DEAR SIR:

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP88-01315R000400480011-7
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 70
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: November 4, 2004
• Sequence Number: 11
• Publication Date: November 19, 1956
• Content Type: LETTER

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SOCIETY FOR THE PREVENTION OF WORLD WAR III, Inc.
A. Non-Profit Educational Organization
515 MADISON AVENUE ? NEW YORK 22. N., Y.
SUITS 818 PLAZA 3-4888. 8831
BOARD OF DIRECTORS
MARK VAN DOREN
Hon. Chairman
REX STOUT
Virt Prendent
DR. ALBERT SIMARD
Secretary
ISIDORE LIPSCHUTZ
Treasurer
REV. HENRY A. ATKINSON
THOMAS CRAVEN
JULIUS L. GOLDSTEIN
WILLIAM HARLAN HALE
EMIL LENGYEL
ERIC MANN
CHAT PATERSON
HARRY LOUIS SELDEN
JAMES H. SHELDON
WILLIAM L. SHIRER
PIERRE VAN PAASSEN
MAJ. M. WHEELER-NICHOLSON
MRS. BELLE MAYER ZECK
ADVISORY COUNCIL
GEORGE BACKER
KONRAD BERCOVICI
REV. ROELIF H. BROOKS
STUART CLOETE
MORRIS L. COOKE
RICHARD DE ROCHEMONT
BERNARD DE VOTO
WALTER D. EDMONDS
LIONEL GELBER
MARY B. GILSON
SHELDON GLUECK
ALBERT GUERARD
BEN HECHT
FREDERICK G. HOFFHERR
JOHN R. INMAN
FRANK E. KARELSEN. JR.
CHRISTOPHER LA FARCE
MAJ. ERWIN LESSNER
MRS. DAVID ELLIS LIT
CLARENCE H. LOW
MRS. HAROLD V. MILLIGAN
HERBERT MOORE
LEWIS MUMFORD
ADELE NATHAN
ALLAN NEVINS
LOUIS NIZER
QUENTIN REYNOLDS
LISA SERGIO
G. E. SHIPLER
CHARD POWERS SMITH
MRS. HJORDIS SWENSON
R. J. THOMAS
FRITZ voN UNRUH
CHICAGO
COURTENAY BARBER. JR.
MRS. ROBERT BIGGERT
J. J. ZMRHAL
LOS ANGELES
F. E. BROOKMAN
MAJ. JULIUS HOCHFELDER
SAN FRANCISCO
VERNON E. HENDERSHOT
ALBERT RAPPAPORT
SIDNEY ROGER
ST. LOUIS
J. LIONBERGER DAVIS
November 19, 1956
Dear Sir: .
We respectfully call your attention to the enclosed statement
on the Middle Eastern crisis issued by the Society For The Prevention
Of World War III. The Society is a non-governmental organizatior. ac-
credited to the United Nations and unreservedly supports United Nations
efforts to achieve a just and lasting settlement.
Among the major purposes for which the Society was founded in
1943, are
a) "to prevent the occurrence of another world war by creating a
permanent body of experts on international politics and economics to
search and study the impelling forces and causes which have led to
b) "to observe and examine changing conditions in world politics
and economics and possible causes which might lead to a third world war"
c) "to announce and publish its findings, conclusions and opinions..."
In accordance with these aims the Society deems it a duty to
make known its views on some aspects of the Middle East crisis. We
seek an objective evaluation of the decisive ingredients which
have turned the Middle East into a caldron of hatred and strife.
The Society's search for the truth and its endeavor to prevent
World War III are the sole standards by which we discuss the critical
situation in the Middle East.
Respectfully submitted,
SOCIETY FOR THE PREVENTI OF WORLD WAR III INC.
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 November 1956
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THE UNITED NATIONS AND THE MIDDLE EAST CRISIS
A statement issued by
SOCIETY FOR THE PREVENTION OF WORLD WAR III, INC.
A non-profit educational organization
Accredited to the United Nations
515 Madison Avenue, New York 22, N. Y.
Dedicated to the cause of a just and lasting peace, the Society for the
Prevention of World War III supports unreservedly the efforts of the United
Nations to master the present world crisis. At this dangerous moment,. the
United Nations possesses an unmatched opportunity to fix firmly its moral
and material authority as the guardian of world peace.
The immediate focal point for United Nations action lies in the Middle
East where the flames of war threaten to engulf the world in unprecedented
catastrophe. The root cause underlying the ever growing discord in the Middle
East is the failure of the states in that area to conduct their external rela-
tions on the basis of mutual respect and good will. If the United Nations
succeeds in normalizing conditions in the Middle East, it will have a profound
effect on lessening tensions and strife throughout the world. On the other
hand, if the United Nation cannot prevent further deterioration, the danger
of World War III will increase.
In making these observations the Society hopefully assumes that the
realities of the Middle Eastern situation will no longer be masked. For
years it has been politically expedient for statesman to pretend that there
was peace in this vital area. By maintaining this false front, the forces
of war have been encouraged while the United Nations has been inhibited from
taking positive and effective action..
The Society does not pass judgment on the relative merits of Israel's
case agains her Arab neighbors or vice versa. We seek an objective evalu-
ation of the decisive ingredients which have turned the Middle East into a
caldron of _,WlagR,&egrtprsgpM a gR510-ociety s search 01for5R000t00t800nd its
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endeavor to prevent World War III are the sole standards by which we discuss this
critical situation.
The State of Israel born under United Nations' aegis found itself in a region
turbulent with social discontent and militant nationalism. The populations of
this area, however they strove to live in peace with their neighbors, have been caught
in the maelstrom of ceaseless warfare. At first they were the victims of a war launched
by the Arab governments to destroy Israel. Subsequently, the warfare became more
subtle although in many ways deadlier. It was warfare based on terror and attrition.
It involved hit-and-run raids, skirmishes, infiltration, sabotage, subversion and
blockade. This "new type" of warfare was powerfully stimulated by hate inciting
propaganda. Reason and self interest were terrorized into silence by artificially
whipped up passions.
The blockade against Israeli shipping in violation of the armistice agreement
of February 24th, 1949 and Security Council resolution of September 1st, 1951,
signified continuation of the war by other means.
On March 23rd, 1954, eight members of the Security Council voted for a resolu-
tion to reaffirm the previous resolution of September 1st, 1951. This was vetoed
by the Soviet Union while the Egyptian Government continued the blockade.
The determination to continue the blockade of Israel is seen by the fact
that, after Egypt had seized the Suez Canal, it again refused the freedom of
passage of Israeli ships and of shipping bound for Israel. The New York
Herald Tribune (8/29/56) quoted President Nasser as stating, "since the Suez
Canal runs through three Egyptian cities, the vessels of Israel with which
Egypt is technically at war, are excluded." Thus, President Nasser publicly
admitted that his Government was at war with Israel and that the blockade policy
was part of the war strategy.
The war has taken its toll of human lives and property. Thus, incursions,
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into Israel from July 1949 to October 1955 resulted in the slaying of 1039 unarmed
Israeli men, women and children. In addition, a total of 2231 armed attacls by
Arab forces upon the Israelis took place (Congressional i:ecord, 6/4/56, Senator
George H. Bender). In this connection, the Israeli Government more than a year
ago, pointed out that the Mixed Armistice Commission had registered 1006 violations
of the '~rmistice .' greement by Egyptian forces within al ? months period.
The ceaseless ambushes against the Israeli population are symptomatic of the
never ending war. Prominent in these raids were forces called "Fedayeen" en-
couraged and organized by the Egyptian Government. On May 28, 1956, President
Nasser publicly declared:
"the Fedayeen, the Palestine army, which started as a small force
of 1,000 men last year, is today great in number and training and
equipment. I believe in the strength, the ability, the loyalty and
the courage of this army. Its soldiers will be responsible for tak-
in revenge for their homeland and people."
On August 31, 1955, the official Cairo radio declared:
"Egypt has decided to dispatch her heroes, the disciples of Pharoah
and the sons of Islam, and they will cleanse the land of Palestine.
Therefore, ready yourselves; shed tears; cry out and weep, 0 Israel,
because near is your day of liquidation. Thus we have decided and
thus is our belief. There will be no more complaints and protests,
neither to the Security Council, nor to the United Nations, not to
the Armistice Commission. Not will there be peace on the border be-
cause we demand vengeance and the vengeance is Israel's death."
