NO RIGHT TO INTERFERE
Document Type:
Collection:
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST):
CIA-RDP88-01315R000400160007-7
Release Decision:
RIFPUB
Original Classification:
K
Document Page Count:
1
Document Creation Date:
December 16, 2016
Document Release Date:
November 9, 2004
Sequence Number:
7
Case Number:
Publication Date:
June 22, 1984
Content Type:
NSPR
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Body:
Approved For Rele-A.4&2NY65W1/`12Z-,.'Ehk-`F2DP88`-tM3'F5rROl9'0400160007-7
77 Tnno 1 QSA
No Right to Interfere , c,A
19 a
Guest Editorial
Isn't it time to seriously question the wisdom of the long
standing U.S. commitment to covert action against foreign
governments or citizens whose policies are deemed inimical to
U.S. interests? As a staunch defender of self-determination and
national rights, the United States has no right to interfere in the
affairs of other nations, even if we disagree with their policies
and their alliances. I am not referring to intelligence gathering,
the spy function of the CIA, part of which is done undercover. I
mean the planning, supper-and implementation of covert ac-
tions intended to overthrow a foreign government, interfere
with a foreign government's elective processes, or compromise
a foreign leader.
A strong case can be made that such activities are unaccep-
table behavior for a nation of our heritage and aspirations and
are not beneficial to our legitimate interests. First, the CIA's
covert activities are not only immoral, but illegal, if judged by
U.S. or international law. In a letter to CIA Director William
Casey, Senator Barry Goldwater, a solid conservative and
chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee, called the
mining of the Nicaraguan harbors " .:. an act violating inter-
national law. It is an act of war." No legal right exists for the
United States to act or support actions to overthrow gov-
ernments with whom we are not at war, destroy their in-
frastructure and facilities, or murder their officials or citizens,
even those who are outspoken critics of our nation, our allies
and our friends.
Second, covert actions have not proven effective. The 1961
ill-fated Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba, planned by the
Eisenhower and implemented by the Kennedy administration,
was counterproductive. U.S. relations with Cuba were damaged
.,beyond repair. Castro's stature in the Caribbean and Latin
America was enhanced, and increased support to Cuba from
the Soviet Union was encouraged. Third, the very nature of
CIA covert operations is a subtle, continuing threat to the
well-being of the United States. Such secrecy on the part of the
CIA, the Congress, and the administration is hardly compatible
with the basic concepts of our constitution and the traditional
openness of our government. What .certainty is there that
unscrupulous persons cloaked in secrecy may not, in a time of
crisis, turn inward and use covert actions to thwart the will of
the majority?
Finally, there is a question of credibility. Immoral and illegal
covert operations harm the image of the United States as a
leader in the world community's quest for international peace
and security. We need not resort to activities that are illegal,
immoral, hazardous, and of questionable effectiveness. We
should not stoop to undercover violence and terrorism for
which we harshly criticize other nations. Surely there are bet-
ter ways to use our power and resources to cope with the pro-
blems facing a troubled, interdependent world and thereby
enhance our own security.
C. Maxwell Stanley
Pres., Stanley Foundation
Approved For Release 2005/01/12 : CIA-RDP88-01315R000400160007-7