? New York 28 The elongated 28th reaches from high above Cayuga's waters to high above those of the Hudson. The Triple Cities of Binghamton, John- son City and Endicott are industrial but politically marginal. This is the area in which Thomas J. Watson located his first IBM plant, and it still reflects some of the corporate paternalism the Watson family practiced for generations. Of the three, only Binghamton has a Democratic advantage in registration, and the difference there is small. In all three cities, conservative work- ing-class voters, many of them Italian, join with white-collar technicians and profes- sionals to form a potent bloc for the GOP. Binghamton elects Democrats to the New York Assembly but its state senator is the Senate's Republican leader. The small towns and farms of rural Delaware and Tioga counties add to the Republican totals. McHugh's political base is Tompkins County, site of Cornell University in Ithaca. Cornell dominates Ithaca economically and politically. The picturesque Ivy League school, sitting on a hill overlooking Lake Cayuga, keeps the city Democratic and rela- tively liberal. The rural parts of the county objections of Long, who wanted to slash the amount. When that bill went to conference, Long and other House negotiators were adamant against Senate language providing for aid to Syria. 11 finally became law after McHugh added a provision authorizing the president to approve aid to Syria only if he thought it would "serve the process of peace in the Middle East." The next year, McHugh defending the entire foreign aid program on the House floor against budget-cutting assaults. When Ohio Republican Clarence E. Miller tried to reduce the funding by a flat 5 percent across-the- board, McHugh countered with a 2 percent reduction, exempting Egypt and Israel. That compromise passed. On his other subcommittee, Agriculture Appropriations, McHugh defends his district's dairy farmers while pursuing some of his liberal social values. He was a strong advocate of distributing surplus cheese and butter to the poor. Southern Tier - Binghamton; Ithaca have a Republican tilt. . Sullivan County, the northern portion of which is in the 28th, is the only section of the district where Democrats enjoy a party registration majority, although the county frequently votes for statewide and national Republican candidates. Heavily Jewish, it contains many resort hotels, including Grossinger's. The presence of Sullivan County in the district makes McHugh's support for Israel not only politically feasi- ble but helpful. Redistricting consolidated Ulster County in the 28th, uniting portions of the county previously split among three dis- tricts. The eastern portion includes the county seat, Democratic-leaning Kingston, a textile town of 24,481 people. The county's other Democratic pocket - a small one - lies in Woodstock, the artists' colony that gave its name to the celebrated 1969 rock festival that actually was held in Bethel. Population: 516,808. White 493,022 (95%), Black 14,337 (3%), Asian and Pa- cific Islander 4,313 (1%). Spanish origin 9,23] (2%). 18 and over 382,593 (74%), 65 and over 63,593 (12%). Median age: 30. Outside the Appropriations Committee, McHugh has remained committed to the re- formist politics on which he and most of his 1974 class initially won election. In 1977, when there was discussion over a bill to provide partial public financing of House general elec- tions, McHugh pushed for something stronger. He introduced his own bill covering primaries as well as general elections and sharply reduc- ing private spending levels. The next year, he called for a new Demo- cratic Caucus rule requiring a vote in the caucus on whether any member disciplined by the House or convicted of a felony should retain his post. It was passed, with some modi- fications. Later the caucus approved a rule requiring indicted chairmen to step aside tem- porarily. Beyond McHugh's personal reserve lies a reservoir of ambition. To make it to the Appro- priations Committee in 1978, he had to win the support of the New York state Democratic delegation. That was a difficult task because the delegation is New York City-dominated, Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 and the seat's previous occupant was from Manhattan. There was already an active candi- date from the city, James H. Scheuer. But McHugh campaigned assiduously and defeated Scheuer, 14-11, drawing several city votes. He was less successful in 1980, when he tried to become chairman of the House Demo- cratic Caucus. The other candidates, Gillis W. Long and Charlie Rose, were both Southerners, and he saw an opening for a moderate liberal from the Northeast. But he started late, and in challenging Long, he was up against one of the most popular members. McHugh finished a distant third, with 41 votes to 146 for Long and 53 for Rose. In the 98th Congress, though, he has his first important leadership position - as chair- man of the Democratic Study Group, the orga- nization of liberal and moderate Democrats in the House. McHugh won it without opposition. At Home: McHugh's victory in the 1974 Democratic sweep made him the first Democrat to represent the Binghamton area in this cen- tury. He succeeded a popular Republican, Howard W. Robison, promising to carry on in Committees Appropriations (20th of 36 Democrats) Agriculture; Rural Development and Related Agencies; Foreign Operations. Select Children, Youth and Families (5th of 16 Democrats) 1982 General Matthew F. McHugh (D) 100,665 (56%) David Crowley (R) 75.991 (43%) 1960 General Matthew F. McHugh (D) 103,863 (55%) Neil Wallace (R) 83,096 (44%) Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (56%) 1979 (67%) 1974 (53%) District Vote For President. 1980 1976 D 83.039 (38%) D 110,702 (48%) R 108.287 (49%) R 121,263 (52%) 1 24.117 (11%) Campaign Finance Receipts Receipts from PACs Expend- Huns 1982 McHu9h(D) $447,500 5137.702 (31%) $443,864 Crowley (R) $278,409 $92.821 (33%) $273.911 1960 McHugh (D) $333.196 $90.810 (27%) $321,219 Wallace (R) $187,876 $43,409 (23'!.) $186,537 Now York - 28th District the retiring Robison's moderate tradition. He was helped in that stance by the hard-line conservative campaign of his Republican oppo- nent, Binghamton Mayor Alfred Libous. In fact, Republicans have had a habit of putting up flawed challengers against McHugh. In 1978 and 1980, businessman Neil Tyler Wallace demonstrated an abrasive personality that cost him votes. In 1982 lawyer David F. Crowley seemed a bright and formidable chal- lenger until he committed a series of gaffes that doomed his candidacy. In an attempt to show how military spending could be cut, for in- stance, he suggested that the military's LAMPS III helicopter be scrapped. It turned out that a plant in the 28th District made parts for the aircraft. Before running for Congress, McHugh served as district attorney of Tompkins County, at the far western edge of the sprawl- ing district. As district attorney, he was popular with the Cornell University community in Ith- aca. He organized a local drug treatment facil- ity and demanded peaceful handling of student protests. Voting Studies Presidental Party Conservative Support Unity Coalition Year S 0 S 0 8 0 1962 39 53 89 8 19 81 1981 32 68 89 11 19 80 1980 76 20 88 8 11 84 1979 82 16 86 12 16 83 1978 84 15 84 13 12 87 197) 72 20 74 16 21 67 1976 24 75 87 11 18 77 1975 35 63 Be 7 11 86 S = Support 0 = Opposition Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) N Legal services reauthorization (1981) V Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) V Index income taxes 11981) N Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N Delete MX funding (1982) V Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) y Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1982 100 17 95 23 1981 95 8 73 11 1960 83 21 72 64 1979 89 4 90 13 1978 75 15 80 28 1977 70 10 80 33 1976 80 4 77 32 1975 95 7 95 6 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 is Robert A. Roe (D) Of Wayne - Elected 1969 Born: Feb. 28, 1924, Wayne, N.J. Education: Attended Ore. State U. and Wash. State U. Military Career. Army, World War II. Occupation: Construction company owner. Family: Single. Religion: Roman Catholic. Political Career. Wayne Township committeeman, 1955-56; mayor of Wayne Township, 1956-61; Pas- saic County freeholder, 1959-63; sought Democratic nomination for governor, 1977 and 1981. Capitol Office: 2243 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-5751. In Washington: Known for most of his House career as a stubborn and aggressive proponent of federal jobs programs, Roe changed his emphasis in the 97th Congress by giving up his Economic Development Sub- committee on Public Works to become chair- man of a subcommittee on water policy. It was a sensible move politically. New Jersey had been having serious drought prob- lems, and Roe was in the midst of a guberna- torial campaign in which he could draw useful attention with the issue. Roe also knew some- thing about water - he was a former state conservation commissioner, and he had been instrumental in the writing of the 1972 Water Pollution Control Act. The campaign did not turn out as Roe hoped it would. By June 1981, he was back in the House full-time, having finished a distant second in the Democratic primary behind his House colleague, James J. Florio. But Water Resources remains an important subcommit- tee, and Roe brings to it a different emphasis from the one it has had in the past. Most of the other water specialists at Pub- lic Works have been Southerners and Western- ers interested in authorizing as many new flood control and irrigation projects as possible for their parts of the country. Roe is more inter- ested in pollution and other urban water prob- lems, less likely to want to spend money on dams in sparsely populated parts of the coun- try. For most of the 97th Congress, Roe talked of the need for longterm reforms in federal water policy. No major changes were made, but the issue has not gone away. Roe's panel also devoted much of 1981 and 1982 to arguments over federal subsidies for sewage treatment. The Reagan administration wanted to scale sewage subsidies back drasti- cally, especially those used for planning sewage treatment facilities to deal with future growth. Roe initially opposed any efforts. to cut subsidies for ongoing sewage treatment pro- grams. "We're afraid the administration wants to reform the program out of existence," he complained, saying states had gone heavily into debt to finance them in the expectation of federal help. But the panel eventually did agree to cut back on the federal share of the money. For years before his subcommittee switch, Roe talked largely about public works jobs. Most urban Democrats of Roe's generation share his belief in public works as a cure for economic stagnation, but few pursued it with the zeal that he did, or maintained it as stub- bornly in the face of formidable opposition. It was Roe who inserted $2 billion in public works jobs money into President Carter's bill to expand the Economic Development Adminis- tration (EDA) in the 96th Congress. It was also Roe who jeopardized the entire package by his reluctance to accept it without the public works. The hybrid legislation passed the House in 1979 by a wide margin, but the Senate wanted the EDA bill only. Conferences were held off and on over the following year, but Roe would accept an agreement only if the jobs section remained in the bill. The Carter administra- tion, which did not want the jobs money, finally agreed. But the Senate was adamant against it. Just before Congress recessed for the 1980 election, Roe appeared willing to bargain. But when Ronald Reagan was elected president, Republicans said they preferred to wait on the entire proposal until the new administration took office, simultaneously dooming both EDA expansion and public works jobs. In 1975, the year he took over the Eco- Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152ROO0400530001-4 New Jersey 8 To Alexander Hamilton, the Great Falls of the Passaic River was an ideal location for a factory town. Then Treasury secretary, he set up the Society for Estab- lishing Useful Manufactures in 1791 to build Paterson. In time, the thriving "Silk City" be- came one of the world's leading textile pro- ducers, attracting Irish, Polish, Italian and Russian craftsmen to work the looms. It also played out a history of labor strife and strong unions whose influence lives on. Nowadays, though, much of the indus- try is gone, leaving widespread unemploy- ment and unsavory slums. A majority of the population is black or Hispanic, and there is chronic racial tension. In 1967 black boxer Rubin "Hurricane" Carter was found guilty of killing three white patrons in the La- fayette Grill in Paterson, and his conviction nearly provoked a riot. A decade later, the Lafayette Grill was called the Zodiac Lounge, and its clientele and neighborhood were exclusively black. Paterson still contains 25 percent of the district's electorate, despite its severe popu- lation decline, and it is firmly Democratic. The only recent exception has been the success of moderate Republican Lawrence "Pat" Kramer, the city's mayor for the late 1960s and much of .the 1970s. Kramer re- tired in 1982, after losing the 1981 GOP nomic Development Subcommittee, Roe man- aged his first major public works package, part of it aimed at creation of 250,000 jobs and part at stimulating investment. When the bill went to conference, he added an interesting new wrinkle - a provision, not discussed on the floor of either chamber, to make cities of 50,000 or more eligible to be economic redevelopment areas under legislation then a decade old. Roe's district is dominated by declining industrial cities of modest size. The bill was enacted in 1976 over President Ford's veto. By 1978, however, critics were complaining that the traditional public works jobs pro- grams, emphasizing capital spending, were wasteful. President Carter proposed $1 billion worth of new public works jobs, designed to be labor-intensive and focus on unemployment among the disadvantaged. Roe's solution was to approve that amount, and add his own $2 gubernatorial primary, and was replaced by a Democrat. Paterson and the rest of southern Pas- saic County provide the Democratic vote in the 8th. The Passaic County suburbs next to Paterson, such as Clifton and Haledon, are where the white ethnics went when they fled the city. They still vote Democratic. Down the Passaic River lies the city of Passaic, a smaller but equally troubled ver- sion of Paterson whose textile employment also has evaporated. In the northern half of the hourglass- shaped county, the terrain is more subur- ban. The subdivisions of Wayne Township usually vote Republican but have made an exception for favorite son Roe. Proceeding northwest from Wayne, however, suburban Bloomingdale and other suburbs cast a solid Republican vote. In Bergen County, the 8th includes Garfield and Wallington, two old mill towns. These communities have more in common with the blue-collar neighborhoods of Passaic County than with affluent Ber- gen. Population: 526,138. White 429,301 (82%), Black 60,361 (12%), Asian and Pa- cific Islander 5,696 (1 n ). Spanish origin 67,849 (13%). 