"The Egyptian Fedayeen have begun their activities inside the terri-
tory of Israel after repeated clashes on the border during the past
week. The Egyptian Fedayeen have penetrated into Jewish settlements
spread out in the Negev to Beersheba and MMigdal Ashkelon at a distance
of 40 kilometres from the Egyptian border, and have taught the aggressive
Israelis a lesson they will not forget. The Egyptian Fedayeen sowed
fear and consternation among the citizens of Israel."
The character- of the propaganda deluging the Middle East is also indicative
of the never ending war. It goes beyond the normal practices of exhortation to
patriotism as it whips the minds of the people into a state of blind hatred.
Through this ceaseless barrage of hate-inciting propaganda the war psychosis is
maintained at fever pitch. At that point the enflamed passions of the people
merge with the physical assaults perpetrated by such armed forces as the
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The Cairo Radio, 9/17/54 broadcasting in Arabic to the Arab world, said:
". . . we repeat Salah Salimts slogan: 'There would be no Egypt,
no Egyptian revolution and Egyptian Army if Egypt would make peace
with Israel.' Let all of us, 0 Arabs, repeat it once more: 'There
would be no Egypt, no Egyptian revolution, and no Egyptian Army if
Egypt would make peace with Israel.'"
On September 21, 1954, the Cairo Radio, broadcasting in Arabic to the
Arab world, declared:
"The U N General Assembly opens its new session today. Each time we
examine the UN Charter, we read its seemingly plausible effort to free
peoples, to bring them happiness through peace, and to protect them
from destruction. . . The Voice of the Arabs wishes to tell you today
not to believe in the United Nations, not to be deceived by its char-
ter, and not to expect any good from it."
The Cairo Home Service (12/27/55) quoted Col. Anwar Sadat, Egyptian
"Our war against the Jews is an old struggle that began with Mohammed
and in which we achieved many great victories. Today, we fight them in
Gaza and in Sabha and everywhere. It is our duty to fight the Jews for
the sake of God and religion, and it is our duty to end the war which
Mohammed began.",
on January 12, 1956, the Cairo Home Service stated:
"Peace between us and the Jews is impossible. As far as we are con-
cerned the problem is a matter of life and death and not a dispute over
frontiers or interests. Nor is it a difference of viewpoints which re-
quire mediation for settlement. . . This part of the world, that is,
the Middle East, cannot hold both of us. It is either we or they.
There is no other solution. . . Thank God that our leaders . . . know
that poems will not achieve our aims. It is steel and bullets which
will realize these objectives."
On April 9, 1956, the Cairo Radio broadcasted:
"The Arabs are determined to stress one fact, even by bloodshed:
Israel must be wiped out."
It would be a disservice to truth were we to ignore the fact that the tone
and content of this type of incitement have been continuously employed by the
leaders of the various Arab countries. We cite below some examples:
President Gamal Nasser as quoted in "Al Ahram," Cairo, 10/15/55:
"I am not fighting solely against Israel, but also against World
Zionism and Jewish capital. iMy task is todeliver the Arab world from
destruction throw h Zionist intrigues which have their roots in the
~1d i -~ $ x X11-I .
Unit srfywh F r 4W6
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Deutsch turn
e'merca
By john Brown
PROF. OF THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY
WASHINGTON. D. C.
Rep+rinted from the
JOURNAL OF LEGAL AND POLITICAL SocIOLOGY
Published by
PHILOSOPHICAL LIBRARY. NEW YoF.
Distributed by the
Society for the Prevention
of World War Ill, Inc.
515 )JAADISON AVE., NEW YORK CrrY
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The article "Deutchtum and America" by Prof.
Brown of the Catholic University, Washington, D. C.
is an excellent study proving the growing German in-
fluence in the cultural and educational spheres of the
United States.
As the Society for the Prevention of World War III,
Inc., considers Prof. Brown's article as a very valuable
contribution to inform the American public about the
German propaganda in the United States, we have
obtained permission from the author and the editors
of the "Journal of Legal and Political Sociology" to
reprint Prof. Brown's article.
The penetration of America's cultural and political
life with German propaganda is one of the most effect-
ive means of Pan-Germanism in its struggle for world
domination.
Without the political and economic backing given to
Germany in the United States, she would have never
been able to prepare eo thoroughly for the present
onslaught. The resurrection of German power is due
to a large extent to the systematic activity of well
organized pro-German groups which have exerted grow
ing influence on the political, economic and cultural
life of the United States during the last decades.
We shall be very grateful to our readers if they
would give us further information on any pro-German
propaganda activity wherever they find it. This infor-
mation will be kept strictly confidential if desired.
SOCIETY FOR THE PREVENTION OF WORLD WAR III, INC.
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DEUTSCH'TUM AND AMERICA
by JOHN L. BROWN
To TRY to analyse in detail a "national character" is usually a vain
and futile business, It is an evasive quality which tends to evaporate
in discussion, but remains, nevertheless, very real. Nations, like personali-
ties, do have dominant traits which appear early and persist,: through
diverse exterior forms, to the very end.
Germans, for example, were early obsessed with the idea of the
Volk, of an organic Deutschtum, quite different from the normal con-
ception of the politico-juridical state. It has been one of the prevailing
motifs of their political: thought and constitutes one of the outstanding
symptoms of the mental derangement which has long affliced them.'
of "Deutschtum"
Even in the early 16th century we have a flood of tracts claiming
that the Germans had been divinely selected as the fourth of the world
monarchies predicted by Daniel, the greatest of European peoples. This
"Ur-deutschtum" has a whole line of theoreticians and defenders, includ-
ing Peutinger, Wimpheling, Luther, Melanchthon, Sleidan, and a great
number of forgotten minor figures,2
i Verrina, The German Mentality, London, 1941; C. Brinitzer and B. Gross-
bard, Germans vs. Huns, London, 1941; Peter Viereck, Metapolitics, New York,
1941; Harold Butler, The Lost Peace, New York, 1942, are representative of
the superabundant commentary on this subject.
2 Cf. F. X. Wegele, Geschichte der deutschen Historiographie seit dem Auf-
treten des Humanismus, Monaco, 1885. Melanchthon, in his tremendously influ-
ential Chronicon Carionis says, for example: "God has endowed the German
people with a signal honor in willing that they should control the continuation
of the Roman Empire and be the chosen guardians of Europe." Likewise he contends
(with later German historians following him) that the Empire of Charlemagne
was a German Empire and not French. Sleidan, one of the most nationalistic
of the German Reformation historians, wrote- in 1588 a universal history within
the framework of the "Four Monarchies", De quatuor summis imperils libri tres,
where he underlines the historical destiny of the German nation as the protectors
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John L Brown
The development of the ideas which we commonly label as Nazi
can be traced in the works of the outstanding German philosophers and
historians throughout the nineteenth century-we have been provided
with an abundance of citations in books about Nazism to show that there
is a line which passes from the Teutonic Knights, if you wish, through
Luther, to Herder, Schlegel, Gorres, Schelling. Hegel states baldly that
the individual exists for the state and not the state for the individual.
"The Volk as state is the spirit in substantial rationality and direct reality,
hence the absolute power on earth.-3
Some elements of Fichte were also exploited, rather through con-
scious misinterpretations, as selections as Fiches fur beute* testify. His
works provide many passages which have a quite different sense. Those
leading to Pan-Germanism, to totalitarian economy and to nationalistic
Volksturn were the only ones which became influential in contemporary
Germany. Adam H. Muller in his Ueber Kdrug Priedricb 11 (1810) de-
clares that "the great federation of European peoples which will come
some day as sure as we live, will also bear German hues, for everything
great, fundamental, and eternal in all European institutions is certainly
German." These themes engaged nearly every German writer and thinker
of prominence throughout the nineteenth century-Friedrich List, Wagner,
Nietzsche, Treitscbke, Ranke. H. S. Chamberlain, writing to Kaiser
Wilhelm 11 9 rhapsodized: "And because the German soul is indissolubly
linked with the German tongue, the higher development of mankind
is bound up with Germany, a mighty Germany spreading far acros;
the earth the sacred heritage of her language and imposing herself on
others.... God builds today upon the Germans alone." G. M. Solovei-
chik, in New Europe" has sketched in succinctly the development of
Deutschtum in the early twentieth century-Friedrich Naumann, author
of rnitteleuropa, which projected a "multimembered brotherhood" of
states under German influence; Tannenberg with his "Greater Germany;"
Moeller van den Bruck ; Spengler.
of Europe and as a superior race, the worthy successor to the universal Roman
Empire. This work was used in Germany as a text book even until the beginning
of the 19th century, according to G. Mertz, Scbxlwesen der dexttcben Reformation
(Berlin, 1902), p. 333. In 1700 it was translated into French and employed
as a school book for the instruction of Frederick the Great's father.
