NICARAGUA: THE NATIONAL DIRECTORATE TODAY
Document Type:
Collection:
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST):
CIA-RDP88-00434R000400970005-2
Release Decision:
RIPPUB
Original Classification:
S
Document Page Count:
8
Document Creation Date:
December 22, 2016
Document Release Date:
June 9, 2011
Sequence Number:
5
Case Number:
Publication Date:
April 2, 1986
Content Type:
MEMO
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CIA-RDP88-00434R000400970005-2.pdf | 355.95 KB |
Body:
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/12 : CIA-RDP88-00434R000400970005-2
Central Intelligence Agency
Washingiom. [) C. 20505
DIRECTORATE OF INTELLIGENCE
2 April 1986
Nicaragua:
The National Directorate Today
Summary
The nine-member National Directorate that controls the
Sandinista regime takes care to maintain a balance among its
three factions. The membership of the group has not changed
since the July 1979 revolution that brought them to power,
although Vice President Sergio Ramirez recently has begun
attending some meetings and in the future might tip the balance
if he sides with one group. Personal rivalries, differences in
strategy, and some shifts in influence are apparent among the
members, but the Directorate nevertheless displays a remarkable
amount of unity. Decisions are made and announced on the basis
of a consensus that overrides their differences. This approach
is the same as that taken in 1979 by the leaders of the three
factions when they united to take power, and it appears to be
one that the comandantes will attempt to maintain in the
future. In the near term, the unity of the nine probably is
reinforced by the political, military, and economic challenges
they face; in the long term, these same challenges may be their
This memorandum was prepared by
Branch, Office of Central Reference.
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irected to the Chief, Central American Branch
Comments and questions may be
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The Membership
The three power bases of the FSLN leaders that predated the
1979 takeover--the Terciarios, the Popular Prolonged War (GPP),
and the Proletarian Tendency (TP)--continue to exist and to be
reflected in the differing strategies of the members. In the
mid-1970s personal animosities and differences of opinion over
strategy had split the FSLN. The main body began calling
itself the GPP and espoused the traditional Cuban strategy of
launching guerrilla attacks from the mountains. The smallest
of the factions, the TP, was expelled by the main body several
years later because it opposed the random use of violence and
advocated instead the use of selective violent acts. -The
Terciarios, the most ideologically diverse group, were expelled
from the FSLN in 1977 because they believed that the
insurrection should be broadened to include the anti-Somoza
middle class. After a series of meetings with Cuba's Fidel
Castro in 1979, the leaders agreed to unite. Since the
revolution they have tried publicly to downplay the factions,
but the way they continue to maintain a balance in the new
committees and commissions they create indicates that the
The portfolios of the nine members of the Directorate have
not changed significantly during the past four years. The
major figures--the Ortega brothers, Tomas Borge, and Jaime
Wheelock--continue to hold the same posts and have added
responsibilities. The responsibilites and status of the
members, by faction, are as follows:
Terciarios
Daniel Ortega and his brother, Humberto, are the most
important members of this faction. The head of the
junta during 1979-84, Daniel was elected President in
November 1984 and took office in January 1985. He
also heads the National Planning Council, created in
January 1985 to advise the Directorate on the economy,
and is the coordinator of the recently formed five-man
Executive Commission, which implements Directorate
policies. He is described in the US and foreign press
as "first among equals." He frequently travels abroad
as the regime's number-one representative, and the US
Embassy reports that he and his brother are among the
more powerful and effective Directorate members.
Humberto Ortega retains the Defense portfolio and is
also a member of the important Executive Commission.
According to US Embassy officials, he is close to
Cuba's Fidel Castro and has been the principal
proponent of Nicaragua's arms buildup.
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remains. the Directorate member responsible for labor
affairs, but has gained no additional responsibility.
Victor Tirado, who rarely makes public appearances,
his relatively limited responsibilities, we believe he
is one of the least influential Directorate members.
Popular Prolonged War
Tomas Borge leads this faction. He continues to hold
the important Interior portfolio and is a member of
the Executive Commission. He aspires to be sole
leader of Nicaragua, but he has lost much of his
popularity with the people because of his role in
controlling and intimidating dissenters, according to
US Embassy reporting.