18 and over 383,151 (73 rt ), 65 and over 61,931 (12%c ). Median age: 32. billion for capital-intensive jobs, which he said was needed to move Carter's program through the House. The legislation died at the end of the 95th Congress, setting the stage for the - EDA-jobs fight that occupied Roe and his subcommittee for most of the next two years. At Home: Pork barrel politics has en- deared Roe to his constituents, especially to the labor unions that benefit from the jobs his programs have created. Thanks to his public works legislation, the district has received a large number of new town halls, fire stations and other municipal structures - which have generated a lot of construction employment. Using his influence, Roe also has put together federal grants to save a failing plant and to restore the historic Great Falls area in Paterson. Roe's strength in Passaic County has pro- vided him with a base for his forays into Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152ROO0400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 statewide politics, but not enough of one to bring him his goal - the Democratic nomina- tion for governor. New Jersey chooses its gover- nors in off-years for congressional elections, so its congressmen can seek the statehouse with- out having to give up their places in Washing- ton. Roe.has tried twice. In 1977 he ran a strong race in the primary against incumbent Demo- crat Brendan T. Byrne, coming within 40,000 votes of denying Byrne renomination. That showing made him a front-runner in 1981, when his main competition came from Florio, another member of the U.S. House delegation. In the end, however, Florio defeated him easily. Better on television than Roe and well enough financed to spread his commercials across the state, Florio took the nomination by more than 150,000 votes. Roe had refused pub- lic financing and tried to make an issue of the state's public financing system. It never caught on, and the decision left him underfinanced at the end of the campaign. Roe was again second, but it was a distant second. In Passaic, however, Roe remains on top. His watchwords are caution and harmony, and New Jersey - 8th District whenever feuding flares among various Demo- cratic factions, he can be counted on to play a peacemaker's role. Customarily, the disputants meet at the Brownstone House restaurant in Paterson, where the garrulous Roe acts as nego- tiator. Roe habitually wins re-election by whop- ping margins. Republicans seldom bother to put up strong candidates against him. He often does well in the district's GOP towns, in addi- tion to pulling his usual big vote in the blue- collar Democratic bastions. Part of the reason for his appeal in the Republican suburbs may be that Roe is not a product of urban Paterson, the district's big- gest town and a home of organization politics. He comes from suburban Wayne Township, which swings between the two parties. He likes to boast that he knows all levels of government, having served at each of them - municipal, county, state and federal. Roe initially won his House seat in a tight 1969 special election to fill the unexpired term of Democrat Charles S. Joelson, who became a state judge. Since then, he always has won re- election with better than 60 percent of the vote. 1980 Committees Roe (D) $161,755 $65.315 (40%).3156,369 Public Works and Transportation (3rd of 30 Democrats) Cleveland (R) $12.188 $700 ( 6%) $11,956 Water Resources (chairman); Economic Development: Investi- gations and Oversight. Science and Technology (2nd of 26 Democrats) Energy Development and Applications; Energy Research and Voting Studies Production; Investigations and Oversight. Presidential Support Party Unity Conservative Coalition Year S 0 S 0 S 0 1982 General Robert A Roe (D) 980 89 (71'!,) 1982 35 60 83 12 33 66 . Norm Robertson (R) , 317 36 (29%) 1981 39 39 70 16 36 51 , 1980 66 23 81 12 32 59 1980 General 1979 68 26 81 16 . 34 60 Robert A Roe (D) 493 95 (67%) 1978 63 31 74 22 30 66 . William Cleveland (R) , 44 625 (31%) 1977 42 18 51 11 14 45 , 1976 29 71 83 13 28 69 Previous Winning Percentages: 1975 (74%) 1976 (71%) 1975 33 67 80 16 25 72 1974 (74%) 1972 (63%) 1970 (61%) 1999- (49%) 1974 (Ford) 39 1974 40 50 55 78 15 22 69 Special election. 1973 31 64 80 11 15 74 District Vote For President 1972 54 43 83 13 27 20 27 72 69 1980 , 1976 1971 44 1970 57 51 32 73 71 21 20 59 D 67.435 (37%) 0 85,379 (45%) 1969 47 53t 86 141 19 81t R 100,672 (55%) 1 12,521 ( 7%) R 100,718 (53%) S- Support 0 = Opposition ?Not eligible for all recorded votes. Campaign Finance 1982 Receipts Receipts from PACs Expend- hurls Reagan budget proposal (198 1) N Legal services rbauthorization (1981) Y Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y Roe (D) $151,918 $103,465 (68%) $150.007 Index income taxes (1981) N Robertson (R) $32,634 0 $32,269 Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N 1978 35 19 85 22 Delete MX funding (1982) Y 1977 35 6 93 11 Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N 1976 70 14 87 6 Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y 1975 1974 79 65 18 21 87 24 90 13 1973 68 22 100 8 Interest Group Ratings 1972 63 48 91 20 Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1971 73 31 91 - 1970 80 28 71 11 1982 75 13 90 55 1969' 75 29 100 - 1981 60 24 100 17 1980 67 17 83 59 1979 58 4 95 18 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 , Key Votes Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Next 1 Page(s) In Document Denied Iq Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Louis Stokes (D) Of Warrensville Heights - Elected 1968 Born: Feb. 23, 1925, Cleveland, Ohio. Education: Attended Western Reserve U., 1946-48; Cleveland Marshall Law School, J.D. 1953. Military Career. U.S. Army, 1943-46. Occupation: Lawyer. Family: Wife, Jeanette Francis; four children. Religion: African Methodist Episcopalian. Poljtical Career. No previous office. Capitol Office: 2465 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-7032. In Washington: Stokes came to Congress in an era of black activism, and he is still an important spokesman on minority issues at the Appropriations Committee. But he has at- tracted more attention in recent years as a kind of trouble-shooter for the House leadership. His current assignment is the chairman- ship of the House ethics committee, formally the Committee on Standards of Official Con- duct. Speaker O'Neill asked him in 1981 to take over a panel criticized privately by many House members as too rigid in dealing with colleagues. Stokes had taken an interest in ethics issues during the long debate that led to the 1979 censure of the senior black House mem- ber, Charles C. Diggs Jr., D-Mich., who had been convicted on kickback charges. Stokes acted as floor manager for Diggs, although he joined in the 414-0 vote to censure him. The following year, Stokes was named to the ethics committee himself, and dissented quietly a9 the committee recommended censure of Charles Wilson, D-Calif., for financial mis- conduct, and expulsion of Michael "Ozzie" My- ers, D-Pa., following his bribery conviction aris- ing from Abscam. Stokes argued against the expulsion of Myers and tried to change Wil- son's penalty to a reprimand. . As chairman, Stokes has tried to avoid playing the role of prosecutor. He leaves the sharp questioning to others and speaks of pro- tecting the rights of the accused. This careful style has pleased O'Neill, who sometimes ap- peared uncomfortable with the previous chair- man, Charles E. Bennett of Florida, long known as a purist on ethics issues. Bennett stepped down after two years in the chairmanship, and Democratic leaders took the opportunity to replace him with a much less hard-line chair- man. Once in charge, Stokes endorsed a series of rules changes that would have created a sepa- rate panel of members to try disciplinary cases after the ethics committee recommended ac- tion. But nothing ever came of the idea. Stokes voted with the majority in April of 1981 as the committee recommended expulsion for Demo- crat Raymond F. Lederer of Pennsylvania, the last remaining House member involved in the Abscam bribery case. Lederer resigned from the House the next day. For more than a year after that, the com- mittee was relatively quiet. It began investigat- ing a variety of drug and tax-evasion charges against New York Democrat Frederick W. Richmond, but its job ended in mid-1982 when Richmond pleaded guilty and resigned from the House. In July of 1982, however, the committee found itself in the headlines again after Leroy Williams, a House page from Arkansas, charged that some members had used drugs and en- gaged in homosexual activities with the teen- aged pages. Stokes appointed Washington law- yer Joseph J. Califano to investigate, but the issue began to fade when Williams admitted lying about the original charges. In December, Califano gave Stokes' committee a 118-page report finding no improper behavior by mem- bers and implying that the media had been irresponsible in spreading an unfounded story. Stokes asked Califano to continue looking into the drug issue. Stokes' ethics chairmanship marks the sec- ond time he has moved in to take over a troubled committee. In 1977 he became chair- man of the bitterly divided panel that was investigating the assassinations of John F. Ken- nedy and Martin Luther King Jr. The original chairman, Henry Gonzalez of Texas, got into a nasty public fight with Rich- ard Sprague, the Pennsylvania prosecutor who had been hired as committee counsel. The Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Ohio 21 One of the axioms of Ohio politics is that to win statewide, a Democratic candi- date must build a 100,000-vote edge in Cuyahoga County. Most of that lead has to be built in the 21st, which is anchored in Cleveland's heavily black East Side. The district includes the areas devas- tated by riot in the 1960s, as well as middle- class neighborhoods farther from the down- town area. Heavy industries, especially automobile and machine tool plants, long have been major employers. During the last decade, the 21st was the most Democratic district in the state. In 11 East Side wards, Jimmy Carter outpolled Ronald Reagan in 1980 by margins of at least 20-to-I. To protect Stokes, the heart of the old 21st was preserved in redistricting. But to offset a 25 percent population loss over the 1970s, the fifth greatest decline recorded by any district in the country, the 21st ex- panded to the south and east to add about 160,000 suburbanites. While most of these new constituents are white, their presence does not significantly alter the demograph- ics of the district. The 21st remains heavily black (62 percent compared with 79 percent before) and staunchly Democratic. The key additions were Cleveland Heights, Shaker Heights and the western half of University Heights. With a large committee backed Sprague, and Gonzalez quit in a huff. O'Neill chose Stokes to replace him. Stokes shifted the hearings behind closed doors and out of the news. He led a disciplined inquiry, highlighted by a dramatic cross-exami- nation of King's killer, James Earl Ray. The final report was accepted with some relief though many doubted its conclusions - that there.probably were conspiracies in both cases. Stokes emerged with his reputation enhanced. Stokes was the first black appointed to the Appropriations Committee and still is the only one on its HHS and HUD subcommittees. He also served on the Budget Committee for three terms, but did not play a major part in its work. Stokes' role on Appropriations changed with President Reagan's election. Before, he had focused on minority-related issues, leaving much of the detail to other senior Democrats. But in 1981, he began spending more time at Cleveland - East; Cleveland Heights proportion of Jews and young professionals, these three are among the most liberal com- munities in Ohio. All of them voted for Carter for president in 1980; all of them gave independent John Anderson at least 10 percent of the vote. In the 1950s and 1960s, Shaker Heights symbolized suburbia. But in recent years, communities farther east have replaced Shaker Heights as the county's exclusive address. North of Shaker Heights is Cleve- land Heights, many of whose integrated neighborhoods are a short walk from Uni- versity Circle, the home of Case-Western Reserve University and the cultural hub of Cleveland. From the circle area, commuters drive along historic Euclid Avenue to their jobs downtown. While the avenue now bears the marks of poverty, it was known as "Million- aires' Row" at the turn of the century. Few of the old mansions are left today. The one belonging to John D. Rockefeller, founder of Standard Oil, was razed to make way for a gas station. Population: 514,625. White 187,180 (360,'f.), Black 320,816 (62%), Asian and Pacific Islander 2,832 (1 %). Spanish origin 5,134 (1 %). 18 and over 373,272 (73%), 65 and over 63,109 (12%). Median age: 31. hearings, grilling witnesses and trying to pro- tect domestic programs from cutbacks. Stokes largely wrote the budget offered by black members on the floor in 1981. He at- tacked Reagan's for providing "millions more- for the most prosperous in our nation, while pennies are taken away from the poor...." Over the course of the 97th Congress, Stokes pushed a variety of amendments in Appropriations that illustrate his priorities. One added $140 million for Pell Grants for college tuition, another restored $100 million for grants to elementary schools in poor com- munities under Title I of the 1965 education law. A third added $25 million in operating subsidies for public housing programs. After years of looking into the misdeeds of others, Stokes became embroiled in a legal tangle himself early in 1983. While driving through suburban Maryland late one night, he Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 was stopped by polite. According to police, Stokes then failed three sobriety tests. He argued that he was tired after working late, pleaded not guilty and requested a jury trial. At Home: The Stokes family has been the domii1 nt force in Cleveland's black politics since Louis Stokes' younger brother, Carl, first ran for mayor in the mid-1960s. Carl left poli- tics for television after two terms in City Hall (1967-71), but Louis has remained active. Po- litically secure, he has been free to help friends and quarrel with enemies over city issues. Louis Stokes' first victory was won as much in court as on Cleveland's East Side. Representing a black Republican, he charged in a 1967 suit that the Ohio Legislature had gerrymandered the state's congressional dis- tricts, dividing the minority vote and prevent- ing the election of a black. Stokes won an Committees Standards of Official Conduct (Chairman). Appropriations (10th of 36 Democrats) District of Columbia; HUD-Independent Agencies; Labor-Health and Human Services-Education. Select Intelligence (8th of 9 Democrats) Legislation. 1982 General Louis Stokes (D) 132.544 (86%) Alan Shatteen (R) 21,332 (14%) 1982 Primary Louis Stokes (D) 61,055 (86%) William Boyd (D) 9,776 (14%) 1980 General Louis Stokes (D) 83,188 (88%) Robert Woodall (R) 11,103 (12%) Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (86%) 1978 (84%) 1974 (82%) 1972 (81%) 1970 (78%) 1968 (75%) District Vote For President 1980 1976 D 138.444 (71%) D 162,837 (71%) R 42.938 (22%) R 60.922 (27%) 9.822 ( 5%) Campaign Finance appeal before the U.S. Supreme Court, forcing the lines to be redrawn. The new 21st District, represented by white Democrat Charles A. Vanik, was about 60 percent black. Vanik de- cided to run elsewhere, leaving the 21st vacant. There were 14 candidates in the Demo- cratic primary there in 1968, but little doubt about the outcome. Stokes' ties to his brother and reputation as a civil rights lawyer won him 41 percent in an easy victory. He became the first black congressman from Ohio that No- vember by defeating the Republican he had represented in court the previous year. Over the last decade, Stokes has consoli- dated his power through his organization, the 21st District Congressional Caucus. Some black politicians have accused him of turning the caucus into a personal political tool, but he is as popular as ever among rank-and-file voters. 