AGrrndlinien der Philosophic des Recbu (Stuttgart, 1938), p. 441.
s ed. Ludwig Roselius, Berlin, 1938.
? See Wickham Steed, "Pan-Germanism" lnurnotional Affairs (XVII, Sept,-
Oct. 1938), pp. 667-668.
? G. M. Soloveichik, "Pan-Germanism," New Europe (III, July-August, 1945,
pp. 19-2 1.
(6)
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The exaltation of Deutschtum is not a Nazi innovation but an
abiding tendency of German thought. The theoreticians of the Third
Reich are simply echoing the ideas that they had studied in school, of the
classic writers of their race. If Huber in his Verfassungsrecht des gross-
deutschen Reiches7 asserts that "The German people forms a closed com-
munity which recognizes no national borders" he can find support in
Fichte. Gottfried Neese, Herbert Scurla, Friedrich Beck and the countless
other apologists of Blood and Soil have brought nothing new or unique;
they have simply vulgarised what they already found in their national
tradition.
Hence it is not surprising that a German who is staunchly anti-
Hitlerian may not necessarily be "anti-Deutschtum" at all. In fact, it is
only the rare exception who can put resolutely behind him, with a real
effort of the will, the centuries-old Prussian preoccupations for the realisa-
tion of the dream of the "Greater Germany."- As Andre Cheradame
states:8 "La, disparition de Hitler ne supprimerait pas le peril pangerman-
iste. Ce danger reside non dans un homme mais dans la mentalite du peo-
ple allemand." In a letter to the New York Times of July 4, 1943, H. T.
Kohlhaas, who describes himself as a "German-American" expresses
the opinion that whether liberal, communist, socialist, etc., every German
is a Pan-Germanist; that even refugees, while usually sincerely anti-Nazi,
are saturated with objectionable and dangerous Germanic philosophy and
hold exaggerated views about German might, German cultural and
scientific contributions, and German organisational genius.
It is a fact that many of the most prominent German exiles (with
a few notable exceptions) whether Aryan or Jew, reveal in their speeches
and their writings a tendency towards Pan-Germanism, sometimes con-
sciously, sometimes unconsciously, sometimes marked, sometimes faint,
but inevitably perceptible. Otto Strasser is an extreme example of the
? convinced and militant Pan-Germanist. Denied entrance to the United
States, he now lives in Canada and occasionally contributes articles to
American reviews. In "What About Germany After the War" 9 he pleads
for a German federation (with the understanding that this would
P Berlin, 1939.
8 Defense de 1'Amerique (New York, 1941), p. 215.
9 Catholic World (156, Oct. 1942-March 1943), pp. 268-275.
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become the dominant force in Central Europe.) He warns against an),
attempt to dismember Germany. He is also eloquently certain (from
another recent article in the Ca/hollc World) that re=education by
German anti-Nazis will be able to transform the hardboiled and fanatic
Hitlerjugend. It is clear that Strasser is preparing himself in the hope
that he will be able to play an important political rtle in postwar Germany.
However, as Ernest P. Pisko writes in an article "Free Movements and not
so Free," 10 "It would be entirely erroneous to consider Strasser an anti-
Nazi because of his more recent actions. He is merely anti-Hitler, and
this from personal motives. . . . There can be no question that a
movement in which a man of Strasser's type holds power is anything
but a free movement."
Prince Hubertus zu Lowenstein, former German youth leader and
anti-Nazi, has been very active in this country, lecturing in many univer-
sities and frequently contributing to newspapers and magazines. In
"Union Now With Germany" 11 he protests against any dismemberment
of the present German state; "Germany should consist of those regions
which are genuinely German, Austria included." He defends the cause
of the "good German in insisting that Germany and Nazism cannot be
equated. "Perhaps it is because there are no Italian exiles who would
be so vile as, to identify their country with Fascism and who would
advocate the destruction of Italy, while there are unfortunately Germans
who have adopted this vile attitude towards their native land." His letter
to the New York Timej of August 22 is even more significant as an
indication of how even the sincere Christian anti-Nazi cannot escape
the strain of the Pan-Germanism. He insists first of all on the dem-
ocracy of the German masses. These "good Germans" should not be
punished. "While a civilian cannot question military necessity, the
student of history may say that the periods immediately after the over-
throw of a despotic administration are those which usually lend them-
selves most readily to the rebirth of national democracy. If in the Axis
countries that opportune moment should be allowed to pass unused or
the impression created that benevolent foreign Gauleiters will take over
where the native left off, a great chance for democracy will be missed.
Under the shadow of foreign bayonets, no democracy strong enough
to stand on its own feet can develop." All this adds up to the fact that
there should be little if any Allied military occupation of Germany, that
the task of rehabilitating and governing should be placed in the hands of
10 The Chrrrlien Ce,Nnry (February 18, 1442), p. 213.
E1 Amenrmr Merrxrr (53, July-December, 1941), pp..546-551.
181
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a "Free German Committee," composed of exiled nationals. The letter is
at once a bid for power and a plea for an unpunished Germany.12
An article such as that of Wolfgang zu Putlitz, "Your German
American Neighbor" 113 is more obviously brazen. Connected with the
? Nazi legation at the Hague until 1939, the author assures us that he has
not taken out first papers and does not intend to. His role is to protect
the German-American against the prejudice of his neighbors and to dispel
any fears which we might have about a German Fifth Column, which
he can characterize, even after the fall of France as "the great bugaboo
of our age."
Until the rise of the Nazis, Count Coudenhove-Kalergi was widely
recognised as the chief of a movement in favor of "Pan Europe." On
the surface, the program was an extremely attractive one, However, it
should be remarked that since Russia, as an "Asiatic power" and England
as an "extra-continental power" were both ruled out, Pan-Europa could
have been dominated only by Germany. In fact one observer has said
that Count Coudenhove-Kalergi tried to achieve without war for Weimar
Germany what Hitler's Germany attempted by force of arms. Since
1941 he has resumed his activities in the United States, with less of an
anti-Russian tendency, for reasons which are very apparent. But there
are no basic differences between "Pan-Europe" and the new "European
Union."
Even a superficial examination of, the articles written in the course
of the past three or four years by anti-Nazi exiles will confirm the
trends which have been indicated above. The old themes of Pan-
Germanism, with certain variations of a political sort, recur again and
again in the writings of Rauschning, of Friedrich Stampfer, Paul Hagen,
Wilhelm Sollmann, and many others.
III The "Two. Germanies"
All this is closely bound up with several extremely important issues
which will affect the whole future of Europe and America.
Can we recognise. the validity of existence of the "'Two Germanies"
the good democrats and the Nazis?
What will be done with Germany when hostilities end?
12 On the unfortunate inadvisability of using German exiles for such re-
habilitation, see Dean "What Future for Germany," Foreign Policy Reports
(February 1, 1943), p. 285.
13 Harper's (184, Dec. 1941-Feb. 1942), p. 322-28.
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Jahn L. Brown
These two questions are asked and re-asked in public discussion
and in the press. Naturally, the anti-Hitlerians in exile are very anxious
to convince the Allies that it is the Nazi criminals who are solely
responsible for the war and not the German people. Such a distinction
is both dubious and dangerous. Undoubtedly, there is in Germany a
relatively passive group who find Hitler and his works revolting, but
this does not justify us in treating the German nation as a thing apart
from the policy of its leaders. It is true that the leader influences the
actions of the masses; but it is no leis true that the leader comes from
the masses and expresses their spirit and their aims. Every people tends
to get the government and the leaders which they deserve. Professor
F. W. Foerster has devoted his life to combatting Prussianism and
militarism and he sees Nazism as an authentic manifestation of "Deutsch-
turn." In the Wall Street journal of March 29, 1943, he writes:
"In any case it is a most misleading idea to differentiate the German
people from the Pan-Germanistic madness of their Prussian and Teutonic
leaders. We have to do with a kind of national drunkeness, with a real
mass infection, produced by a century of Prussian propaganda, poisoning
the entire people by systematic lies. Therefore, only a deeply penetrating
'de-lousing' and re-education can lay the basis of the New Germany
cured of her national megalomania-a people which have abundantly
proven that they are not able to resist the madness of their leaders
must be put under a long guardianship-this is the only 'just peace'
which can be offered to the German nation."