Bayardo Arce, the ideologue of the Directorate, plays
a major role in coordinating foreign policy. His
level of influence remains roughly equal to
Wheelcsck's; he is now also vice coordinator of the
Executive Commission.
Henry Ruiz is the Directorate member with the most
orthodox Marxist training. He was removed as Minister
of Planning in 1985 (now those duties fall under
Daniel Ortega in the Office of the Presidency) and
given the portfolio of Minister of Foreign
Cooperation, with responsibility for developing
Nicaragua's foreign trade relations and gaining
financial assistance. He is a member of the National
Planning Council, but was not included on the
Executive Commission.
Proletarian Tendency
Jaime Wheelock, the leader of this faction, has
increased his stature because of the importance of the
agrarian reform effort. He retains his agricultural
portfolio and is now a member of both the National
Planning Council and the Executive Commission.
Luis Carrion remains the Ministry of Interior's
second-ranking official under Borge. Carrion has been
tasked by the Directorate to coordinate and improve
military and intelligence efforts in the northern part
of Nicaragua near the Honduran border.
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Carlos Nunez continues to serve as president of the
Nicaragua's rubberstamp legislature. One of the least
influential of the Directorate members,
The Tenth Comandante
Vice President Ramirez, who is not a member of the
Directorate, has emerged during the past year as one of the
principal Sandinista strategists. He apparently attends
Directorate meetings on invitation, and some political
observers have begun calling him the tenth comandante. Ramirez
appears to be pragmatic in outlook, tries to maintain a neutral
posture and does not get involved in factional disagreements
Well educated, articulate, and bright, Ramirez was an
author before he joined the junta that was formed when the FSLN
came to power in 1979. He describes himself as sympathetic to
Marxism and probably owes his current post to Daniel Ortega,
who served with him on the junta. Ramirez is a member of the
National Planning Council and frequently chairs the meetings in
the President's absence. In addition, Ortega has designated
him to oversee the maintenance of roads, bridges, and
communications--a job that requires coordinating the work of
the various ministries and local governments. Ramirez also has
been given responsibility for the educational and criminal
justice systems and is often assigned sensitive foreign policy
Internal Rivalries Unchanged...
strong personal rivalries--derived from
policy i erences and personalities--remain among the leaders
of the factions, especially between the Ortega brothers and
Borge.
among members of the Directorate regardin
implementation of roolicies_
Embassy reporting continues to indicate that
Ruiz and Wheelock remain at odds with each other because of
their inability to get along personally.
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... But not in Public
Whatever the nature of personality and policy differences,
they occur in private; Directorate members firmly and publicly
support a policy line once it is established. For example,
while we believe that the Ortega brothers and Borge continue to
have strong differences of opinion, we find no evidence in
policy actions or public statements to reflect these
differences. Even on those occasions when members of the
Directorate appear to take opposing public positions--for
example, relatively moderate statements by Daniel Ortega and
hardline actions taken by Borge--we may be seeing two faces of
the same policy--one for public consumption, the other for
solving the problem at hand.
The FSLN came to power in 1979 because the three
revolutionary factions were able to suppress their differences
and unite their forces. During the past seven years one of the
most significant features of the Directorate has been its
careful attention to maintaining this balance of power among
the FSLN's factions. This is seen in the composition of the
five-man FSLN Executive Commission, which includes two
representatives from the Terciario faction, two from the GPP,
and one from the TP. It is also seen in the makeup of the
National Planning Council, which has one directorate member
from each faction, as well as Ramirez and several technocrats.