1981 29 66 93 4 '5 91 1960 55 21 78 4 2 78 1979 78 14 90 3 3 92 1978 76 15 81 4 4 84 1977 77 19 87 3 4 92 1976 24 69 85 3 4 83 1975 30 62 88 3 3 84 1974 (Ford) 41 52 1974 34 49 82 4 1 82 1973 19 48 64 4 3 62 1972 32 46 66 4 1 74 1971 21 58 72 3 0 85 1970 40 42 71 15 2 84 1969 38 51 80 9 7 84 S = Support 0 = Opposition Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) N Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y Index income taxes (1981) N Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N Delete MX funding (1982) Y Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y Interest Group Ratings 1982 Receipts Receipts from PACs Expend- hires Year 1992 ADA as ACA 0 AFL-CIO 100 CCUS 24 1981 90 0 93 11 Stokes(D) $148.400 $47,002 (32%) $107,175 1980 78 10 94 52 1980 1979 95 0 94 6 1976 85 10 100 19 Stokes (D) $66,601 $28,550 (43%) $58,874 1977 90 0 91 7 Voting Studies 1976 1975 85 89 0 4 87 100 .6 18 Presidential Party Conservative 1974 74 0 100 0 Support Unity Coalition 1973 68 10 100 0 1972 100 5 90 14 Year S 0 S 0 S 0 1971 1970 89 96 4 18 80 100 - 13 1982 27 65 91 4 10 86 1969 100 27 100 - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Bob Stump (R) Of Tolleson - Elected 1976 Born: April 4, 1927, Phoenix, Ariz. Education: Ariz. State U., B.S. 1951. Military Career. Navy, 1943-46. Occupation: Farmer. Family: Divorced; three children. Religion: Seventh Day Adventist. Political Career. Ariz. House, 1959-67; Ariz. Senate, 1967-77, president, 1975-77. Capitol Office: 211 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-4576. In Washington: For years, Republican officials urged conservative Democrat Stump to cross the aisle and run for office the way he voted - in support of the GOP. "Any time he wants to switch parties," Republican leader and homestate colleague John J. Rhodes used to say, "I can guarantee him the Republican nomination." In 1981, a few months after he backed President Reagan in the critical tax and budget decisions, Stump announced he would finally make the move. He said he had been a Demo- crat out of family tradition, but felt increas- ingly alienated from his party after it began withholding favors from members who strayed from the leadership line too often. Both parties wondered whether his deci- sion would bring about aftershocks in the House, prompting other disaffected Democrats to join the GOP. That never happened. Only one other Democrat left his party - Eugene V. Atkinson of Pennsylvania - and he lost the next election. Perhaps the most important effect of Stump's switch was a change in party rules. In 1982 Democrats pushed through a rule provid- ing that any future member who leaves the party in the middle of a session will lose his Democratic committee assignments immedi- ately. Stump had been allowed to keep his seats on Armed Services and Veterans' Affairs through the 97th Congress, despite his declared intention to run as a Republican in 1982. As it turned out, the party switch eventu- ally forced him to give up his Veterans' Affairs assignment. He won his place there in 1981, when the Conservative Democratic Forum pressured Speaker O'Neill to give prize Demo- cratic committee assignments to conservatives. But two years later, new party ratios in the House altered the balance on each committee, reducing the Republican membership of Veter- ans' Affairs from 15 to 11. Stump, being last in seniority, failed to win a place. Stump can still pursue his interests in national defense on the Intelligence and Armed Services committees. He has been on Armed Services since 1978 and is a member of its Investigations and Research and Development subcommittees. But he is not one of the more active people there. Stump seldom speaks on the floor, and he introduces few bills. He has held one press conference during his six years in the House - the one at which he announced he would run as a Republican in 1982. But like all Arizonans in Congress, on water issues Stump is a vocal protector of his state's interests. When the Carter administra- tion tried to impose on Western landowners the stringent federal water controls of a long-ig- nored 1902 law, Stump simply introduced a bill to repeal major portions of the law. That bill never went anywhere; a compromise on the issue was finally reached after several years of dispute. While he was still a Democrat, Stump was - much in demand as a board member for na- tional conservative organizations, to whose ef- forts he lent a trace of bipartisanship. He is still on some of the boards, such as that of the National Right to Work Committee, but they have one less Democratic name on their letter- heads. At Home: Secure in his northern Arizona seat since his first election in 1976, Stump had plenty of time to mull over his long-contem- plated party switch. When he finally filed on the Republican side in 1982, it caused barely a ripple back home. . Stump said his decision would not cost him any significant support in either party. He was right. The middle-class retirees who have Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Bob Stump, R-Ariz. Arizona 3 Once dominated almost entirely by "pinto Democrats" - ranchers and other conservative rural landowners - the 3rd has become prime GOP turf over the years. The GOP has fared particularly well here in recent presidential elections. Gerald R. Ford carried the area within the bound- aries of the 3rd by a comfortable margin in 1976; four years later Ronald Reagan racked up 67 percent here, his best showing in the state. The majority of the 3rd's population resides in the Maricopa County suburbs west of Phoenix. Glendale and Sun City, an affluent retirement community, are among the most important towns politically. Both produce mammoth Republican majorities. Political organizations among the retirees in Sun City contribute to turnouts of 90 per- cent or higher in congressional elections. In redistricting, map makers sent the Hispanic areas of southern Yuma County to the 2nd District. The 3rd kept the more conservative northern section of Yuma County. Residents of this section moved to flocked to this Sun Belt territory in recent years brought their Republican voting habits along, and the conservative rural Democrats who traditionally have formed the core of Stump's constituency proved willing to move across the aisle with him. Stump coasted to victory with 63 percent of the vote, the only House incumbent to switch and survive the fight in 1982. The ease with which Stump made the transition owes a lot to his roots as a "pinto" Democrat, a conservative of the type that dom- inated state politics before the postwar popula- tion boom. A cotton farmer with roots in rural Arizona, Stump served 18 years in the state Legislature and rose to the presidency of the state Senate during the 1975-76 session. When North and West - Glendale; Flagstaff; part of Phoenix set up their own local government in June of 1982, passing a ballot initiative that trans- formed northern Yuma into brand-new LaPaz County. Mohave County, occupying the north- western corner of the state, is home to three groups in constant political tension - Indi- ans, pinto Democrats in Kingman and Re- publican retirees in Lake Havasu City. The county split between Democrats and Re- publicans has been close in recent statewide elections. Old-time Democratic loyalties persist in Flagstaff, the seat of Coconino County and the commercial center of northern Ari zona. But the heavily Mormon part of Coco- nino County, closer to the Utah border. is staunchly Republican. Population: 544,870. White 468,924 (86%), Black 8,330 (2%), American Indian, Eskimo and Aleut 27,538 (5%), Asian and Pacific Islander 3,845 (1 %). Spanish origin 64,414 (12%). 18 and over 389,150 (7) %,), 65 and over 79,881 (15%). Median age: 31. Republican Rep. Sam Steiger tried for the U.S. Senate in 1976, Stump decided to run for his House seat. In the 1976 Democratic primary, he de- feated a more liberal, free-spending opponent, former Assistant State Attorney General Sid Rosen. Stump drew 31 percent to Rosen's 25 percent, with the rest scattered among three others. In the fall campaign, Stump's GOP opponent was fellow state Sen. Fred Koory, the Senate minority leader. Stump wooed conser- vative Democrats by attacking his party's vice presidential nominee, Walter Mondale. Stump was helped in the election by a third candidate, state Sen. Bill McCune, a Republican running as an independent, who drained GOP votes away from Koory. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Committees Armed Services (7th of 16 Republicans) Investigations; Research and Development. Select Intelligence (4th of 5 Republicans) Program and Budget Authorization. 1982 General Bob Stump (R) 101,198 (63%) Pat Bosch (D) 58,644 (37%) 1980 General Bob Stump (D) 141,448 (64%) Bob Croft (R) 65,845 (30%) Sharon Hayse (LIB) 12,529 ( 6%) Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (85%) 1979 (48%) District Vote For President 1990 1979 D 48,133 (24%) D 63.232 (39%) R 132,455 (67%) R 95,078 (58%) 1 13.103 ( 7%) Campaign Finance Receipts Expen- Receipts from PACs ditures 1992 Stump (R) $280,713 $128,290 (46%) $280,331 Bosch (D) $90,319 $58,250 (64%) $87,927 1980 Stump(D) $144,326 $59,397 (41%) $85,154 Croft (R) $2,471 0 $5,229 Voting Studies Presidential Support Party Conservative Unity Coalition Year $ 0 $ 0 s 0 1992 82 13 3 93 96 0 1981 74 18 17 81 97 0 1960 32 65 15 82 93 4 1979 19 73 8 85 92 1 1978 20 65 14 74 92 4 1977 29 61 S- Support 16 76 0 a Opposition 91 3 Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y Legal services reauthorization (1981) N Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N Index income taxes (1981) Y Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) N Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y Delete MX funding (1982) N Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1992 0 95 0 89 1991 0 91 13 95 1980 0 83 17 71 1979 0 96 10 100 1978 5 100 10 82 1977 5 100 9 100 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 ? 10 Andy Ireland' (R J Of Winter Haven - Elected 1976 Born: Aug. 23, 1930, Cincinnati, Ohio. Education: Yale U., B.S. 1952; L.S.U. School of Bank- ing, graduated 1959; attended Columbia U. School of Business, 1953.54. Occupation: Banker. Family: Wife, Nancy Detmer; four children. Religion: Episcopalian. Political Career. Winter Haven City Commission, 1966-68; Democratic nominee for Fla. Senate, 1972. In Washington: Joking and jostling with his southern colleagues on "Redneck Row" at the back of the House chamber, Ireland offers little clue that he is a graduate of Phillips Academy and Yale, or that he used to be the treasurer of the Florida Bankers Association. He comes as close to being a good old boy as anybody with his background ever will. Whether one views Ireland as a corporate conservative or just an old-fashioned Southern Democrat, he leaves no doubt about his ideol- ogy. Except for his first year, he never has voted against the "conservative coalition" of Republicans and Southern Democrats much more than 10 percent of the time. In the 97th Congress, he was one of only nine Democrats to back President Reagan on all of five key eco- nomic votes. Most of Ireland's legislative work has been on small business matters. On the Small Busi- ness Committee in the 96th Congress, Ireland worked for the "Regulatory Flexibility Act," which requires federal agencies to weigh the effect of proposed regulations on small busi- nesses - and consider making exceptions for them. That.bill became law in late 1980. In 1982, while most members of Congress were trying to narrow the scope of a bill to set aside a portion of federal research and develop- ment contracts for small business, Ireland wanted to increase its scope by adding the Agency for International Development to the list of agencies required to use some small contractors. His amendment was defeated by a voice vote. In 1982 he took an even more direct role to help small businesses, forming a political action committee to work on their behalf. He serves as its treasurer. On the Foreign Affairs Committee, Ireland has fought to lift a ban on the use of U.S. foreign aid to spray the herbicide paraquat on marijuana fields. As a member of the Asian and Pacific Affairs Subcommittee, he has lobbied along with Florida citrus growers to persuade Japan to reduce barriers to the importation of American oranges. He is probably best known, though, for his Washington fund-raisers featuring the Ringling Brothers Circus, which used to winter in his district. Ireland puts up a tent and has clowns, showgirls and midgets entertain contributors before the show. At Home: As a wealthy banker, Ireland had the resources to outclass his competition in 1976, when the open 8th District was up for grabs. The $144,000 he spent on the effort was not an unusual amount, but it brought him a sophisticated campaign. Expert advice from political and advertising consultants, a care- fully built county-by-county organization and Ireland's own relaxed manner compensated for his political inexperience. - . Ireland and five others sought the Demo- cratic nomination that year when seven-term Rep. James A. Haley announced his retirement. A runoff between Ireland and state Rep. Ray Mattox was expected, but Ireland won the nomination outright with 51 percent of the vote in the primary. 0 His general election foe was Republican state Rep. Robert Johnson, who had served in the Legislature for six years but was not well- known outside his Sarasota home. Ireland won 58 percent of the vote, a slightly higher share than veteran Democrat Haley had received in his last two elections. Since then, Ireland has met only one nominal foe. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Andy Wand, D-Flo. Florida 10 All over Florida, land once devoted to agriculture is being eaten away by shopping centers, motels and condominiums. But in Polk County, centerpiece of the 10th Dis- trict, citrus is still king. Thousands of area jobs are connected with the growing, picking, packing, process- ing and loading of oranges, orange concen- trate and grapefruit. Polk is the nation's foremost citrus-producing county. Phosphate rock, the raw material of fertilizer, is another key element of the Polk County economy. Three-fourths of Ameri- ca's phosphate is strip-mined out of Polk, although the industry has suffered recently from slack demand. About 60 percent of the people in the 10th live in Polk, with the major concentra- tion in the Lakeland-Winter Haven area. In congressional elections, Polk has given Ire- land overwhelming margins; in presidential contests, however, it usually goes Republi- can. Central - Lakeland; Winter Haven; Bradenton The 10th has one Gulf Coast county, Manatee, which accounts for about 30 per- cent of the district's population. The city of Bradenton there grew 43 percent during the 1970s, to a population exceeding 30,000.. Manatee County is a popular retirement area for people from Central and Midwest- ern states where Republican voting was a habit. Registered Democrats once outnum- bered registered Republicans in Manatee County by 3-to-1; lately the Democratic advantage has slipped to about 55-45. De Soto and Hardee counties are also included in the 10th. Predominantly agri- cultural, they have cattle ranches, citrus groves, a scattering of small towns and conservative Democratic voters. Population: 512,890. White 435,256 (85%), Black 66,731 (13%). Spanish origin 16,774 (3 %). 18 and over 381,628 (74 %), 65 and over 92,163 (18%). Median age: 35. Committees Foreign Affairs (8th of 24 Democrats) Asian and Pacific Affairs; Europe and the Middle East. Small Business (9th of 26 Democrats) Export Opportunities and Special Small Business Problems (chairman). 1982 General Andy Ireland (D) 1960 General Andy Ireland (D) 151,613 (69%) Scott Nicholson (R) 61.820 (28%) Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (100%) 1979 (58%) District Vote For President 1980 1976 D 71,059 (38%) 0 77,872 (49%) R 107.348 (58%) R 78,521' (50%) 1 5.857 ( 3%) Campaign Finance Receipts Expend- Receipts from PACs itures 1982 Ireland (D) $196.145 $76,445 (39%) 9155.480 1980 Ireland (0) $261,483 $88,894 (34%) $221,103 Nicholson (R) $12,394 0 $12,460 Voting Studies Presidential Support Party Conservative Unity Coalition Year S 0 S 0 S 0 1982 60 17 22 50 75 5 1981 74 16 29 56 87 7 1990 58 33 47 46 82 8 1979 46 44 42 46 76 12 1978 39 44 30 56 74 12 1977 62 30 42 52 72 21 S = Support 0 = Opposition Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y Legal services reauthorization (1981) N Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y Index income taxes (1981) Y Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y Delete MX funding (1982) N Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1982 10 84 6 80 1981 5 74 29 100 1980 6 46 11 73 1979 16 50 11 71 1979 20 78 21 67 1177 15 at 30 75 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Henry J. Hyde (R) Of Bensenville - Elected 1974 Born: April 18, 1924, Chicago, 111. Education: Georgetown U., B.S. 1947; Loyola U., J.D. 1949. Military Career. Navy, 1942-46. Occupation: Lawyer. Family: Wife, Jeanne Simpson; four children. Religion: Roman Catholic. Political Career. 