There has always been a tendency in this country to distinguish
between the "good German" and the Hun, between the "good German"
and the Nazi. This distinction ariles from several factors. In the first
World War we did not immediately witness the devastation of Belgium
and the north of France. In this one we did not undergo the merciless
bombing to which England was subjected, or the savage occupation which
the Russians have endured, or the wholesale murder and devastation
done with insane fury in other occupied countries. For the Englishman
and the Russian, for the Pole and the Czech, the Norwegian and the
Greek, it is difficult if not impossible to take such- a distinction seriously.
Here is-a Polish opinion:"'
"It should be borne in mind that: (1) Hitler was and is supported
by large masses of the German people. The Nazi movement in spite
of its reactionary character was and is a popular one, the Volksbewegung
as the Germans call it. (2) The Nazi and German military machine
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employs hundreds of thousands of people who have shown brutality and
cruelty unprecedented in modern times, in dealing with their opponents
particularly the peoples of the occupied countries. According to the
United Nations Information Committee in London, 3,400,000 people
were murdered in occupied countries before the end of 1942. For this
many Germans share the criminal responsibility. (3) The first two points
indicate that the destruction of the Nazi machine will not automatically
produce the democratisation of the German masses."
Large numbers of Americans of German ancestry have retained, to
a greater or lesser degree, an abiding feeling of their race. They have been
actively abetted in this by the activities of the VDA, the German
language press in this country, and the numerous (some 20,000 it has
been estimated) German clubs and singing societies. The great wave of
German emigration which came to this country after the political fer-
mentation of 1848 was composed of German democrats who, by and
large, were accepting exile for the sake of their liberal opinions. Their
achievements, the considerable role which some of them played in the
development of this Republic has created a favorable atmosphere for
the perpetuation of the idea of the "Good German" versus the "Bad
Nazi."
Furthermore the culture of Germany has always exercised a consid-
erable influence in the United States, especially during the nineteenth
century. To examine one sphere which is particularly relevant for this
study, the American system of advanced education has been preponder-
antly German in its origins and traditions. Until the foundation of
Johns Hopkins. there was no "graduate work" properly speaking. Many
of the original Hopkins faculty had 'done their advanced studies in
Germany.. During the rest of the nineteenth century and through the
early years of the twentieth, a Gelman doctorate was almost a "morceau
oblige" in a successful American academic career. The "elders" of the
American universities were, for many years, the products of seminars
of Berlin, or Bonn, or Marburg. They were imbued with the idea of
the superiority of German Wissenschaft, perhaps since they had invested
their own intellectual capital in it. They tended to regard French uni-
versity life as something frivolous, and "literary," while English univer-
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cities were considered the pipe-smoking haunts of an idle upper-class.
Even professors of Romance languages often would by-path Paris for
Berlin and would return to the United States speaking French with an
authentic German accent. Hence, academically, a kind of intellectual
Pan-Germanism began to take root. Many of the virtues and vices of
American research can be traced to Germanic origins- -order, method, an
exhaustive handling of detail, exact documentation, respect for the foot-
note, the cult of the quantitative.
VI The German Language Press
This admiration of Teutonic culture aided in differentiating the
German immigrant from the Latin or the Slav, who were usually looked
down on, aided in making him much more persistently German. For
in a country like the United States, where the second immigrant genera-
tion has usually tended to lose the national traits of the parents and to
abandon the mores and the language of the "old country," the German
group has been remarkably tenacious. In some sections of the Middle
West there are communities where until recently German was almost
as common as English. The German foreign language press has fostered
this feeling. Up until the time of the declaration of war, these papers
were openly anti-British and isolationist. During the war, they are one
of the most difficult to control. Constant surveillance has been necessary
to prevent the inclusion of subversive materials. In some of these pub-
lications, official Office of War Information releases, when they were used
at all, were printed in Latin type, while the rest of the paper was printed
in Gothic, in order to make sure that the readers were well aware of
the difference. An article published in the Neue Volkzeitung (an anti-
Nazi weekly) called "A Nazi World of Fairy Tales in the U.S.A."
gives a dear picture of the situation which existed until recently. In
these papers (all of which claim to be sturdily American) there is no
attempt at all to introduce the readers into American life. Instead,
they present nostalgic, Pan-Germanistic visions of the "homeland." Take
this fantistic passage from a novel "Fremde Welten" which was serialized
by the Detroit Abendpost only last year. This passage appeared in the
installment of November 22, 1942. The novel has its setting in
Australia:
". . . So you would be willing to return to Germany if you had
the means?"
"0 there is nothing that I long for more desperately. But un-
fortunately it is the wish for which there is no fulfillment."
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"But there is, there is," exclaimed Helga with a strangely trans-
formed and radiating face. "'I bave the money to pay the expenses
for both of us. . . . What do we care for the people in this hateful
country?"
Then Helga took his sound right hand into both her own hands
and like a shout of exultation it came to her lips: "We'll take the next
boat-out into the sun-to our biome country-to freedom-to happi-
ness!"
For generations German Americans have built up in their minds
a fantastic vision of the mother country, at once beautiful and wronged,
the seat of the highest culture and the greatest scientific and organisational
skill. Elmer Davis, when he was still a young journalist, stated in an
article in the Forum in 1915 that the fatherland to which German-
Americans felt themselves so strongly attached was a kind of Never-
neverland. He was quite right when he added that the liberal Germany
of the conception of many German??Americans was entirely different from
the Germany of Wilhelm II-and entirely different from the Germany
of today.
These and other factors make large portions of the population of
the United States curiously susceptible to the "Pan-European" or more
bluntly Pan-Germanistic solution of the problem of "what to do with
Germany." Our approach to the whole question has been much less
realistic than that of the British, who have a much closer experience
with the Nazi state.15
Neither France, England, or Russia has, any taste for a solution
which would re-instate the "Good German" as the master of Mittel-
europa.
VII German Area Study and its Importance
We are already preparing, in the form of the Foreign Area Studies
which the Army Specialised Training program has set up in some 200
is It is not only the Vansittartites who combat the notion of the "Two
Germanies" as a basis for post-war negotiation. A resolution passed by the British
Labor Party by a majority of 1,083,000 (reported in the New York Times of
June 18, 1943) stated that the Germans who are opposed to the policy of their
government are a very small minority, and that no permanent peace would be
possible after the war unless Germany was completely disarmed and her "spirit
of aggressive nationalism completely eradicated." Brendan Bracken, in the New
York Times of August 28, is intransigent. In replying to those "silly people" who
are talking about educating the Germans in the post-ward period as to the folly of
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of our colleges and universities, the reply to this central question of the
treatment of Germany after the war.'a
We are now training some 100,000 soldiers in the language, history,
customs, psychology, political and economic structure of various foreign
countries. They will be the ones who will carry out the details of the
American occupation and rehabilitation of post-war Europe. In their
hands rests the practical outcome of our attempts at a resolution of the
German question. In campuses from New Brunswick to Berkeley, class- -
rooms are crowded with young men who are following these courses
in area study. For its concrete influence on the course of history, this is
perhaps one of the most significant movements in large-scale education
which has ever been undertaken. The attitudes which these students ac-
quire, the directions in which their thought is directed will fix important
trends not only in German history but in the history of all of Europe. It is
imperative that they acquire sound and democratic ideas about the prob-
lem of Europe, that they should not be led astray, in their good will and
in their ignorance of the complexity of the Old World, by teachers who
are not thoroughly versed, both in the American tradition and in
European background.
VIII The Problem of Tearbing Personnel
To find teachers of this sort is admittedly very difficult, because
the specialist will not suffice, because an integrated "area study" of this
type has seldom been tried in the American universities. Few Americans,
who have a broad and deep knowledge of European problems, in addition
to a sound American formation, are still available, were never available,
in fact, in any large number. The needs of global war have long since
drained many of them into the intelligence services of the Army and
Navy, the State Department, and into the wartime federal bureaus such as
the OWI, the OSS, the OEW, etc. Most of those who remain are
specialists in some branch of the philology or the early history of the
area concerned, who know all about Vincent of Beauvais but nothing of
war, he would nominate Air Chief Marshall, Sir Arthur T. Harris, as the best
"educator" on that subject. The Herold-
" For a brief description of this Foreign Area Study program, see
Tribxae for Sunday, August 29, 1943. In addition to this program which is de-
signed for enlisted men and "is not an officers' training school although many of
the graduates may become officers' later,' there are various centers for more ad-
vanced "foreign area study" for officers, such as those at Yale and Harvard, and
the school for Military Government at Charlottesville, Virginia.