Outlook
On the basis ofl (Embassy reporting, we
believe that the lesson of Grenada is firmly fixed in the minds
of the ruling Sandinistas. They know that in that situation
the split between New Jewel Party leaders Maurice Bishop and
Bernard Coard resulted in Coard turning on Bishop, Bishop's
assassination, and the eventual US invasion. The determination
of the comandantes in Nicaragua to remain in power explains
their track record of unity. We believe that the Directorate
will attempt to maintain a balanced membership and its
consensus style of decisionmaking in the future. In the near
term, at least, their track record suggests that they will
-The ability of the Sandinistas to maintain this remarkable
degree of unity over the longer term is obviously much less
certain. With military pressures growing, the economy
declining, and Western aid donors increasingly reluctant to
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provide continued assistance, the Directorate has fewer options
available to solve its problems. In the long term, this lack
of maneuverability may exacerbate existing frictions and could
lead to splits within the Directorate. In addition, some rifts
within the Directorate could occur if Ramirez--the new and
increasingly important player--abandons his neutral stance and
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Age
Position(s)
Date
Joined
FSLN
FSLN
Faction
Affiliation
(Jose) Daniel
ORTEGA 40
President (since 1/85);
mid-1960s
Terciario
Attended UNAN
Member, Government of National
Saavedra (Phonetic: orTAYga)
Coordinator, FSLN Executive
Commission (since 8/85);
head, National Planning
Council, (since 1985)
Reconstruction Junta, 7/79-1/85;
Junta Coordinator, 3/81-1/85;
married to Rosario Murillo, General
Secretary of the Sandinista Associ-
ation if Cultural Workers
Humberto ORTEGA Saavedra
c. 44
Minister of Defense (since
mid-1960s
Terciario
Attended UNAN
Receiv'd military training in North
(Phonetic: orTAYga)
12/79); Commander in Chief,
Sandinista Popular Army
(since 8/79); Commander,
Sandinista People's Militia
(since 7/81); member, FSLN
Executive Commission (since
Korea
8/85)
Victor Manuel TIRADO Lopez c. 45
Directorate member respon-
1964
Terciario
No formal higher
Born ii Mexico; Nicaraguan citizen
(Phonetic: teeRAHdoh)
sible for labor affairs
(since 7/79)
education
since )/79
Tomas BORGE Martinez
56
Minister of Interior (since
July
Popular
Studied law at UNAN
Recei,?d guerrilla training in
(Phonetic: BORhay)
7/79); member, FSLN Execu-
?tive Commission (since
1961 (a
founder)
Prolonged
War
8/85); president, Com-
mission for Autonomy for
Atlantic Coast (since 8/85)
Bayardo ARCE Castano
36
Vice Coordinator, FSLN
1971
Popular
Journalism degree,
Coord iator, FSLN Political
(Phonetic: ARsay)
Executive Commission (since
Prolonged
National Autonomous
Commission (now Executive
8/85); Directorate foreign
affairs coordinator (since
War
University of
Nicaragua (UNAN)
Commi sion), 1980-85
- 7/79); controls FSLN's
international relations
department
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A Brief Overview of the Directorate (cont.)
Name
Age
Position(s)
Date
Joined
FSLN
FSLN
Faction
Affiliation
Education
Other
Henry Ildefonso RUIZ
42
Minister of Foreign Cooper-
ation (since 1/85); member,
National Planning Council
(since 1985)
late
1960s
Popular
Prolonged
War
Attended Patrice
Lumumba University in
Moscow; expelled,
allegedly for touting
radical ideas
Minister of Planning, 12/79-1/85;
received training from Palestine
Liberation Organization
Jaime Stanley WHEELOCK Roman 38
Minister of Agricultural
late
Proletarian
Studied law at UNAN
Marriee to Vanessa Castro
head of
(Phonetic: weeLOKE)
Development and Agrarian
Reform (since 1979); member,
FSLN Executive Commission
(since 8/85); member,
National Planning Council
(since 1985)
1960s
Tendency
and in Chile
,
FSLN Political Education Depart-
ment; trother, Ricardo, head of
Military Intelligence (since 10/85)
Luis CARRION Cruz
c. 33
First Vice Minister of
1970
Proletarian
Tendency
Attended Phillips
Exeter Academy (New
Hampshire), Rensselaer
Polytechnic Institute
(New York), and UNAN
Vice Minister of Defense, 7/79-
4/80; lice Minister of Interior
(4/80-'/85); brother, Carlos,
and si!ter, Gloria, are FSLN re-
gional representatives; a cousin,
Javier, is a deputy chief of staff
of the Sandinista Popular Army
N
Carlos NUNEZ Tellez
34
President, National
early
Proletarian
Head, ISLN Propaganda and Political
(Ph.onetic: NOONyehs)
Assembly (since 1/85)
1970s
Tendency
Education Department, early 1980s;
President, Council of State (now
National Assembly), 9/80-12/85;
brothel, Rene, is Minister of the
Presid(ncy and head, FSLN
Secretariat of General Affairs
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