111. House, 1967-75, majority leader, 1971-72; Republican nominee for U.S. House, 1962. Capitol Office: 2104 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-4561. In Washington: Hyde's crusade against federal funding for abortions has brought him national attention beyond the reach of most of his colleagues. But it also has brought a reputa- tion for fanaticism that seems to trouble him as he competes for a leadership role in the House. "When an issue. develops," he has said, .,you either evade it or you grapple with it. I grappled with it, and now it's grappling back." Hyde would like to be known as a thought- ful conservative who legislates with restraint on a variety of issues. But the only subject most people want to talk about with him is abortion. And he rarely refuses to talk about it. Hyde was a freshman when he offered his first amendment to ban federal funding, of abortions, largely at the urging of Maryland's conservative Republican, Robert E. Bauman. At that time, the federal government was pay- ing for between 200,000 and 300,000 abortions a year, mostly for Medicaid recipients. The amendment passed the House, although it was modified in the Senate to allow payment for abortions to save the life of the mother. By 1981, the Hyde amendment was firmly in place,.upheld as constitutional by the Su- preme Court. It permitted abortion funding only to save the mother's life or in cases of rape or incest. The number of federally funded abortions has declined to about 2,000 annually. With that question apparently settled, Hyde made a conscious effort to concentrate on other subjects in the 97th Congress. While he introduced legislation to identify conception as the beginning of life, he made no real attempt to move it through Judiciary or on to the House floor. "We don't have the votes," he admitted. Instead, Hyde spent much of 1981 arguing about extension of the Voting Rights Act, an experience in which he played a constructive but frequently unhappy role. When Judiciary first debated extension of the 1965 act, Hyde felt it was time to ease up on the restrictions imposed by the law upon Southern states. All these states have to pre- clear any election law changes with the govern- ment; Hyde felt some of them deserved the chance to "bail out" because of good behavior. "A handful of Southern states have been in the penalty box for nearly 17 years," he said. He talked about writing a new law that would apply equally to all regions of the country. But hearings on the issue changed his mind, and he admitted it with the candor that is his most appealing quality. "I have learned from the hearings," he said, "that there are still enormous difficulties with people getting the right to vote in the South." Hyde's conversion was the decisive event guaranteeing that a strong Voting Rights revision eventually would pass the House. Still, Hyde was unable to go along with the law drafted by the committee's Democrats. Although he voted to approve it in committee, he felt it still set too many obstacles against a state that genuinely had reformed and wanted to bail out. He thought some of the language was unconstitutional. At that point, Democrat Don Edwards of California, chairman of the subcommittee that wrote the bill, decided to work around Hyde and negotiate a compromise with other Repub- licans on Judiciary. Hyde took personal offense at being bypassed. But after failing to win approval of a floor amendment designed to ease the bailout process, he voted for the bill on final passage. Several months later, however, when the Voting Rights bill returned to the House fol- lowing Senate passage, Hyde and Edwards again quarreled over the procedures for its final approval. Hyde stormed out of the House Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 . Henry ,J. Hyde, R-111 Illinois 6 Hyde was given what amounted to a brand-new district in 1982, with less than 5 percent of his former constituency. The old 6th, almost entirely in Cook County, was chopped up and grafted in pieces onto the western ends of underpopulated inner-city Chicago districts. The redrawn 6th takes in new parts of Cook, but DuPage County dominates, cast- ing more than 60 percent of the vote. It is an even safer district for Hyde than the previous one. Before 1982 the 6th included pockets of Democratic strength in Maywood and other moderate-income sub- urbs with significant black populations. There are no such enclaves in the new district, whose suburban territory is nearly all white-collar and Republican. The 6th follows the route of two com- muter rail lines that drew Chicagoans west- ward as early as the 1930s. Elmhurst, Villa Park, Lombard, Glen Ellyn and Wheaton spread out from the city in the southern part of the district. Farther north are Wood chamber, and shortly afterward he resigned from Edwards' subcommittee. Although Hyde has often led the conserva- tive opposition in his years on Judiciary, his actions have not been easy to predict. It was Hyde who fought against a proposal to bar strikes by Legal Services Corporation lawyers, arguing that, as private citizens, they had a constitutional right to strike. It was a very lawyerlike Hyde who, in 1977, pointed out that an emergency bill to combat child pornography might be unconstitutional. "In our well-inten- tioned desire to attack the revolting crime of child abuse," he said, "we have let our zeal overcome our judgment." On the Foreign Affairs Committee, Hyde is a more predictable hawk and supporter of U.S. military aid to right-leaning regimes around the world. In the 97th Congress, he strongly backed U.S. help for El Salvador. He opposed restrict American aid to Egypt because of re- ported human rights violations. But unlike many conservative Republicans, Hyde does not reject the concept of humanitarian economic aid to the Third World. He has risen virtually every year to defend U.S. aid programs against Far West Chicago Suburbs - Wheaton Dale, Itasca and Roselle, newer suburbs that are still expanding. Roselle has more than doubled in size since 1970. Schaumburg, which was still rural in 1960, has tripled in size during the past decade, with condomin- iums and apartment complexes cropping up around its enormous shopping center. Less affluent is the area between the rail lines, including Glendale Heights and Addison, which have some light industry. A huge industrial park is located near Elk Grove Village, another fast-growing suburb to the north. On its northeastern border, the 6th hooks into Cook County to take in the older, prosperous suburbs of Des Plaines and Park Ridge. Des Plaines, adjoining O'Hare Air- port, is home to many airline employees. Population: 519,015. White 494,144 (95 %), Black 4,321 (1%). Asian and Pacific Islander 14,413 (3%). Spanish origin 15,155 (3%). 18 and over 367,916 (71%), 65 and over 38,548 (7%). Median age: 30. attacks by those who work with him on the abortion issue. When Republicans sought to cut funding for the Asian Development Bank by half in 1980, Hyde accused them of trying to turn back the clock "to the days of the early 1930s." On another occasion, he warned them that "the biblical injunction to give food to the hungry and clothe the naked does not stop when we enter this chamber." Hyde has been one of the most active critics of the movement for a nuclear freeze. In mid-1982, when the House narrowly rejected a freeze, Hyde led the opposition, calling the idea "government by bumper sticker." Later in the year, after the National Conference of Catholic Bishops had prepared draft language endorsing a freeze, he persuaded 23 other Catholic mem- bers to sign his letter urging them to consider the arguments against it. Hyde is one of the best debaters in the House. For all his references to abortion and other controversial topics as moral issues, he has never taken himself or his legislative role with solemnity. When he sees what he thinks is a flaw in the opposition's reasoning, he pounces on it with the sarcasm he used for more than a Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Illinois - 6th District decade as a trial lawyer in Chicago. One day in 1980, when he was arguing against a new open-ended appropriation for child welfare, Democratic leaders told Hyde they disagreed with the practice in principle, but thought it was the wrong time to end it. "I understand." Hyde said. "We'll sober up to- morrow, but meanwhile pass the bottle." It was Hyde's reputation for debating skill, rather than his national anti-abortion follow- ing, that brought him within three votes of the Republican Conference chairmanship in a last- minute campaign in 1979. Dissatisfied with the front-running candidate, Ohio's Samuel De- vine, a group of freshman members persuaded Hyde to run less than a week before the elec- tion. Hyde's 74-71 loss was seen as a symbolic victory by his supporters and appeared to give him a shot at a higher leadership post later on. Hyde was briefly a candidate for party whip in the 1980 election for that job, but faced an impossible problem - the fact that the front-running candidate for party leader, Rob- ert H. Michel, was a fellow-Illinoisan, and no one state has ever had the top two members of the leadership. Once Michel's election as leader began to seem certain, Hyde withdrew. At Home: Hyde grew up as an Irish Cath- olic Democrat in Chicago, but like Ronald Reagan, began having doubts about the Demo- cratic Party in the late 1940s. By 1952, he had switched. parties and backed Dwight D. Eisen- hower for president. After practicing law in the Chicago area for more than 10 years, and serving as a GOP precinct committeeman, Hyde was chosen by the Republican organization in 1962 to chal- lenge Democratic Rep. Roman Pucinski in a northwest Chicago congressional district. The heavily ethnic district had been represented by a Republican for eight years before Pucinski won it in 1958. Hyde came within 10,000 votes of upsetting Pucinski. Elected to the Illinois House in 1966, Hyde became one of its most active and outspoken members and one of its most articulate debat- ers. He was voted "best freshman represen- tative" in 1967 and "most effective represen- tative" in 1972. In 1971 Hyde became majority leader; he made an unsuccessful attempt at the apeakership in 1973. In 1974 longtime Republican Rep. Harold Collier retired from the suburban 6th Congres- sional District just west of Chicago. Much of the district was unfamiliar to Hyde, but he dominated the Republican primary anyway. He called on his political contacts to help line up support from area GOP officials and emerged with 49 percent of the vote in a field of six candidates. The general election was tougher. Hyde's Democratic opponent was Edward V. Hanra- han, a controversial former Cook County state's attorney trying for a political comeback. Hanrahan had made a name for himself in an unpleasant way five years earlier, when Chicago policemen attached to his office carried out an early morning raid on Black Panther Party headquarters, killing Panther leaders Fred Hampton and Mark Clark. Hanrahan was indicted for attempting to obstruct the ensuing federal investigation, which had called into question police reports of the raid, but he was acquitted. He was beaten for re-election in 1972. Nonetheless, Hyde went into his contest with Hanrahan at a disadvantage. The Demo- crat's past exploits had given him almost uni- versal name recognition in the district and had made him something of a folk hero among some of the area's blue-collar ethnics. With rank- and-file Republicans deserting their party in droves in that Watergate year, the district's nominally Republican nature was not expected to hurt Hanrahan. At the same time, Hyde had the edge in organization and funding. He launched a door- to-door campaign that brought him into each of the district's precincts and gave him a chance to appeal to traditional Republicans and liberal Democrats uncomfortable with Hanrahan's record. Hanrahan proved unable to keep pace. The Democrat used his record of antagonism to the Daley machine to tout his independence, but traditionally Democratic sources of funding were dry for him. His penchant for running his own show produced a disorganized effort. On Election Day, Hyde's superior re- sources won out. Using telephone banks and an army of precinct workers, his campaign staff turned out enough voters to give him an 8,000- vote plurality over Hanrahan at a time when Republican districts all over the country were falling to Democrats. Since then, Hyde has become politically invincible. Because the 1981 redistricting gave ? him an almost completely new constituency, an aggressive primary challenger from the new area might have caused Hyde some trouble, as - he himself conceded. But no one bothered to challenge him for renomination in 1982. In the general election, he won more than two-thirds of the vote, just as he did in 1978 and 1980. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152ROO0400530001-4 Henry J. Hyde, R-lll. Committees For ign Affairs (9th of 13 Republicans) International Security and Scientific Affairs; Western Hemi- sphere Affairs. Judiciary (3rd of 11 Republicans) Courts, Civil Liberties and Administration of Justice; Monopo- Ties and Commercial Law. 19g Ganerai Henry Hyde (R) 97,918 (68%) Leroy Kennel (D) 45,237 (32'/.) 1960 General Henry Hyde (R) 123,593 (670x.) Mario Reds (D) 60,951 (33'/.) Previous Winning Percentages: 1178 (66%) 1976 (61%) 1974 (53%) District Vote For President 1960 1976 D 51,049 (25%) D 72,192 (33%) R 126,318 (63%) R 142,229 (65%) 1 21,069 (11%) Campaign Finance Receipts Expend- Roc ipt. hom PACs ituras 1912 Hyde (R) $267,975 $69,452 (26%) $181,713 Kennel (D) $52,656 $4,550 ( 976) $45,271 1180 Hyde (R) $209,818 $57,819 (28%) $144,469 Reds(D) $30,558 $14,750 (48%) $30,147 Voting Studies Presidential Party Conservative support Unity : Coalition Year s 0 $ 0 s 0 1962 75 17 79 19 86 8 1981 79 20 77 19 .81. 16 1960 53 39 67 29 76 21 1979 42 50 71 25 78 19 1978 43 54 75 19 73 20 1977 47 52 77 20 80 .15 1976 76 22 83 14 85 13 1975 79 20 82 15 85 14 S = Support 0 = Opposition Key Votes. Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y Legal services reauthorization (1981) N Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N Index income taxes (1981) Y Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y Delete MX funding (1982) N Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) ' N Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1982 15 86 11 81 1981 10 74 7 94 1980 28 74 26 79 1979 5 77 25 94 1978 10 70 5 94 1977 10 59 26 100 1976 0 70 26 74 1975 5 86 13 94 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152ROO0400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 AL Dick Cheney (R) Of Casper - Elected 1978 Born: Jan. 30, 1941, Lincoln, Neb. Education: U. of Wyo., B.A. 1965, M.A. 1966. Occupation Financial consultant. Family: Wife, Lynne Vincent; two children. Religion: Methodist. Political Career. No previous office. Capitol Office: 225 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-2311. In Washington: Cheney's background as President Ford's White House chief of staff made him something more than an ordinary House freshman in 1979, and it helped him vault into the top ranks of the Republican leadership just two years later. At the start of his second term, he defeated veteran Marjorie S. Holt of Maryland for the chairmanship of the Republican Policy Com- mittee. Considered an audacious move by some, Cheney's successful challenge brought him far more influence than any other member of his class. Once in office, Cheney altered the tradi- tional role of the Policy Committee, which had been to issue position papers on dozens of diverse subjects. Instead, Cheney focused on making the panel an integral part of the GOP hierarchy, listening to the views of younger members and giving party leaders an idea of problems that might be coming up. In the 98th Congress, Cheney has become more of a leader- ship figure, spending long hours on the floor and working to coordinate strategy. His public statements are a good barometer of what the GOP leaders are thinking.. While he has been winning influence in Congress, Cheney also has been developing close ties with the Reagan White House. As a Ford loyalist, he was slow to endorse Ronald Reagan's campaign in 1980, but he has made the right moves to build alliancm in the admin- istration. In the 97th Congress, Cheney voted with the president more often than any other House member. He lobbied hard for the 1982 Reagan-oriented tax increase while some of the most militant Reaganites in the House were trying to defeat it. At the end of the year, he gave a well- publicized speech to a governors' conference backing the administration's hard line toward the new Andropov regime in the Soviet Union. "He speaks English and he likes Scotch," Che- ney said of Andropov, "but he is not a card- carrying member of the American Civil Liber- ties Union." Cheney has managed to build an image in the House as a pragmatic conservative, one who votes Wyoming's anti-government sentiments but negotiates with the other side on a friendly basis. During his first term, when a group of Democrats led by Missouri's Richard Bolling decided to launch a bipartisan breakfast group to explore the common frustrations of House membership, Cheney was one of the first Re- publicans invited. Cheney's only committee assignment is House Interior, but he is a major player there and an able conciliator between the more ag- gressive pro-development forces and the envi- ronmentalist majority. Although originally fa- vorable toward Interior Secretary James G. Watt's proposal to open up wilderness areas to oil and gas leasing, Cheney joined his Demo- cratic colleagues in opposing the secretary after learning of several leases pending in the Washakie Wilderness, near Yellowstone Na- tional Park in northwestern Wyoming. Cheney introduced legislation in the 97th Congress banning oil and gas leasing in Wyo- ming wilderness areas and adding 480,000 addi- tional wilderness acres. Unlike the Democrats, though, Cheney would release potential wilder- ness areas for development. Democrats had proposed to extend the ban to potential areas as well as current ones. Although the Senate passed the Wyoming wilderness measure, the House failed to act. Cheney reintroduced his measure in the 98th Congress, adding another 171,000 acres to be designated wilderness. Cheney was frustrated on a park protec- tion measure in 1982. He felt the bill, intended to protect areas "adjacent to" national parks, was poorly drafted; he searched in vain for a definition of "adjacent." On the floor, Cheney Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Wyoming - At Large Wyoming has always been fairly easy to explain in terms of partisan politics. Demo- crats are competitive in the five counties along the state's southern border. North of these five - Albany, Carbon, Laramie, Sweetwater and Uinta counties - they al- most never win, and this makes it difficult for them to succeed statewide. The Democratic voting tradition in southern Wyoming goes back to the early days of the state when immigrant laborers, many of them from Italy, were imported to build the Union Pacific rail line through those southern counties. The state's first coal miners followed. Like their counter- parts in other states, most of the working- men were drawn into the Democratic Party. Although the southern counties remain the most Democratic area in the state, today their residents are conservative on most issues and in recent years have often sided with Republicans. Ronald Reagan easily carried all five southern counties in 1980. The few Democrats who have won statewide in recent years - notably former Sen. Gale McGee and Gov. Ed Herschler - have done so by restraining the growth of the Republican vote in the south. In 1978, when Herschler won re-election by 2,377 votes, he did it on an 8,000-vote plurality in the five southern counties. Three of the four largest towns in Wyo- ming are in this region, including Cheyenne, the state capital, and Laramie. In 1980 slightly more than a third of the state's residents lived in the southern corridor. The northern part of the state is the Wyoming of ranch and rock. Its dry pla- teaus and basins accommodate the cattle ranches that make Wyoming the "Cowboy State." The mountains and valleys contain most of the state's mineral wealth. This is conservative country, and ranching interests have traditionally domi- nated it. The gradual shift from ranching to mineral development and the ensuing popu- lation growth changed the power structure in some of these counties in the past decade, but did little to shake the region's Republi- can voting habits. Casper, in Natrona Country, ?is the state's largest city. A 1970s 'energy., boom town with 51,016 people, Casper finally passed Cheyenne, the traditional leader, in 1980. Once a trading center, Casper has become the hub of Wyoming's mineral oper- ations. The population boom is changing the face of northern Wyoming, with new towns and subdivisions sprouting like prairie grass. Nevertheless, the people are still widely scattered. Apart from Casper, Sheri- dan is still the only town in northern Wyo- ming with more than 15,000 inhabitants. Population: 469,557. White 446,488 (95 %). Black 3,364 (1 %), American Indian, Eskimo and Aleut 7,094 (2%). Spanish ori- gin 24,499 (5%). 18 and over 324,004 (69%), 65 and over 37,175 (8%). Median age: 27. read a letter from Secretary Watt objecting to the measure. Despite - or perhaps because of - Watt's objections, the House. passed the bill overwhelmingly. In his first term, one of Cheney's interests was a historic preservation bill offering federal money to include new buildings in the National Register of Historic Places. Cheney complained that buildings should not be added to the register without the owner's permission. He threatened to hold up action on the bill at the end of the 96th Congress, but ultimately nego- tiated a deal that added the consent language he wanted and allowed the bill to become law. He was less conciliatory toward the new Energy Mobilization Board President Carter wanted to create to speed up the approval of priority energy projects. The board was a sensi- tive issue all over the Rocky Mountain West, which feared it would override existing state law and clear the way for projects depriving the region of scarce water. Cheney fought the board both in commit- tee and on the floor. Managers of the legislation accepted his floor amendment blocking the board from overriding any existing state law regulating water rights. But most Westerners still found the idea dangerous and when the issue came back to the House as a conference report, Cheney joined the majority that killed the legislation outright. Cheney also served a term on the House ethics committee, investigating the kickback case of Michigan Democratic Rep. Charles C. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Diggs Jr. and the Abscam bribery charges. More restrained than many junior Repub- licans, he refused to vote with a majority of them to expel Diggs at the start of the 96th Congress, after he had been convicted in fed- eral court. When the ethics committee later recommended Diggs' censure rather than ex- pulsion, Cheney argued the can for it on the floor, saying expulsion would deprive his con- stituents of their right to representation. On Abscam, he backed the committee's decision to expel Democrat Michael "Ozzie" Myers of Pennsylvania after viewing tapes of Myers ac- cepting bribes from an FBI agent. At Home: Cheney grew up in Wyoming, but his long absence from the state while he worked in national politics subjected him to carpetbagging charges during his 1978 House campaign. He countered with literature stress- ing his local roots and education, and effec- tively played to home state pride as a Wyo- mingite who had served at the top in Washington. Committees Interior and Insular Affairs (6th of 14 Republicans) Water and Power (ranking); Public Lands and National Parks. 1962 General 113,236 (71%) Dick Cheney (R) 46,041 (29%) Ted Hommel (D) 1982 Primary Dick Cheney (R) 67,093 (8956) 89 Michael Dee (R) 7,093 (11%) 1980 Ganarel Dick Cheney (R) 116,361 (69!.) Jim Rogers (D) - 53,338 (310/6) Previous Winning P.ranta9a: 1978 (59%) District Vote For President 1998 1976 0 49.427 (280/6) 0 62.239 R 110.700 (63%) R 92,717 (5) 1 12.072 (7%) Campaign Finance Racaipta E=P - Raaipts from PACs bur" 1982 Cheney(R) $110,733 $71,906 (65%) $109.171 Hommel (D) $5,923 $100 (2%) $5,863 Wyoming - At Largo The future of Cheney'scongressional ca- reer was placed in doubt during the summer of 1978, when he suffered a mild heart attack. But he recovered quickly enough to resume a full schedule of campaigning for the nomination against popular state Treasurer Ed Witzen- burger, who stressed that he had been a Reagan man in 1976 - the popular choice in Wyoming - while Cheney had been working for Ford. Cheney beat Witzenburger by 7,705 votes, and the general election was no contest. He has been re-elected with landslide margins since. Cheney was a political science graduate student in the late 1960s when he came to Washington on a fellowship. He stayed to take a job under Donald J. Rumsfeld at the Office of Economic Opportunity. followed Rumsfeld to the Ford White House and replaced his mentor as White House chief of staff in 1975. Cheney shared some of Rumsfeld's moderate Republi- can reputation during his White House years, but he is entrenched in Wyoming now as a clear-cut Mountain conservative. 7980 Cheney (R) $110,949 814 $58,020 (1r) $88,854 Rogers 4 Voting Studies Presidential Support Party unity Consainistive Coalition Year S, 0 S 0 S 0 1992 87 10 83 7 93 3 1961 83 14 83 13 84 11 1980 38 53 8 10 63 11 1979 30 66 3 85 6 S ? Support 0 a opposition Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y Legal services reauthorization (1981) N Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N Index income taxes (1981) N Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y Delete MX funding (1982) N Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCU$ 1982 0 60 1981 5 1779 9 7 100 1960 6 95 11 70 1979 11 100 11 94 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Bob Livingston (R) Of New Orleans - Elected 1977 Born: April 30, 1943, Colorado Springs, Colo. Education: Tulane U., B.A. 1967, J.D. 1968. Military Career. Navy, 1961-63. Occupation: Lawyer. Family: Wife, Bonnie Robichaux; four children. Religion: Episcopalian. Political Career. Republican nominee for U.S. House, 1976. Capitol Office: 306 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-3015. In Washington: After several years of looking after Louisiana water projects and fo- cusing on the ethical conduct of colleagues, Livingston turned his gaze toward world affairs in the 97th Congress. In 1981 he became a member of the Appro- priations subcommittee handling foreign aid. This seemed an unusual choice since, as he later admitted, he had "never been a supporter of foreign aid." Yet with a Republican in the White House, he quickly became convinced of the need for aid as an instrument of foreign policy. One of several Americans tapped to ob- serve the 1982 elections in El Salvador, Living- ston left more convinced than ever of the need for American involvement in that country. "If we in the United States subsequently listen to those who would have us pull out altogether," Livingston said when he returned, "... then we would be doing a great disservice to the people of ElLSalvador and to ourselves." Generally, Livingston has supported the foreign aid mix endorsed by President Reagan. Like Reagan, he prefers a tilt toward military aid, but has been willing to accept some eco- nomic spending as well. He was one of only three Republicans on his subcommittee to back Reagan's 1981 request for $850 million for the International Development Association, an arm of the World Bank that gives loans to the poorest nations. In 1982 he was on the losing end when his subcommittee voted to deny Reagan $301.5 million he wanted in additional military aid. On his other subcommittee, Labor and Health and Human Services, Livingston has followed a more traditional cost-cutting line, at least for projects that do not benefit Louisiana. In the winter of 1982, when states were com- plaining that they had exhausted their low- income energy assistance funds, he opposed the additional $123 million the subcommittee wanted to give, arguing that states could trans- fer money from social services block grants if they were running out. During the 96th Congress, Livingston spent most of his time on the Committee on Standards of Official Conduct. He took a quiet interest in the details of the numerous ethics cases that came up during the Congress, often asking factual questions at the panel's open hearings. But he proved one of the harsher members of the committee, arguing strongly for the expulsion of Pennsylvania Democrat Michael "Ozzie" Myers in an Abscam bribery case and for censure of Charles H. Wilson, the California Democrat accused of several kickback charges. Livingston also spent two terms on a pair of committees more important to his district, Public Works and Merchant Marine. On the Public Works Water Resources Subcommittee, he had an opportunity to look out for the flood control interests of his fre- quently threatened lowland district. On Mer- chant Marine, he voted the interests of his local fishing industry. He supported a resolution to increase the tariff on imported shrimp. At the start of the 97th Congress, Living- ston left both Public Works and Merchant Marine for Appropriations. At Home: The 1st District did not come close to electing a Republican to the House for a century after Reconstruction, but now that it has one, it seems quite satisfied. Livingston has had no difficulty holding the seat he won in a 1977 special election. Most of his constituents accept him as a logical replacement for his famous predecessor, Democrat F. Edward He- bert. A prosperous New Orleans lawyer, former assistant U.S. attorney and veteran party Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Bob Livingaron, R-1a. Louisiana .1 New Orleans casts more than 60 per- cent of the 1st District vote. While the district has some of the fashionable neigh- borhoods along Lake Pontchartrain and around Loyola, Tulane and Xavier universi- ties, it includes few of the city's tourist spots; most of the district's New Orleans portion is in middle- to lower-income neigh- borhoods. Some of this territory is in the northern and eastern parts of the city; the rest is along the west bank of the Mississippi River in a section known as Algiers. These are ethnic communities, "marble cake" mix- tures of Italians, Irish, Cubans and the largest number of Hondurans outside Cen- tral America. St. Tammany Parish, with just over 20 percent of the district's popula- tion, is a booming suburban haven. Once an isolated vacation area for residents escaping the heat and humidity of New Orleans, it has become a popular home for New Or- leans oil executives. During the last decade St. Tammany showed a 74 percent population increase, the largest of any parish in the state. Many of the newcomers are transplants from the East and Midwest who have maintained Republican voting habits. St. Tammany gave Ronald Reagan 63.7 percent of the vote in the 1980 presidential contest, his second worker, Livingston made his first bid for Con- gress in 1976, when Hebert stepped down. But he lost narrowly to a labor-backed Democrat, state Rep. Richard A. Tonry. The result was due in part to the independent conservative candidacy of former Democratic Rep. John R. Rarick, who drew nearly 10 percent of the vote. Livingston did not have to wait long, how- ever, for a second try. Tonry's 1976 primary opponent succeeded in pressing a vote fraud case against him, and Tonry resigned from the House in May 1977. He sought vindication in a second Democratic primary that June, but lost to state Rep. Ron Faucheux. Tonry subse- quently pleaded guilty to several violations of federal campaign finance law and was sent to prison. Livingston was ready to run again as soon as Tonry resigned. He mounted a well-financed campaign against Faucheux that drew signifi- Southeast - New Orleans best showing in Louisiana. Down river is the low, flat marshland of Plaquemines and St. Bernard parishes. For generations Plaquemines has been a world of its own, ruled with an iron hand by segregationist Leander Perez until his death in 1969. Reflecting Perez' wishes, Plaquemines cast more than 75 percent of its presidential ballots for Dixiecrat Strom Thurmond in 1948, Barry Goldwater in 1964 and George C. Wallace in 1968. But Perez' descendants have not matched his influence; they played only a minor role in the 1980 campaign. Reagan carried the par- ish with 54 percent of the vote. Lying closer to New Orleans, St. Ber- nard has a growing blue-collar population; many of its residents work in large Kaiser Aluminum and Tenneco plants. The blue- collar element often votes Democratic in closely contested statewide races. Jimmy Carter carried the parish narrowly in his 1976 presidential bid, although Reagan won it in 1980 with 60 percent of the vote. Population: 524,961. White 357,946 (68%), Black 154,454 (29%), Asian and Pacific Islander 7,474 (1%). Spanish origin 20,693 (4 % ). 