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Otto Abetz, who know the history of the rise of Provencal poetry, but
nothing of the rise of the Nazi party. They certainly could not be
'expected to render the most efficient service in this area study. Unless
care is exercised "area study" can easily break down into conventional
? classroom teaching of the language of the country studied, with some
accessory lectures on history, geography, and social features. Such a
formation, geared to pre-war days when there was time for superfluous
or 'irrelevant information which would have no immediate political or
social consequences, is completely out of place today, when the prin-
ciples taught in these Foreign Area courses must be put into practice by
those who take them. The future reputation of the United States in
Europe will in part depend on decisions that these students will take.
For they will be in continued and intimate contact with the foreign popu-
lations, "both in waging the war and in maintaining the peace."
We must not have too many illusions about the quality or the
extent of the previous preparation which these students have had for
foreign area study, in spite of the fact that they were selected from Army
trainees who had scored 115 or over in the Army General Classification
test and had some knowledge of a foreign language. Many do not speak
the language of the area in which they will be called upon to work
with any' real ease or fluency. Some are almost a-political or at best given
to provincialism as far as the tangled skeins of European political move-
ments are concerned. They are often willing to believe anything plausible
which they are told. They know they must conquer Germany, but they
have little idea as yet what ought to be done with it. Many are willing
to take the easiest solution offered--the minimum of American inter-
ference, the restitution of Germany to the "good Germans" who will
elect deputies and everyone will live happily for ever and ever-or at
least until these "good Germans" have been mysteriously metamorphosed
into Nazis and the whole structure will come tumbling down once again.
IX The German Professors in Exile
It is clear that the old line foreign-language teacher can be utilised in
such foreign area studies only to a limited degree because of the limita-
tion in his own training and experience.
There remains, however, a whole group of teachers, who are
extremely eager, for any number of motives, to step in And assume an
important role in the Foreign Area Study courses. They comprise a very
mixed assortment of the qualified and the unqualified, the clever and the
obtuse, the sincere and the frankly opportunistic. Since 1933, they have
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formed an ever-growing problem in the American university, a problem
which has not yet been studied frankly and honestly, although it is of
real importance in any attempt to analyse the recent sociology of learn-
ing in the United States. This is the group of the German professors
in exile. There is no place here to assay the many contributions to
American academic life, which such exceptional minds as Einstein,
Cassirer, Panofsky and others have brought to this continent. Nor can
we detail the problems and the tensions which have been created in giving
a marked preference to this group over other European scholars. This
can be sociologically explained, but not justified, by the aforementioned
two factors---the part German scholarship played in the formation of
American universities and the considerable number of German Americans
who persist in their "Deutschtum." Something should be said, however,
about the implications of their influence in the teaching of foreign area
studies and their indoctrination of the students who will carry out the
work of American occupation and reconstruction in Europe.
What are some of these implications? There is the likelihood that
they will instruct their pupils, whether consciously or not, to think in
terms of a Pan-Germanistic Europe, veiled as "Pan-Europe" or under
some other tag. They will teach the danger of the disarmament of
Germany, of the necessity of preserving intact the economic and social
structure which the Nazis have built up in Central Europe."
They will insist on the need of preserving German strength in
order to prevent the "Communization" and the "Russification " of
Europe. They will teach the essential differences between the "good
German" of Goethe, Beethoven, Thomas Mann and the Nazi. They will
even claim that the majority of the German nation was always anti-Nazi
and anti-Hitler, but that they were forced to support the Party. But
granted such a spineless population, which followed a leader in whom
they did not believe, there is no guarantee at all but that in twenty-five
years a new Hitler will arise to force the people into submission once
again." To subscribe to this doctrine of the "innocent German people"
after the political crimes committed by them and their leaders, is to
1 See the article, "To Solve the German Problem-A Free State?" of Upton
Sinclair, in the New York Timer, August 14, 1943.
is W. F. Foerster, "Germany Ruled by the Nazi Spirit," New York llera1d-
Tribune, July 9, 1913: "In Germany the dynamic minority commands the nation's
destiny. Therefore, it is no use to stress the peaceful type even if the peaceful
are in the majority. They were never a serious factor when it came to shaping the
nation's fate ... What is the aim and purpose of telling the victims of the ruthless
German type that there live innocent sheep beside the German wolves?"
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Deutschtum and America
subscribe to a kind of moral anarchy, which completely abandons any
belief in free will and moral responsibility which is the basis of any
organised society.
And what has been the record of the "academic man" in Germany
? during the past ten years? The Universities, possessed of a prestige
which is unknown in the United States, could have been bastions of
resistance against Hitlerism. Unhappily, the professorial class revealed
itself incredibly supine and irresponsible in the face of Nazi pressure.
The Catholic and Protestant clergy were infinitely more courageous in
insisting on the dignity of man and, the rights of the individual con-
science against the all-inclusive demands of the State. Some professors
went over completely to the Party, taught even classical philology from
a pure National Socialist point of view, converted the social sciences
into a fanciful mythology of "Rasse." Others kept silent and hoped for
the best. They remained quiet, perhaps did not wholly approve, but
offered little or no active resistance. After all, their pensions were at
stake. The academic pension in Germany had the same fatal and anes-
thetizing effect on the university group as the Civil Service and army
pensions had on French official classes, who sometimes supported Petain
simply because the Vichy government: offered to continue these stipends.
Undoubtedly, there were professors in the German universities who
resisted whole heartedly the throttling of intellectual and spiritual life.
On the whole, however, their behavior could be labelled as a "trahison
des clercs." They felt it was possible to appease the Nazis. They felt
that by sacrificing intellectual integrity and honesty they could save
their pensions. In the end many found that in sacrificing honor to keep,
jobs and pensions, they lost jobs and pensions too. That lesson should
have been made abundantly clear by the events of this war: to give up
principles in the hope of maintaining things ends by the loss of both.
Such is the record of a troublingly large group in the German
professorial classes.19
They pose essentially the same problem as that of the German people
as a group. If the Nazis actually comprised, such a small minority of
the population, why has the Underground given so little sign of activity,
19 A serious study of the reaction of the Universities to National Socialism
would he very worthwhile. The use of university professors as instruments in
German propaganda abroad was particularly significant in the promotion of
"Franco-German" relations, in which Sieburg, Abetz and others were particularly
active.
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John L. Brown
why there has been such slight indication of any popular resistance? as
Why did the professors consent to nazify their courses, to abandon
the highly vaunted objective of German science in order to prostitute
it for the most sordid political purposes? Perhaps it was the "timidity"
of the academic mind. Perhaps it was a tacit agreement with some of
the basic principles of National Socialism which Hitler was presenting
in a "popular" form. Perhaps it was a lack of conviction and a lack of
belief in liberalism and democracy which made professorial resistance
to Nazi pressure so feeble."
At any rate, the German professoriat, in spite of striking exceptions,
is not a group which inspires the most complete confidence." They
so Friedrich Stampfer, 'The German Problem,,. New Europe (July-August,
1943) p. 14 gives the rather startling explanation that "There was no visible
resistance for two reasons, Every attempt to resist would immediately have been
punished by death. Moreover the opposition in.ride Germany preferred at that
very moment a lost war to a won revolution. Those men and women did not want
to foster a new stab in the back legend; they wanted to throw upon the Nazis
the undivided responsibility of war and defeat-'
22 In many instances there should be no talk of resistance at all. Cf, Heinz Pot,
The Ridden Enemy: The German Threat to Potr-War Peace (New York, 1943), p.
t09: "In the spring of 1933, after the world expressed its fast misgivings over the
Hitler regime, about 1200 university professors, descendants of the manifesto-makers
of 1914, issued an "Appeal to the Intellectuals of the World." This Pan-German
elite 'gleichgeschaltet' by Hitler, thought it useful to declare that 'German science
appeals to the intellectuals of the world to show as much understanding toward the
stirring German nation united by Adolf Hitler for freedom, honor, justice, and peace
as they would toward their own nation." See also on this connection "Der Fall
Bergstrdsser-Pro and Contra" in Aufbau July 4, 1942, pp. 14-15. Maximilian
Scheer's "contra" is matched by the "pro" of C. J. Friedrich of Harvard University.
