MAXWELL D. TAYLOR SALT II: THE NUMBERS FALLACY

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Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP88-01315R000400360012-9
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RIFPUB
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K
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1
Document Creation Date: 
December 16, 2016
Document Release Date: 
December 8, 2004
Sequence Number: 
12
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Publication Date: 
August 17, 1979
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NSPR
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Approved For Release 2005/01/12 : CIA-RDP88-01315R0004003600~2-b THE WASHINGTON POST 17 August 1979 .tMlaellD. Taylor A '' II; The Numbers F allac vith plans for expanded air and civil the coarse of forming an opinion silos and In so doin waste man I , g, s, y of the merits of SALT II, I have been American weapons on empty holes defense. All this would cost a great deal impressed by the damage to its case re- Similarly, if our retaliation extended of money that, in times of economic suiting from a fallacious, assumption. It to urban industrial targets, we would. agency like the present, would be Ss that parity in strategic forces can be need to expend many more weapons , raised largely at the expense. of our achieved through rough equivalence of than the Soviets to achieve equivalent:. under-strength non-nuclear forces. The numbers of strategic weapons, or, more damage on similar targets. This is -be. result could be a serious Imbalance of.... accurately, strategic launchers. If it can 77 force structure to the detriment of I be shown that this assumption is Incor cause the larger number and greater highly important tasks involving the rect and that equality in numbers does. dispersion of such targets in the Soviet support of allies, the protection of sea not assure "equivalent overall military Union and the better protection afford, lanes and the assurance of access and capabilities"-a requirement set by the ed them by Soviet air and civil defense undisturbed trade with essential over.. administration for an acceptable arms--- m,,: - --?-- ~ sears sources of ail and other important control agreement.-the case for. SALT ` Thus, it is clear, that U.S. forces-_to rawmaterial& is in serious trouble. match Soviet destructive capabilities, Such are a few of the possible cone- A mere count of strategic weapons is would need a considerable superioritl quences of the numbers' fallacy. As wholly inadequate to measure the rela- In numbers of weapons to compensate long as it is the accepted formula for tive effectiveness of opposing forces. determining military needs in the The only military capability possessed for these disadvantages. SInce SALT U strategic field, we shall be condemned. by such weapons is the ability to de? obviously contains no such compensa. to a mindless numbers race whether or stroy hostile targets on order,. and tions, it cannot rightfully claim to es- not SALT is ratified. Only if we insist hens, the only meaningful measure of tablish essential equivalence in the pre. an basing our weapons requirements .` them value is their target destruction eminent measure of . strategic power. on the need to perform 0s3cs of tmchal- potential. The latter derives not only target destruction potential. Accord- lenged importance to our security--4n from numbers of weapons but also tngly, parity based on numbers alone is most cases the destruction of certain from such things as the accuracy, relia. revealed as a dangerous faihcy, one designated target systems-can we bility and throwweight of weapons, which entails serious consequences. Imow with reasonable certainty what their survivability under attack and the Since the treaty purports to establish and how many weapons we really need number and nature of the targets they pity in military capabilities yet does either for deterrence or for retaliation. must destroy. ; not, its ratification would mislead our As an added plus, a strategic policy so Analytic studies of the relative losses country and its allies as to the true bal= conceived would not depend on num- that would be suffered by U.S. and ante of forces resulting from it-a mix- bers decisions made in Moscow. - . Soviet forces in a major strategic ex- apprehension unlikely to be shared by ! Does the numbers fallacy with its change usually indicate that the U.S. Soviet leaders, who are openly, de- consequences constitute a fatal weak side would be at a serious disadvantage. lighted with its text in the present ness for SALT, one justifying its rejec? phis is because we must assume that a - ; former, ratification would validate ion? Probably not, if the administrae? 1 nuclear exchange would be initiated by Lion can translate the numbers of weap- 3 a Soviet first strike, probably directed' and perpetuate the numbers fallacy for ons permitted by the treaty into terms at our exposed ICBMs. In this case, we all future- arms control treaties since of destruction potential and then pro-, I would have to expect to lose a large . we would find it hard- to reject at a ? duce convincing 'evidence of the ade. part of these weapons, perhaps up to 80 later date or to persuade the Soviets to quacy of the latter against all major.r percent or more at the height of the - abandon a standard that 9Y must Per' Soviet target systems under all likely Soviet destructive capabilities In the ceive as advantageous conditions. I suspect that the adequacy 1980s.Moreover, if we wished to retail- -Finally, since our government follow- probably exists, but the Senate and the ate against their unfired ICBMs, we ? tag ratification would be expected public are surely entitled to the evir would be uncertain which missiles had . henceforth to follow a military policy deuce:. been launched and which remained in consistent with the treaty, in logic our w1i fie. chairnm ~* silos ready for a second salvo To do strategic Programs would be designed ne ter is maximum damage to the remainder; to catchup and keep up with our Soviet; the Joint Chiefs of Staff. we would have to fire upon all known rivals the strategic field in every way Vermitted by its terms. We could ex.. pest such programs to include not only .. an MX missile to match the best of the Soviet ICBMs but also probably a new bomber to offset the Backfire along Approved For Release 2005/01/12 : CIA-RDP88-01315R000400360012-9