18 and over 367,614 (70 %), 65 and over 50,290 (10%). Median age: 29. cant blue-collar support as well as backing from more traditional GOF voters in white-collar areas. Spending more than $500,000, Living- ston launched an advertising blitz that showed him in his earlier job as a welder and as a devoted family man (in Faucheux, a young bachelor). The Republican did not stress his party ties in the traditionally Democratic district. Instead he emphasized his background in law enforcement and claimed that he was in the conservative mainstream that had elected He- bert to Congress for 36 years. With organized labor refusing to support Faucheux, Livingston won easily. Since then, the Democrats have not run a formidable chal- lenger against him. The only threat to his House career was posed in 1981 by the Democratic Legislature, which passed a redistricting bill that would Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87M01152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Bob Livingston, R-Lc. have forced Livingston to run in a substantially changed district that included large blue-collar sections of Jefferson Parish. When Republican Committees Appropriations (16th of 21 Republicans) Foreign Operations; Military Construction. 1962 Primary' Bob Livingston (R) 76.410 (86%) Murphy Green (I) 6,660 ( 8%) Suzanne Weiss (I) 6,026 (7%) 1190 Primary' Bob Livingston (R) 81,777 (88%) Michael Musmeci Sr. (D) 8,277 (9%) In Louisiana the primary is open to candidates of all parties. If ? candidate wins 50% or more of the vote in the primary no gen. oral election is held. Previous Winning Percentages: 1976 (86%) 1971' (51%) Special Election. District Vote For President "s0 1976 D 79,279 (42%) D 79,056 (50%) R 103,597 (55%) R 75,879 (48%) 1 4,074 ( 2X) Campaign Finance Receipts Expend- Receipts from PACs iturea 1960 Livingston (R) $249,967 $54,375 (22%) $138,724 Gov. David C. Treen threatened to veto the plan, the Legislature backed off and gave Liv- ingston a district in which he could win easily. Voting Studies Presidential Wpport Party Conservative Unity Coalition Year 6 0 S 0 8 0 1182 79 14 76 20 84 11 1961 76 21 71 20 76 17 1980 41 51 72 15 81 7 1179 23 72 80 16 90 5 1976 30 67 82 11 as 5 1177 42 53t 80 lot 87 4t S - Support 0 - Opposition 1 Not eligible for all recorded votes Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) y Legal services reauthorization (1981) X Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y Index income taxes (1981) Y Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) ? Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y Delete MX funding (1982) N Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1962 5 100 5 82 1191 20 62 27 94 16s0 11 63 5 84 11979 11 83 10 .94 1178 10 92 15 82 1977 0 78 29 89 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Bob McEwen (R) Of Hillsboro - Elected 1980 Borg Jan. 12, 1950, Hillsboro, Ohio. Education: U. of Miami (Fla.), B.B.A. 1972. Occupation: Real estate developer. Family: Wife, Elizabeth Boebinger. Religion: Protestant. Political Career. Ohio House, 1975-81. Capitol Office: 329 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-5705. In Washington: A one-time aide to Re- publican Rep. William H. Harsha, his 6th Dis- trict predecessor, McEwen landed a seat on the Public Works Committee, where Harsha had spent eight years as ranking minority member before his retirement in 1981. Harsha was known as a gifted player of pork barrel politics; McEwen is doing his best to match him. At a time when budget cutbacks are delaying or eliminating many federally funded projects across the country, McEwen uses his congenial personal style to convince colleagues that the 6th District should be an exception to the rule. In the 97th Congress, McEwen helped pre- serve funding for a gas centrifuge uranium enrichment project at Piketon, in his district. Though the plant has been plagued by costly construction delays, McEwen argued that abandoning the effort would be even more costly and would hamper the nation's nuclear enrichment program. He prevented Reagan administration ef- forts to delete money for two bridges that will cross the Ohio River and link southern Ohio with Kentucky. And he secured money for completion of a floodwall project that protects the city of Chillicothe from the vagaries of the Scioto River. Those and other plums are the stuff of which re-elections are made; McEwen's dis- trict, though politically conservative, is amena- ble to almost any plan that will help it fight economic decline. At Home: McEwen is a real estate devel- oper, but his entire adult life has revolved around politics. He was elected to the state Legislature at age. 24, and directed two of Harsha's re-election campaigns. When Harsha retired in 1980, McEwen quickly emerged as the favorite to succeed him. Harsha remained publicly neutral in the eight-candidate GOP primary because. the field included two other candidates with whom the congressman had past political associations. But McEwen was the choice of the local GOP establishment and, as a state legislator, the only proven vote-getter. In the Ohio House, McEwen had gained visibility by working to get the state to dredge a flood-prone creek in his district. He also advocated abolishing the Ohio lottery. McEwen won the primary easily, sweeping 10 of the 12 counties in the district. He made particularly good showings in Scioto County (Portsmouth) and three counties he repre- sented in the Legislature - Clinton, Fayette and his home base of Highland. He enjoyed Harsha's backing in the gen- eral election and presented himself as a conser- vative protege of the retiring incumbent. He favored the death penalty, opposed legalization of marijuana and called for an end to federal regulations that he said hurt industrial devel- opment. His campaign attracted fundamental- ist Christian backing. McEwen also had a campaign treasury about twice as large as that of Democrat Ted Strickland, a minister who had a Ph.D. in psychology and counseling. Democratic leaders tried to get a stronger candidate, but promi- nent Democrats in the district, such as state House Speaker Vernal G. Riffe Jr., were not interested. Redistricting added to the diversity of the 6th, pushing it northwestward. But against an underfunded Democratic challenger in 1982, McEwen had no trouble emerging as an exam- ple of the "sophomore surge." He was re- elected with a tally nearly 5 percentage points higher than the vote he drew in 1980. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Ohio 6 The 6th is a mixture of suburbia and Appalachia. Republican majorities in the Cincinnati and Dayton suburbs and the countryside nearby enable the GOP to win most elections. But when the Democrats run well in Appalachia, as they occasionally do, the outcome can be close. Nearly one-third of the voters in the 6th live in a suburban sector between Cin- cinnati and Dayton, part of which was gained in redistricting. The new territory, which lies north of Interstate 71, the major Cincinnati-to-Columbus artery, is Republi- can. Immediately east is rural Republican country. Clinton and Highland counties and the southern portion of Fayette County lie on the outer fringe of the Corn Belt. and Farther east the land is poorer Republican strength begins to diminish. When one enters Adams County, one is in Appalachia. Adams, Pike and Vinton coun- ties are three of the four poorest in Ohio. Nearly one-half the land area of this Committees Public Works and Transportation (9th of 18 Republicans) Aviation: Economic Development: Water Resources. Veterans' Affairs (5th of 12 Republicans) Hospitals and Compensation. Pension and Insurance (ranking): HHealth Care. Elections 1982 General Bob McEwen (R) 92.135 (59%) Lynn Grimshaw (D) 63.435 (41%) 1980 General Bob McEwen (R) 101,288 (55%) Ted Strickland (D) 84,235 (45%) District Vote For President 1980 1976 D 61.496 38% 0 85,675 R 93.577 (57X) R 91.021 (51X) 1 6.356 ( 4%) Campaign Finance Receipts Expend- Receipts from PACs nurse 1982 McEwen(R) $144,058 $67,154 (47%) $141,631 Grimshaw(D) $81.344 $13,100 (16%) $71,085 South Central - Portsmouth; Chillicothe Appalachian portion is enclosed in the Wayne National Forest. What little indus- try exists is concentrated in Portsmouth 420 (pop. 25,943) and Chillicothe (pop. While steel and bricks have been linch- pins of Portsmouth's economy throughout the century, the largest employer in the district is the nearby uranium enrichment facility owned by the Atomic Energy Com- mission and operated by Goodyear. In Chil- licothe, 44 miles due north of Portsmouth, nearby forests support a large paper plant. - Spurred by a revival in the coal indus- try, the Appalachian 6th was one of the fastest-growing parts of Ohio in the 1970s. But as the coal boom ebbed, unemployment soared. In 1982, five of the region's seven counties had rates over 17 percent. Population: 514,895. White 501,745 (97%). Black 10,499 (2%). Spanish origin 2,531 (1%). 18 and over 359,641 (70%), 65 and over 56,017 (11%). Median age: 30. 1960 McEwen $7 $32.2500 (42%) $182.387 212 Strickland d ( ID) $ $ 6,622 Voting Studies Presidential Party Conservative Support Unity Coalition Year S 0 S 0 S 0 1982 58 34 77 18 77 18 1981 76 24 90 8 91 7 S = Support 0 - Opposition Key Votes Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y Legal services reauthorization (1981) N Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N Index income taxes (1981) Y Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Delete MX funding (1982) N Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N Y Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Interest Group Ratings Yaw ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 11162 30 77 30 86 1881 0 83 20 89 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Jim Wright (D) Of Fort Worth - Elected 1954 Born: Dec. 22, 1922, Fort Worth, Texas. Education: Attended Weatherford College; U. of Texas 1940-41. Military Career. Army 1941-45. Occupation: Advertising executive. Family: Wife, Betty Hay; four children. Religion: Presbyterian. Political Career. Texas House, 1947-49; Mayor of Weatherford, 1950-54; defeated for U.S. Senate, 1961. Capitol Office: 1236 Longworth Bldg. 20515; 225-5071: In Washington: The early months of Ronald Reagan's administration were a special source of embarrassment for Wright, who had to watch as the president carried vote after vote by raiding the majority leader's own in-House constituency of Southern Democrats. Within his Texas delegation alone, at least a dozen Democrats deserted Wright for Reagan on the crucial budget and tax votes. "I feel like the wife who was asked whether she ever con- sidered divorce," Wright said at one point. "She answered 'Divorce, no, murder, yes.' That's how I feel about those guys." As second in command to Tip O'Neill within the House leadership, Wright had a special assignment at the start of the 97th Congress. It was his job to establish decent working relations with the Southerners whose votes had made him majority leader but who were personally and politically reluctant to oppose the incoming president. Wright went out of his way to help the most conservative Democrat of all, Phil Gramm of Texas, win a place on the Budget Commit- tee. He joined Gramm in introducing legisla- tion that would have required the president to offer Congress a balanced budget by 1984. But the results of this effort at.det.ente were nil. Gramm cosponsored the Reagan budget on the House floor, and neither Wright's personal pleading nor his famous rhetoric turned more than a handful of Southern votes against it. When Reagan's tax cut came to the floor in August of 1981, Wright urged Southerners to be careful. "Stay with us," he warned. "Don't commit yourselves too early. You don't want to be in the position of giving $6.5 billion to the super-rich." But 36 Southern Democrats, in- cluding eight Texans, helped Reagan win eas- ily. That Christmas, the majority leader called 1981 'the hardest year I've experienced in the Congress - the most frustrating year." He said he had been "singularly unsuccessful in provid. ing the kind of leadership the post would seem to require." More important from the point of view of some liberal Democrats, Wright showed no immediate interest in punishing the conserva. tive renegades for their pro-Reagan posture. "We're going to open the door and invite them back in," he said early in 1982. We're just going to love them to death." But if those events hurt Wright perma. nently among House Democrats, there have been few clear signs of it. By early 1982, the majority leader had a new assignment: strate- gist and spokesman for the effort to move a public jobs program through the House. After working all summer with Budget chairman James R. Jones of Oklahoma and Education and Labor chairman Carl Perkins of Kentucky, Wright offered the first Democratic package in September of 1982. It would have provided $1 billion for 200,000 jobs. That legislation passed the House, at- tached to a supplemental labor appropriations bill. It did not become law, nor did a more ambitious version Wright worked on a few months later, to spend $5 billion and create 350,000 jobs. But early in the 98th Congress, the president gave in to the House leadership and agreed to support legislation to provide more than $4 billion for job creation. Wright's work on the jobs issue helped restore his credentials among liberal Democrats who had complained openly that he was going a little too far in his effort to make friends with the likes of Phil Gramm. The majority leader's image as a national Democrat was further Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Jim Wright, 0-Texas Texas 12 Less than half the size of neighboring Dallas, and declining in population, Fort Worth projects a blue-collar and Western roughneck image that contrasts with its more sophisticated neighbor. But that image of the city - which comprises nearly 60 percent of the 12th's population - is not entirely accurate. Cele- brations such as the Southwestern Expo- sition Fat Stock Show and Rodeo may recall Fort Worth's heyday as a cattle marketing center, but since World War II the city has been a major manufacturer of military and aerospace equipment, and electronics is in- creasingly prominent. General Dynamics and Bell Helicopter, which lies just beyond the 12th's eastern boundary, are among the area's leading employers; both firms regu- larly net huge defense contracts. As many middle- and upper-income Fort Worth residents have fled the city, formerly rural territory in surrounding Tarrant County has sprouted shopping malls and suburbs. Old residential neigh- borhoods on the city's Near South Side are now largely black; the Near North Side hosts a sizable Hispanic community. Efforts have been made to upgrade helped by his vocal opposition to the constitu- tional amendment for a balanced federal bud- get, which came up on the floor in October of 1982. Although it involved changing the Con- stitution, this measure had some similarities to Wright's own proposal of early 1981. But he helped work out the strategy against it, a conspicuous gesture in a liberal Democratic direction. By March of 1983. Wright had clearly been restored to the position of Speaker-in-waiting - if he had ever lost it. O'Neill, in announcing his own intention to run for re-election in 1984, delivered what amounted to an endorsement of Wright for the time when the Speakership finally opens up. Few Democrats thought of Wright as a likely winner in 1976 when he announced for majority leader, offering himself as an alterna- tive to the bitterly antagonistic front-runners, Richard Bolling of Missouri and Phillip Burton of California. But on the day of decision, he eliminated Bolling by three votes on the second ballot and Burton by one vote on the third. Fort Worth; Northwest Tarrant County urban Fort Worth. A northern portion of the city once given over. to stockyards ,now hosts Billy Bob's, a huge Western-style complex where urban cowboys drink, shop and watch live rodeo. The affluent western and southwestern sections of the city and its suburbs give the 12th a Republican vote of some significance. The northeastern Mid-Cities area in the corridor between Fort Worth and Dallas is a pocket of affluent, GOP-minded voters. The redrawn 12th narrowly favored Ronald Rea- gan in the 1980 presidential race. . But the combined forces of organized labor, liberals, low-income whites and mi- norities - Hispanics and blacks make up more than one-fourth of the district's popu- lation - generally lift Democrats to victory here. The 12th gave Democratic guberna- torial nominee John Hill 54 percent of the vote in his unsuccessful 1978 Statehouse bid. Population: 527.074. White 399.839 (76 % ), Black 90,979 (17 % ). Asian and Pa- cific Islander 2.773 (1 % ). Spanish origin 54,697 (10%). 