The excellent pamphlet of Julian Huxley, Argument of Blood (London, 1941) states
in describing the attitude of the teaching class (p. 23): "The Jew Emit Lask was
the most important thinker that Heidelberg had produced for half a century. He
was moreover the only member of his faculty who fell in the first World War. In
the very building where he taught was affixed the notice, "Wenn der Jude Deutsch
schreibt, Mgt er." None of his colleagues protested. Such was the pall of moral
cowardice that the Nazi terror draped over German learning" And later (p. 29):
"Professors allowed their assistants to be beaten, driven into concentration camps,
exiled with hardly a gesture of disapproval. They remained silent at the dismissal
of colleagues in whose appointments they had had a share and by whose side they
had worked for years. The merest handful chose to retire into the decent obscurity
of private life."
24 Julian Huxley, op. cit. p. 30 estimates that by the autumn of 1937 about
one-fifth of the German professoriate (about 2500 persons) had been dismissed.
It is very significant that the four-fifths who remained made no protest against this
intolerable situation. It must also be noted that some were dismissed because of
non-Aryan ancestry who had been prominent champions of National Socialism in
the Universities,
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objected to the violence with which the Nazis deprived them of their
jobs and of their pensions. But large numbers, it is clear, were secretly
or subconsciously convinced of the basic tenets of the Nazi creed-the
superiority of theGerman people, the bankruptcy of liberalism, the
exaltation of violence and the "feeling of the blood," a revolt against
the rational and the intellectual, a thirst for national expansion. We
find no group coming forward to carry on the tradition of the "Gottingen
Sieben."
It is this class which is now anxious to influence or direct the
education of the American soldiers who will be assigned to work in
Germany and to aid in the carrying out of Allied plans for occupation
and rehabilitation. Miss Dorothy Thompson, in replying in the American
Mercury (June, 1943) to the article of Kingsbury Smith "Our Govern-
ment's Plan for Post-War Germany" (in the Mercury of April, 1943)
protests against some of the details of these plans which seem to her
unduly harsh ; she states that we are preparing "gauleiters" to take over
in a conquered Germany. It would be ironical if the term should take
on an unsuspected exactness and our foreign area courses for Germany
should tend to produce a group that should have accepted, by and large,
the principles on which a Pan-Germanistic Europe would be based.
These courses are charged with dynamite, have the potentialities
to do tremendous good or tremendous harm. They can be essential in
the formation of administrators who will work towards the introduction
of democratic ideals into the poisoned system of Germany; or they can
produce a group which is in unconscious agreement with the Pan-
Germanistic trends which persist in so many anti-Nazi exiles. Every
possible precaution must be taken that the material presented in these
courses represents a faithful image of the official policies of the United
Nations and not the individual interpretation of an anti-Hitler pro-
German. Basic sources and required readings should be provided by the
government itself, in order to make sure that German area study does
not become another possible instrument of "Deutschtum," a means
which would contribute to the losing, rather than the winning, of the
peace. Regular official inspection by native Americans who know both
Germany and the traditions of their own country, should not be
neglected ; these inspectors should not only attend classes at regular
intervals but should chat informally with the trainees, to determine the
channels in which their thought is being directed, as well as to check
on the fluency they are acquiring in the language. Otherwise- Germans
who remain strongly German in spite of being anti-Nazi, will attempt,
with the best conscience in the world, to do everything in their power
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to convince their pupils of the necessity of preserving German unity
and strength in post-war Europe. As E. T. stated in a letter to the New
York Herald-Tribune (April 11, 1943) :
"These attacks against unconditional surrender as well as other
facts are proofs of a mobilisation of sympathy for the German people.
In my belief, all those German anti-Nazis who are expressing such ideas
are but Pan-Germanists. They have but one goal: to save German unity.
They are strong opponents of any kind of dismemberment of Germany
after the war. I heard even the other day one of these people telling an
American forum: 'Prussia was the strongest bulwark of democracy.'
X Themes to Avoid
Granted the present situation, precautions should be taken that
themes such as the following (which are being elaborated with increasing
frequency in newspapers and reviews) do not bulk too large in the
presentation of German area study: "The two Germanies;" formation
of "Free German Committe" for re-education and rehabilitation; the
organisation of a Pan-European Federation in which Germany would
play a leading part; the preservation of the German economic organization
of Europe; the punishment of Nazi criminals by the Germans themselves;
resistance to the idea of "unconditional surrender"; the insistence on
unique German contributions in science, arts, letters.
The campaign to perpetuate the myth of "the two Germanies" has
been one of the principal efforts of the anti-Nazi pro-Germans both
in this country and in England. It provides the ideological foundation
on which their detailed proposals for the solution of the German problem
rest. On these grounds, in "News from Germany" (September, 1942),
the periodical of the German Social Democrats in London, the continuous
bombing of the Reich is deplored since "the workers are well aware
that this is a war against Hitler and not against the German people,
and the Nazis rejoice whenever English bombs dropped on working-class
districts promise to shatter this belief."
Hence it is argued that the Allies should make haste to form a
"Free German Movement" that can take complete charge of the task
of re-education, rehabilitation, and whatever chastisement may be nec-
essary. Prince Hubertus zu Loewenstein is eloquent in his support of
such a movement. In his letter to the Times (August 22, 1943) already
quoted he writes: "German national committees formed abroad could
do a work that no -foreign military or civilian administration could ever
achieve." He implies that the very notion of training American soldiers
to act as an army of occupation and rehabiliation is a tragic error.25
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Following also from the "good German" motif, is the plea that
all the European nations must share the responsibility for the war.
"Germany Tomorrow", a recent publication of the American Friends of
German Freedom, reaffirms the position that Germany was not responsible
for the last war; it admits that in the present conflict the problem is
"different" but asks whether there is not a joint responsibility for the
underlying reasons that led to the emergence of Hitler and the victory
of Fascism. Friedrich Stampfer, in New Europe (July-August, 1943,
p. 14) relieves the German people of responsibility for Nazism: "Neither
the leaders nor the people of western democracies wanted to fight for
the freedom of Europe." Gerhart Seger writing in the same periodical
(p. 17) follows the same line: "But at this very point, already, I fail
to see all the guilt on the side of Germany. The Inter-Allied Military
Control Commission in charge of carrying out the military clauses of the
Treaty of Versailles did not support the Weimar Republic, which wanted
to make Germany a civilian democracy."26
As a means of reintegrating the "Good Germany" into a European
order, there has been much emphasis on the need for a Pan-European
Federation. "If this is a war of liberation," pleads Paul Hagen, "there
ought to be a democratic solution not only for the liberated victims but
for Germany too." He disapproves of any solution which would seek
security "in a drastic reduction of German strength by at least temporary
dismemberment and by the preparation of a long-term occupation govern-
ment." He proposes a democratic federation, something on the line of
Count Coudenhove-Kalergi's plan. The proponents of such plans, how-
ever, do not give enough consideration to the possibility that such a
continental federation would soon come under the domination of a
militaristic, Junker Germany. Linked with this idea of federation are the
arguments in favor of preserving the Nazi economic organization of Cen-
25 See also the various letters of Mr. Fritz Ermath (New York Times, August
29, 1943 and the New York Herald-T,,ibune, August 1943) together with the able
answer of F. W. Foerster, (New York Times, August 28, 1943).
20 Seger's arguments about the Weimar Republic should he confronted with
the statement of the former chancellor Wirth who wrote in the Luzerner Tageblatt,
December 5, 1937: "As to German rearmament, Hitler simply continued the work
which wr begun by the Weimar Republic. The great difficulty was that our ef-
forts had to be concealed from the Entente. I always had to appear polite and harm-
less . . . The tr .ity of Rapallo permitted us military experiments on Russian ter-
ritory. When Hitler came to power, he had to occupy himself only with the quan-
tity of the army. The quality was due to our work, since the real military reor-
ganization had been brought about by the Weimer Republic."
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tral Europe. Nothing would be more ideal as an instrument for the main-
tenance of Pan-German domination.
Admitting that the Nazi criminals should be punished, there
is a growing campaign in some exile groups that such punishment be
carried out, not by the Allies, but by the German people themselves.
The Nvua Volkrzeitung (Oct. 10, 1942) editorialises: "In view of the
steadily growing brutalities of the Nazis, President Roosevelt has con-
sidered it necessary to declare publicly that the United Nations after the
war will appoint international commissions in order to judge all the Nazi
criminals in regular courts. We believe that it should be much wiser
if this judgment were passed by German courts, naturally after all Nazis
and half-Nazis have been expelled from the ranks of the German judges."