18 and over 374.579 (71 % ), 65 and over 53.166 (10%). Median age: 29. The Texan had one enormous advantage. Unlike his two rivals, he had few enemies. He had always compromised personal differences when possible, or disagreed gently if he had to. He aimed to please - if not everyone, then as many as possible. When he had something good to say about a colleague, he went out of his way to say it. Shortly before the 1976 balloting, Wright addressed newly elected Democrats. With elab- orate courtesy, he said something flattering about each of his opponents, and then, almost as an afterthought, suggested he might he a combination of the best in each of them. In courting senior" Democrats, he had an- other advantage. From his position on Public Works, he had done countless small favors, making sure there was a dam here or a federal building there. He reminded New Yorkers he voted for federal aid to their city. He noted one-third of the House Democrats came from Southern and Southwestern states and said they deserved a spot in the leadership. As majority leader. Wright has been a loyal Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Texas - 12th District O'Neill lieutenant, serving as the leadership man on the Budget Committee and on the ad hoc panel that assembled President Carter's energy bills in the 95th Congress. He still aims to please. He never misses an opportunity, for example, to say Tip O'Neill is the smartest man alive at counting votes in the House. If Wright is ingratiating, however, he is not modest. He sees himself as a voice of reason, an accomplished writer and a well-read and thoughtful member of Congress. He is proud of his reputation for oratory in a chamber where such talents are dying out. He is florid and sometimes theatrical, slipping unusual words into his speeches and rolling them slowly off his tongue, savoring each syllable. He is alternately loud and very soft, forcing listeners to lean forward to hear him and then surprising them by turning up the volume. He is sometimes preachy, sometimes patronizing. "I am deeply humble and grate- ful.... I want the president (Reagan) to suc- ceed very much because I want the country to succeed.... We've got to dream bold dreams.... We sat down and hammered upon the anvils of mutual understanding...." House GOP leader Robert H. Michel has referred to this style as "the syrup and the eyebrows." Critics see it as trite or self-indul- gent. But it can be effective. Wright changed numerous votes with his eloquent speech in 1979 against expelling Michigan Democrat Charles C. Diggs Jr., who had been convicted on kickback charges. "We do not possess the power," Wright said, "to grant to any human being the right to serve in this body. That gift is not ours to bestow." In the exchanges of House floor debate, Wright sometimes surprises people with emo- tional excess. He has a hot temper. Several times during any Congress, when he is angry at an opponent, he will blurt out something un- kind and be forced to apologize later. But even then the ingratiating side soon takes over. Wright's apologies are often so effusive the entire episode balances out as a compliment. When he became majority leader, Wright had to give up his membership on the Public Works Committee, which he was in line to chair in 1977. Wright's years on Public Works helped to define his politics. He is a bread-and-butter Democrat who speaks in proud terms about the roads, dams and other forms of tangible gov- ernment largesse his old committee specializes in. His support for public jobs in 1982 was no short-term political gesture - he has been pushing a public works solution to the unem- ployment, problem for nearly 30 years. He has never felt comfortable with the environmental- ist argument that the nation has enough water projects and enough highways. In his early years on Public Works, Wright took the lead in exposing what he called "the great highway robbery," " trying to root out fraud and corruption in the massive Interstate system. But he never lost his confidence in the system itself. He has been similarly consistent in his backing for water projects and has been some. thing of a water policy specialist. At the start of the Carter administration, he played a key role in trying to bargain with a president deter. mined to eliminate a long list of water develop. ment projects. But he avoided criticizing Carter publicly when other Democrats were doing so. Outside Public Works, Wright has been a strong supporter of defense spending and espe. cially helpful to General Dynamics, his dis- trict's leading employer and producer of the TFX fighter plane. For years, Wright exercised his oratorical skills on behalf of the much maligned TFX, sparring with members from the state of Washington, home of Boeing, Gen- eral Dynamics' chief rival. In more recent times, Wright has continued to speak up for successors to the TFX. He is similarly enthusiastic about syn- thetic fuels development and has worked hard to convince other party leaders that synfuels ought to be included in any future Democratic energy agenda. He was instrumental in over- whelming House passage of a loan guarantee system' for synfuels development in 1980; the next year, when the Reagan administration sought to scale down the program, Wright gathered the signatures of 30 Democrats and 4 Republicans on a letter arguing against it. But synfuels enthusiasm has been waning since then. Wright once wrote a magazine article, "Clean Money for Congress," noting that he accepted only small campaign contributions. But in recent years, like many members, he has become dependent on larger givers. His fi- nances have been complicated by debts he incurred in running for the Senate in 1961, and he has spent years trying to straighten them out. In 1976, he raised $132,000 at a $1,000-a- plate Washington fund-raiser and used $64,000 to pay off debts still outstanding from the old Senate race. He had taken out personal loans to try to repay his contributors, and his personal and political finances had become entangled. He said he had been a poor financial manager but violated no law. At Home: As majority leader, Wright must support and defend national Democratic policies that are not always popular in Fort Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Worth. Republicans tried to portray him in 1980 as too liberal for the 12th, but the GOP effort was a costly failure, and Wright now seems safely ensconced in a district that per- ceives him as a centrist despite his close associ- ation with Speaker O'Neill. For most of the 1970s, Wright was so secure at home that he was able to devote most of his campaigning time to other Democrats 'across the country. This field work augmented Wright's influence in the House; candidates elected with Wright's help often became his allies in Congress. In 1980, national GOP strategists decided to take a serious shot at Wright, partly just to keep him occupied at home, but also to see whether he had lost touch with Tarrant County, which was being lured rightward by the candidacy of Ronald Reagan. The Republican nomineee was Jim Bradshaw, a former mayor pro tempore of Fort Worth who insistently denounced Wright as beholden to liberals and the Washington estab- lishment. Bradshaw - young, well-known and articulate - convinced conservative money that Wright could be beaten; the Republican collected more than $600,000 from local and national sources. But Wright would not be outdone. He raised and spent more than $1.1 million, using the money to tout his congressional influence and his ability to draw military contracts and other federal plums to Fort Worth. He even sent a letter to local businessmen, telling them to back Bradshaw if they wished, but remind- ing them he would still be around and would remember it. Wright retained his seat with ease, winning 60 percent of the vote even though Reagan carried the 12th over Carter in presidential voting. In 1982 Republican resistance to Wright was minimal. Only carpenter Jim Ryan entered the GOP primary; outspent by more than 10- to-1, he won fewer than one-third of the No- vember ballots. Majority Leader Budget (2nd of 20 Democrats) 1982 General Jim Wright (D) 78,913 (69%) Jim Ryan (R) 34,879 (31%) 18s0 Gamma Jim Wright (D) Jim Bradshaw (R) 99,104 (60%) 65.005 (39%) Jim Wright, D-Texas For virtually his entire adult life, Wright has been immersed in politics.-In 1946, shortly after returning from combat in the South Pa- cific, he won a seat in the Texas Legislature. He lost a re-election bid two years later but in 1950 began a four-year tenure as mayor of Weatherford, a small town about 20 miles west of Fort Worth. In 1953, he served as president of the League of Texas Municipalities. Wright was known in those years as a liberal crusader, thanks to his support for anti- lynching legislation and for federal school aid. In 1954 he challenged the conservative incum- bent, Rep. Wingate Lucas, in the Democratic primary. Wright was opposed by much of the Fort Worth business establishment, but he turned that to his advantage by portraying himself as the candidate of the average man. He defeated Lucas by a margin of about 3-2. Once established in the House, and recog- nized as a young man of talent and ambition, Wright had to decide whether to stay there. "You reach the point," he complained, "where you're not expanding your influence." The Sen- ate beckoned, and in April 1961 he ran in a special election for the seat vacated by Vice President Johnson. The field of more than 70 candidates badly split the Democratic vote, and Texas elected John G. Tower, its first Republi- can senator since Reconstruction. Wright placed third, narrowly missing a runoff he probably would have won. Wright next considered running for gover- nor, but gave it up and began to aim for a 1966 Senate campaign. His vote the year before to repeal state "right-to-work" laws increased his following in organized labor, but ,it chilled his support in the Texas business community and made it difficult for him to raise money. Low on funds, he made an emotional statewide telecast appealing for $10 contributions to the half-million-dollar fund he said he would need for the race. Only $48,000 flowed in, mostly from his district, and Wright was forced to abandon his candidacy. Previous Winning Psresntapss: 1978 169%) 1976 (.76%) 1974 ( 79%) 1972 (100'/,) 1970 (100%) 1916 (100%) 1966 (100%) 1964 ( 69%) 1992 ( 61%) 1990 (100%) 1958 (100%) 1956 (100'!.) 1964 (99Y.) District Yob For President 1980 1978 D 77.202 (48%) D 74.846 (53%) N 79.254 (49%) R 63,612 (45%) 1 3.272 (2%) Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Jim Wright, D-T.ras Campaign Finance 1982 75 22 63 26 44 60 1961 54 12 52 9 39 9 " S - Support 0 - Opposition Receipts from PACs likure's Key Votes 1992 Wright (D) 1557,636 9237,036 (43'%) $448,471 Reagan budget proposal (1981) Ryan (R) $45,033 $5,902 (13%) $34,520 Legal services reauthorization (1981) Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) sr Y 1960 ht i D) W 458 131 $1 073 $345 (30?/.) $1,193,622 Index income taxes (1981) 1982 N Y r g ( Bradshaw (R) , , $524,203 , $83,757 (16%) $523,884 ) Subsidize home mortgage rates ( Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Delete MX funding (1982) Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N Y N Y Voting Studies Interest Group Ratings ti Pnsidsntisl Party ort Unity Su Conserva ve Coalition year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCU$ pp 3 75 3 Year 8 0 $ 0 6 0 1882 55 9 67 8 1982 48 48 79 16 56 36 1981 30 28 71 29 1981 49 43 60 23 63 28 1980 39 29 59 73 1960 74 16 78 5 32 48 1979 37 8 83 41 1879 69 14 77 9 35 52 1976 35 29 95 33 1978 68 22 77 12 33 57 1977 45 4 - 6 29 1977 77 16 82 9 27 64 1976 30 19 8 65 50 1976 45 49 61 29 59 32 1975 32 ' 46 70 24 5 1975 52 45 64 31 59 36 1974 30 . 31 0 1974 (Ford) 50 26 1973 40 24 80 44 1974 53 32 62 26 49 36 1972 19 41 80 33 11973 39 45 71 19 44 47 1971 24 40 86 - 1972 57 38 62 26 50 38 1970 32 35 - - 1971 67 19 43 27 48 23 1989 33 17 - - 1970 52 31 57 26 43 39 1l88 50 5 1969 55 23 65 16 38 53 1967 60 7 - 22 1968 64 16 57 16 78 8 35 30 41 52 1966 1965 29 42 29 8 - 20 1967 76 9 1 68 3 1 32 1964 72 12 73 - 1 9 772 6 14 9 60 22 45 1983 - 13 65 1 "M at 1 76 8 33 50 1162 63 24 73 1963 76 7 76 7 40 1961 50 - - - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Robert H. Michel (R) Of Peoria - Elected 1956 Born: March 2, 1923, Peoria, III. Education: Bradley U., B.S. 1948. Military Career. Army, 1942-46. Occupation: Congressional aide. Family: Wife, Corinne Woodruff; four children. Religion: Apostolic Christian. Political Career No previous office. Capitol Office: 2112 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-6201. In Washington: While Howard H. Baker Jr. was drawing unanimous praise in 1981 for persuading a Republican Senate to pass a Re- publican economic program, his House coun- terpart was doing something much more im- pressive - quietly moving that same program through a chamber in which the GOP was a distinct minority. Through months of bargaining and lobby- ing over President Reagan's budget and tax bills, Bob Michel was the man the White House depended on for a sense of strategy and timing in the House. To pass those measures, Michel had to steer them through the factional prob- lems of both parties, working with the White House to sweeten the legislation for conserva- tive Democrats without alienating moderate Republicans from the urban Northeast. The real tribute to his skill was the virtual unanim- ity of the GOP vote: a combined 568-3 on the trio of decisive tax and budget decisions during 1981. Michel had a different approach for every Republican faction. He made it clear to' the moderate "Gypsy Moths" that their overall budget support would count later on when they wanted specific financial help for their dis- tricts. He persuaded the militant Reaganites not to pick any fights with the moderates while the key legislation was still pending. "You can't treat two alike," he explained later. "I know what I can get and what I can't, when to back off and when to push harder. It's not a matter of twisting arms. It's bringing them along by gentle persuasion." As sweet as those victories were for Michel, he did not have much time to savor them. By the time the House returned