This is simply an invitation for the Germans to repeat the "punishment"
which they inflicted on their "war criminals" in 1918. The Allies pre-
sented a list of some 900 criminals who should be tried before an
international tribunal. Germany refused to consent to this, but agreed
to punish the guilty before a Supreme Court in Leipzig. Out of a list
of 45 names, 12 were actually tried, and only six convicted. All of these
were given insignificant sentences.IT
Xl ConciMsion
In general, the drive for a negotiated or "soft" peace should be
counteracted. The Casablanca program provided for unconditional sur-
render. If Germany managed to win a negotiated peace, the infuriated
peoples of Europe who have for years been crushed by Nazi oppression
would take their own vengeance-tnd none could blame them. There
is being launched (in this country as well as abroad) a large-scale
effort (to use the expression of F. W. Foerster) for the "mobilisation of
sympathy" for the Germans. It is significant to note the growth of such
organisations as the American Friends of German Freedom, which pub-
lished "in Re: Germany" and the National Council for the Prevention
of War, whose bulletin "Peace Action" is edited by Frederick J. Libby.
Representative Clare Hoffman of Michigan in a recent "Town Meeting
of the Air" (reported by PM, August 15, 1943) advocated "collabora-
tion" with the enemy. "War pursued to the bitter end is a human tragedy
and the sooner we can stop it the better." A prominent anti-Nazi exile
has labelled the demand for unconditional surrender as "essentially un-
democratic and aggressively un-Christian." The technique of "mobilising
sympathy" was well worked out after the last war, and the same methods,
47 Sbeldon Glueck, Trial and Punishment of the Axis War Criminals," Pree
World, November. 1942-
[221
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refined and perfected, are being put into operation now, in order to
salvage as much as possible of German resources for the "next war"
which Goebbels is already promising the German nation. Even Dorothy
Thompson exhorts us "to salvage Germany." Unless we are very careful
s Germany will succeed only too brilliantly in salvaging herself. A repre-
sentative of one of the European subject nations, Dr. Alexander Loudon
of Holland, in a broadcast on August 19, has envisaged the situation
very clearly. "The Nazis will do the same thing they did in 1918. Now
as in August, 1918, they are stagiing defeat . . . and preparing for the
next war. . . . I sincerely hope that the Germans will not be allowed to
surrender until they are completely crushed, until their Army, Navy, and
Luftwaffe are individually whipped and their wartime commanders made
to sign a document of defeat and unconditional surrender." The campaign
for a "soft peace" is furthered by the fear that is being fostered by the
Pan-Germanists that a thoroughly disarmed Germany will open the way
for the "Communization" of Europe. There is the possibility that the
generals and the big business men in Germany can deal with Russia,
if the conditions of Britain and the United States are too harsh. It is
to the advantage of the Nazis to create as much suspicion as possible
among the Allies about the post-war settlement of Germany. Until there is
agreement on this point, the enemy still has a valuable card up his
sleeve.
Such trends must not go unnoticed. Every effort should be made
to control them by means of a careful choice of instructors, by the use
of reliable texts and readers, by frequent inspection by competent author-
ities. And there is always the additional danger that the foreign area
courses may be used not only to present partisan political ideas but even
to forward personal political fortunes. At any rate, the whole program
is much too important not to be carefully controlled and co-ordinated.
In the case of certain large centers, where there are competent and experi-
enced faculties, well-stocked libraries, and previous experience in the
organization of studies of this sort, there is in general no reason for any
inquietude. In smaller colleges and universities, however, where a
faculty of "regional experts" has been hastily assembled, where library
facilities are often inadequate, where there have been no anterior experi-
ments in presenting language and area studies, there is always the danger
that a pro-German anti-Nazi could exercise a decisive influence on the
tone and content of the training program. In such cases, we should be
rehabilitating Germany, not for a. lasting European peace, but for the
waging of another war.
Catholic University of America, lVashington, D. C. (On Leave)
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The hatred of the Arabs against the Zionists is very strong and there
is no sense in talking about peace with Israel. There is not even the
smallest place for negotiations between the Arabs and Israel."
President Nasser in a cable to Syrian President Kuwatly:
"Egypt will be glad when both her and the Syrian armies meet on the
ruins of this treacherous people, these Zionist gangs, so that our
dead may rest in peace with the knowledge that our countries have been
liberated of all foreign encroachment."
(Near East Arab Broadcasting Station, Cyprus, 12/18/55)
****
"The Palestine Army (Fedayeen) raised by Egypt has become a power-
fully armed and trained force, and the duty of its soldiers is to
take vengeance for their land. . . "
(Radio Cairo, 5/20/56)
President Nasser(7/26/56):
"The fight in which we are now engaged is against imperialism and
its supporters and against imperialistic methods. It is a fight
against Israel, the tool of imperialism created in the heart of the
Arab world to obliterate our nationalism. But we will all defend our
freedom and Arabism and will struggle to see the Arab Motherland ex-
tend from the Atlantic Ocean to the Persian Gulf."
****
King Hussein of Jordan:
"Jordan will fulfill its mission of vengeance in Palestine to the
very end." (Radio Ramallah, 1/23/56)
"We swear before Allah and history to sacrifice our property and
everything dear to us for the sake of Palestine, to guard all her
holiness and Arabism. We will not lay down our arms until we regain
our rights completely." (Radio Ramallah, 3/9/56)
****
On October 11, 1956, an official Iraqi spokesman stated:
". . . They (the Arabs) must fight Zionism and its ally, the new
imperialism, with the same spirit they fought before . . . Iraq and
the majority of the Arabs consider that the question of fighting the
Zionist cancer should come first, because this constitutes a great
danger to the Arabs."
(Radio Baghdad, Home Service, 10/11/56)
****
President Shukeiri El-Kuwatli of Syria:
"The present situation demands the mobilization of all Arab strength
to elminate that state which hasffQQari:en in our midst. Israel is like
a dved1 5r lea / : CIA` R > b1~Th% I'~ o P 1t 7is also
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assisted by world Zionism."
(Address before delegation of Lebanese Moslem youths,4/2/56)
President Camille Chamoun of Lebanon:
"The Egyptian revolution was the beginning of the end of Israel. My
belief is that Israel will not be elminated except by military states
that are prepared to destroy her. Egypt today is a military state of
the first magnitude and I think.. that she alone can eliminate Israel.
I hope in the near future all tie Arab states will be organizationally
and militarily prepared in a similar manner to Egypt. Then will we be
able to say - openly and with certainty - that Israel has arrived at
her inevitable end, and not just at the beginning of her end."
(Akhir Satat, Cairo, 10/12/55)
****
King Saud of Saudi Arabia:
"The Arab nations should sacrifice up to 10 million of their 50 mil-
lion people, if necessary, to wipe out Israel. . . Israel to the Arab
world is like a cancer to the human body and the only remedy is to up-
root it just like a cancer. . . We dontt have the patience to see
Israel remain occupying Palestine for long."
(New York Times, 1/4/54)
****
"Israel represents western imperialism and world Zionism. Both are a
cancer which has to be cut out of the body of the Arab nation. tMy
opinion is that the Palestine Army will fulfill its task." It will
achieve that which Abdul Nasser said about it: "I desire that the
Palestine Army will write the most glorious page in the history of
Palestine." (Al Ahram, Cairo Daily, 6/27/56)
****
The facts mentioned above do not detract from the problems besetting the
Arab peoples. Economic backwardness, disease and illiteracy weigh heavily on
them. Such conditions breed unrest and do not create a climate conducive to
peace. These factors form the backdrop of Arab attitudes towards other vital
issues. For example, they strongly resent the plight of Arab refugees, victim-
ized by the Arab war against Israel. They have noted with apprehension some
extremist voices in Israel urging expansionist policies. Yet, it is a matter
of record that extremist views have been categorically rejected. by the over-
whelming majority of the Israeli people and by their government.
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has tried to depict Israel as an "interloper", a tool of "Western imperialism"
whose main purpose is to exploit and humiliate rather than to deal with the Arab
peoples on an equal'basis.
No matter what shortcomings may be ascribed to Israelis statesmen, they
recognize that peace and progress for the whole Middle East depends in the first
place on solid understanding with the Arab countries.
The Israelis know that the great economic and social problems including
poverty and sickness in the whole Middle East can only be tackled on the basis
of friendly cooperation.
On May 14, 19400, the independent state of Israel came into being. Its
first proclamation was an offer of peace to the Arabs.