from its August recess that year, Reaganomics was under attack even on the Republican side for the high inter- est rates and budget deficits it seemed to be generating. Michel began striking a posture more inde- pendent of Reagan, one he would maintain through the rest of the 97th Congress. In Octo- ber 1981 he announced that Reagan's proposed $16 billion in new domestic spending cuts could never pass. The next January he declared that Reagan's proposed 1983 budget would go no- where unless the deficit were reduced. A few weeks later, he began lobbying the White House for a tax increase to get the deficit down, a tactic the president eventually supported. In the spring of 1982 Michel loyally worked for the revised budget backed by Reagan and managed its passage after weeks of stalemate. By that time, though, he was facing his most determined opposition from the Republican right, whose members complained that the Reagan-Michel compromise was too soft on the social welfare programs against which the pres- ident had campaigned. As he moved toward a moderate Republi- can position - in favor of lowering the deficit through a tax increase rather than more heavy spending cuts - Michel was meeting his con- stituent needs both inside and outside the House. Over the years, his Peoria-based district had moved beyond its earlier Corn Belt conser- vatism and developed the problems of a declin- ing Frostbelt industrial area. Some of the Reaganomics votes that were popular for Southern and Western Republicans did not play very well in Peoria, as Michel's brush with defeat in 1982 was- to prove. And within the chamber, Michel had de- veloped strong personal ties to the Gypsy Moth Republicans. They had been his primary con- stituency in his campaign for party leader in 1981; most of the hard-line Reaganites had backed Guy A. Vander Jagt of Michigan. Gypsy Moth leaders such as Carl D. Pursell of Michi- gan had swallowed hard and backed the Rea- gan budget partly as a favor to Michel in 1981, and Michel responded sympathetically when Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Illinois 18 The 18th zigs and zags from Peoria south to the outskirts of Decatur and Springfield and west to Hancock County on the Mississippi. A mostly rural area, it is linked by the broad Illinois River basin, ideal for growing corn. The only major ur- ban area is made up of Peoria, with 124,160 residents, and neighboring Pekin, Everett M. Dirksen's hometown, with 33,967. Although redistricting in 1981 gave Mi- chel more than 200,000 new constituents, it did not hurt him on a partisan basis. The GOP may be even a bit stronger within the new district lines than in the old ones; Ronald Reagan's 1980 vote was 60 percent in the old 18th, and 61.2 percent in the new one. Michel's hometown of Peoria, however, is a troubled industrial city. It is dominated by the Caterpillar Tractor Company, which makes its international headquarters there and employs more than 30,000 people in the district at five different plants. Peoria has lost much of its other industry in the past decade, including a once thriving brewery. Pekin is a grain processing and shipping they told him they could no longer accept Reaganomics. Late in 1981, when several conservative Republicans said they wanted to form a pro- Reagan pressure group. to counter the Gypsy Moths, Michel talked them out of it. "They're too good as people to dismiss," he said of the Gypsy Moths at that time. "1 love those guys, even if we've been voting on opposite sides for years." Whatever the failures of the.Reagan pro- gram, Michel emerged from the twists and turns of the 97th Congress with a broad respect few House leaders have generated in modern times. That respect extended clear through Democratic ranks: On election night, when it was clear that Michel had survived, Speaker O'Neill openly expressed his relief, breaking an unwritten rule of partisanship that House lead- ers are supposed to.obey- Michel won 'tis position as Republican leader in 1981 on the same qualities that have traditionally won House GOP elections - cloakroom companionship, homespun Mid- western conservatism, an appetite for legisla- tive detail and a knowledge of the rules. center; it produces ethanol, both for fuel and for drink. In the 1960s Peoria anchored the south- ern end of the district; in the 1970s it was in the center. For the 1980s it is perched at the northern tip. Peoria and Tazewell counties are the only territory remaining from the district that elected Michel in 1970. As redrawn, the 18th is a particularly frag- mented constituency. Michel once repre- sented eight counties and most of a ninth, but now he is responsible not only for eight complete counties but also parts of eight more. Seven of the eight entire counties in- cluded in the district gave Reagan at least 60 percent of the vote in the 1980 presiden- tial election. In the 1982 governor's race, GOP incumbent James R. Thompson car- ried seven of the eight Population: 519,026. White 490,556 (95%), Black 23,919.(5%). Spanish origin 3,728 (1 %). 18 and over 368,659 (71%), 65 and over 62,341 (12%). Median age: 30. When Republicans chose him over Vander Jagt by a 103-87 vote, they opted for Michel's "workhorse" campaign arguments against Van- der Jagt's oratorical flourishes. Michel has as good a baritone voice as there is in the House, but he is not exactly an orator; his sentences often begin with volume and emphasis and end in a trail of prepositions. But Michel is at home on the House floor, where Vander Jagt has been a stranger most of his career, and in a newly conservative House, most Republicans decided strategy was preferable to speeches. Like his two immediate predecessors as Republican leader, John J. Rhodes and Gerald R. Ford, Michel is a product of the Appropria- tions Committee. Like them, he has spent most of his career arguing over money and detail rather than broad policy questions. But a quar- ter-century on that committee made Michel a top-flight negotiator, skilled in the trade-offs and compromises that are the hallmark of the appropriations process. Concentrating on the Labor-Health, Edu- cation and Welfare Subcommittee at Appropri- ations, he was in a minority for years against a working majority of liberal Democrats and Re- Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 publicans. Every year, when the subcommittee reported its spending bill, he took the House floor to say that it cost too much and wasted too much. But his efforts to scale back spend- ing rarely succeeded. About the only exceptions came in cases where he could suggest a hint of scandal. In 1$78, after the Health, Education and Welfare (HEW) inspector general issued a report show- ing widespread waste and fraud in Medicaid, Michel was able to get the House to adopt an amendment requiring the department to trim $1 billion worth of waste and fraud from its budget. HEW said it could not find that much of either, but Michel followed up the next year with a second $500 million cut. The effort was largely symbolic, but it was not lost on presidential candidate Ronald Rea- gan, who made the elimination of such abuses a key part of his campaign. Michel also anticipated Reagan by making an issue of entitlements - the programs like Social Security and Medicare that are not lim- ited by regular congressional appropriations. Arguing that 75 percent of the domestic budget is now in this category, Michel has insisted repeatedly that federal spending can never be brought under control unless the rules are changed on entitlements. In 1979 Michel intro- duced an amendment that successfully blocked the House from making child welfare payments a new entitlement. Michel's conservatism is primarily fiscal. Although he is a strong opponent of abortion, he has never had much in common with the New Right social conservatives who began en- tering House Republican ranks in large num. bers in the late 1970s. . At the beginning of 1979, when the aggres- sive class of GOP freshmen accused Rhodes of being too compliant in his dealings with the majority Democrats, Michel found himself un- der attack as part of the Rhodes leadership. He chafed privately at talk that he was not com- bative enough, citing the years he had spent fighting to cut HEW budgets. But he found it difficult to defend himself without appearing to break with Rhodes. Rhodes announced his impending retire- ment as party leader in December 1979, and from that time on Michel and Vander Jagt were open competitors for the leadership job. Michel started out with a big advantage among senior members, who knew him well, and among most moderates, who found him less strident than Vander Jagt. But Vander Jagt, as chairman of the campaign committee that donated money to GOP challengers, had the edge among those recently elected. Illinois - 18th District The sparring between the two candidates extended to the 1980 Republican convention in Detroit. When Vander Jagt was.selected as keynote speaker, Michel's forces complained, and their man was made floor manager for Ronald Reagan. In the weeks before the November elec- tion, it was clear that Michel had an edge. Vander Jagt needed the benefit of an unusually large new 1980 Republican class to have any chance. The returns actually brought 52 new Re- publicans, more than even Vander Jagt had hopefully anticipated. But by installing Repub- lican control in the White House and in the Senate, the election also helped Michel. It allowed him to argue successfully that Presi- dent Reagan needed a tactician to help him move his program through the House, not a fiery speaker. Vander Jagt got his majority of the newcomers, but it was not a large enough majority to deny Michel the leadership. At Home: Michel's role as Reagan's spokesman in the House nearly thrust him into the growing ranks of Peoria's unemployed in 1982. Voters in the 18th were so enraged with Reaganomics that they gave 48 percent of the vote to Democrat G. Douglas Stephens, a 31- year-old labor lawyer making his first bid for elective office. A narrow escape from defeat had been the furthest thing from Michel's mind at the outset of 1982. In January his re-election seemed cinched when the filing deadline for congres- sional candidates passed without any Demo- cratic entry in the 18th. But Stephens and another Democrat, state Rep. Gerald R. Brad- ley, realized that the Democratic nomination would be worth having in November if by that time a substantial number -of voters had lost faith in the restorative powers of GOP eco- nomic policy. So Stephens and Bradley launched write- in efforts in the March primary. With strong support from labor unions, which he had served as a lawyer in disability cases, Stephens gener- ated three times as many write-in ballots as Bradley. In the fall campaign, Stephens told voters that Michel's role as chief mover of Reagan programs in the House put him at odds with the district's factory workers, farmers, small- business people, poor and elderly, all of whom Stephens said had been adversely affected by Reagan policies. The Democrat criticized Michel particu- larly for failing to convince Reagan to lift U.S. sanctions on selling natural gas pipeline equip- ment to the Soviet Union. Those sanctions cost Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152ROO0400530001-4 Robert H. Michel, Rdll. Caterpillar and other Illinois heavy equipment companies lucrative contracts, exacerbating al- ready high levels of unemployment in the 18th. The national Democratic Party did not give Stephens a great deal of financial help, but it did focus attention on the campaign, hoping to pull off an upset that would be seen as a resounding rejection of Reaganomics from the heartland. Michels. task was complicated also by redistricting, which gave him a territory where some 45 percent of the people were new to him. Initially slow to counterattack, Michel be- gan to cast Stephens as a puppet of organized labor and a negativist foe with few constructive suggestions and a limited record of involvement in community activities. Michel proved capable at blending modern-style media appeals with traditional person-to-person campaigning. Shortly before the election, Reagan ap- peared in the district on Michel's behalf and hinted at the forthcoming removal of sanctions on the sale of pipeline equipment to the Sovi- ets. In the two most populous counties of the district - Peoria and Tazewell - Michel was held to 51 percent. Stephens finished first in four other counties, but Michel's slim margins in the district's 10 remaining counties pulled Elections 1182 General Robert H. Michel (R) 97,406 (52%) G. Douglas Stephens (D) 91,281 (48%) 1190 General Robert H. Michel (R) 125,561 (6r/.) John Knuppel (D) 76,471 (38%) Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (66%) 1976 (58%) 1974 (55%) 1972 (65%) 1970 (66'/.) 1968 (61%) 1966 (58%) 1964 (54%) ?1192 (61%) 1980 (591x.) 1158 (60%) 1156 (59%) District Vote For President 1980 1976 D 71,861 (32%) D 92,613 (44%) R 137,198 (61%) R 114,120 (55Y.) 12,710 ( 6%). Campaign Finance Receipts Expend- Receipts tram PACs nuns him to victory by a margin of 6,125 votes. In his victory speech on election night, Michel said he had come to realize that his constituency ex- pected some modifications in Reaganomics to relieve unemployment. Prior to 1982, Michel's re-election margins were rarely overwhelming, but he encountered close races only in the Democratic years of 1964 and 1974. Relative peace at the polls gave him time to concentrate on mastering the politics of Congress. Michel was born in Peoria, the son of a French immigrant factory worker. Shortly after graduating from Bradley University in Peoria, he went to work for the district's newly elected representative, Republican Harold Velde. Velde became chairman of the old House Un-American Activities Committee during the Republican-dominated 83rd Congress (1953- 55) and received much publicity for his hunt for Communist subversives. Michel rose to be- come Velde's administrative assistant. In 1956 Velde retired and Michel ran for the seat. Still not very well-known in the dis- trict, Michel nevertheless had the support of many of the county organizations, whose politi- cal contact he had been in Washington. He won the primary with 48 percent of the vote against four opponents. Voting Studies Presidential Support Parry Unity - Conservative Coalition Year S 0 S 0 8 0 1192 83 12 81 16 89 10 1881 80 17 82 11 83 13 1980 37 51 84 8 79 12 1979 30 58 76 12 85 6 1978 42 56 77 14 80 12 1977 44 44 75 10 82 4 1976 78 12 87 8 85 10 1975 88 8 82 9 82 10 1974 79 9 69 15 77 15 1973 75 17 84 7 86 5 1972 51 24 72 10 77 7 1971 75 16 74 10 76 6 1970 74 9 74 7 70 7 1969 64 28 69 20 80 11 1968 42 38 66 13 63 18 1967 37 51 84 7 at 7 1966 32 44 71 4 65 5 1965 27 54 76 10 76 12 1964 35 58 71 10 83 17 1963 18 55 67 . 9 53 27 1962 18 65 75 5 81 0 1961. 22 60 69 14 78 9 S ? Support 0 a Opposition 11982 Michel (R) $697,087 $471,129 (68%) $652,773 Key Votes Stephens (D) 11174,559 $96,480 (55%) $165,777 Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y 1919 Legal services reauthorization (1981) N Michel (R) $168,667 698,624 (58%) $134,540 Disapprove sale o1 AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N Y Knuppel (D) $34,894 $5,750 (16%) $34,483 Index income taxes (1981) Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MOl 152ROO0400530001-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4 Illinois - 18th Distrkt Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) 1971 15 Be 9 94 Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) 1978 ' 5 81 9 94 Delete MX funding (1982) 1975 16 81 9 100 Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) 1914 9 93 18 100 Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) 1973 0 88 0 100 1972 6 94 30 90 1911 3 96 0 1910 20 82 14 88 1996 7 75 33 Interest Group Ratings 1996 25 90 75 Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS 1997 1996 7 6 89 75 0 8 100 1982 5 87 10 80 1985 0 84 90 1991 10 86 0 100 1964 8 83 27 - 1980 6 82 11 74 1983 - 100 - - 1979 5 87 10 100 1962 14 87 9 1978 15 75 5 89 1961 0 - - - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2009/12/09: CIA-RDP87MO1152R000400530001-4