"f;le extend the hand of peace and good neighborliness to all the
neighboring states and their peoples and invite their co-operation
and mutual assistance. The state of Israel is ready to make its
contribution to the joint effort towards the progress of the Middle
East as a whole."
On i,ay 11, 1949, upon Israel's admission to the United Nations, its
Foreign Minister told the UN:
"The pursuit of peace is a treasured part of the Jewish heritage...
That pledge becomes an earnest and urgent appeal when addressed to our
closest neighbors, the Arab states, and other nations of the Middle
East. . . We are not aware of any serious conflict between us and our
neighbors which could not today be resolved by peaceful negotiations."
On May 8, 1950, Israel's Foreign Minister told the Palestine Conciliation
"I wish to reaffirm categorically that the Government of Israel is
willing to negotiate with any state which announces its readiness to
conclude a final settlement of all outstanding questions with a view
to the establishment of permanent peace."
On September 21, 1951, Israel informed the Paris Conference of the
"1;'e are prepared here and now to extend to each and every one of
the Arab states the offer of a pact of non-aggression. We should
see in acceptance of this offer a real token of the Arab states'
willingness to work toward the essential goal of this Conference --
the restoration of peace in the Middle +-~ast."
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On January 2, 1952, Israel's representative at the United Nations told the
Ad Hoc Political Committee of the General Assembly:
"My Government instructs me to reiterate that a formal understanding
with the neighboring Arab states remains a central objective of its
policy. . . We sincerely invite the Arab world at this important
juncture in its modern history to reflect carefully upon its decisive
choice. If it desires, it can establish with Israel the relations
which normally govern the intercourse of civilized states."
On September 28, 1953, Israel's representative told the United Nations
General Assembly:
"My Government continues to uphold the vision of the Middle East
at peace with itself, uniting the efforts of its two kindred peoples
to heal the wounds of aggressive violence and reawaken the rich po-
tentialities of the region for political, economic and cultural pro-
gress."
On May 10, 1954, the Foreign Minister of Israel told the Parliament:
"Israel is ready at any time to enter into negotiations with any
of the neighboring states concerning either a final and comprehensive
peace settlement, or any partial or interim arrangement aiming at
paving the way towards peace."
On July 24, 1955, Isreal's Prime Minister told a United Press correspondent:
"If there is any Egyptian statesman who_ is ready to meet me to conT
sider ways and means for the improvement of relations between Israel,
and the Arab states, I am ready at any time or place. . . "
On January 3, 1956, the Prime Minister of Israel before the Knesset said:.
"We believe the maintenance of peace is preferable even to victory
in war. We know that any war, even war in which we gain the upper
hand, involves ruin and destruction for both parties and intensified
hatred between nations."
****
The United Nations must succeed in bringing together both sides to the
conference table where they can in dignity agree to a peace based on mutual re-
spect and good neighborly relations. Such a peace must do away with the past
relations in the Middle East which were attuned to the exigencies and strategy of
incessant warfare.
Peace in the Middle East must establish normal political, economic and
cultural relations among all the states and be in complete harmony with the
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Pan-Germanism
in the United States
An expose on the activities
of the Steuben Society
By
T. H. TETENS
Reprinted from "Prevent World War IIP
Distributed by
SOCIETY FOR THE PREVENTION OF WORLD WAR III
515 Madison Avenue, New York 22, N. Y.
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Will you help counteract the propaganda of
pro-Nazis, pro-Germans and their sympathizers
who seek to rebuild a strong Germany? .. .
Will you serve notice on Pan-Germans and pro-
Germans alike that their subtle propaganda will
not fool you? . . .
Join and become a member!
Ask for our magazine
PREVENT WORLD WAR Ill.
You need us! We need you!
We need you and your friends!
SOCIETY FOR THE PREVENTION
OF WORLD WAR III
(A non-profit educational organization)
515 Madison Avenue, New York 22, N. Y.
Plaza 34985
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Pan-Germanism
in the United States
BY
T. H. TETENS
GERMANY lost World War I on the
battlefields of 'Europe in 1918, but won
the peace politically in' the United States.
This is no glib statement for effect. The
fact that Germany won the peace in Amer-
ica can be demonstrated by literally hun-
dreds' of documents which, for some
strange reason, have rarely, if ever seen
the light of day.'Long before their ultimate
collapse in 1918, the methodical Germans
had drawn up a complete set of blue-
prints for ways and means of nullifying
an eventual Allied victory. Their prize
plan was to destroy Allied unity through
a series of political intrigues.
The most ambitious aim of these plan-
ners was to keep America out of the
League of Nations; and to strengthen the
available pro-German elements in Amer-
ica, so that Germany could continuously
command a powerful political influence in
the United States. With this political in-
fluence and with the economic help of
America, Germany hoped to make a
speedy recovery from the defeat of 1918.
Close political, economic and cultural re-
lations between America and Germany
were to prepare the way for a new po-
litical future for the Reich.
STATEMENT OF FACTS
Objective historical research can no
longer ignore the fact that the "miracle"
of. Germany's. resurgence as a powerful
nation during the Twenties was due very
largely to the wave of pro-German feel-
ing which swept the United States so
soon after the conclusion of World War
I. Without the powerful economic and
political support of the United States,
Germany would never have ventured to
rebel against the Treaty of Versailles. It
must be remembered that, in addition to
astronomic loans that the Americans
cheerfully advanced to the former enemy.
an amazing revulsion in American public
opinion led to an almost hysterical de-
sire to help these poor Germans who
had been misled and betrayed by their
bloodthirsty Kaiser' - in' short, the
sentimental Americans were eager to help
the Germans in any and every way, fi
nancially, politically and morally.
The German High Command in World
War I had ruled out the possibility of an
American Expeditionary Force that would
turn the tide of battle in favor of the
Allies. This optimistic view was also en-
tertained by the great majority of Ger-
man-Americans, millions of whom were
enrolled in a vast organization, whose
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primary function it was to exert political
pressure and disseminate propaganda on
behalf of the Reich. This great front-
organization of the German-Americans
was the Deutsch-Amerikanische National-
bund (German-American National Al-
liance), founded in 1901.
During World War 1, this organiza-
tion had 3,000,000 active members and
millions of additional well wishers and
sympathizers; and was, in fact, the most
powerful political pressure machine that
had ever been seen in the United States.
After a Senate Investigating Committee
had spent over a year in 1918 in the
case of the "NationaJbund" (as we shall
call it for short), the investigation had
revealed the fact that the Nationalbund
was under direct orders from Berlin. In
its report, the Senate Investigating Com-
mittee branded the Nationalbund a 'tool
of the Berlin government.' The National-
bund was found guilty of treason. Con-
gress disbanded this organization.
FROM NATIONAL-BLIND TO STEUBEN SOCIETY
The dissolution of this organization
came as a heavy blow for German-Amer-
icans. They had dreamed of the destruc-
tion of Britain as a world power, and
of the gradual Germaruzation of
America. And now they had to face the
grim truth. The economic resources and
the military potential of the United States
would inevitably lead to Germany's de-
feat. The German-Americans, who were
heart and soul for the cause of the Father-
land and who had hoped for a glorious
termination of the War, saw to their dis-
may that Germany was now doomed to
defeat. But the leaders of the German-
Americans-the brains-had not abandon-
ed all hope. In the Spring of 1918, one
month before the Nationalbund was or-
dered dissolved by the Congress, the
leaders of the Bund met in New York,
and discussed the situation at length. It
was unanimously agreed that in the in-
terest of Germany's future, German-Amer-
icans must stand united; for, so long as
the German-Americans formed a solid
bloc, their millions of votes would con-
stitute a decisive factor in American pol-
itics, a factor which would make an in-
estimable contribution toward the speedy
resurgence of the Fatherland after the
disastrous war.
In order to anticipate the imminent
dissolution of the Nationalbund, Rudolf
Gronau, a fanatical Pan-German, and one
of the leaders of the Nationalbund in
New York, suggested that the Bund dis-
solve 'voluntarily' and that it continue to
function under a patriotic sounding name
such as the "George Washington League"
or "Steuben Society." If the Bund was
to continue with its subversive activities,
it would have to equip itself with an in-
nocuous, truly American name, to indicate,
as Rudolf Gronau so shrewdly pointed
out, its strictly loyal character." (Rudolf
Gronau: "The Army of the American
Revolution and its Organizer," p. 145).
The negotiations which led to the
founding of the Steuben Society took
place in New York, early in 1919, at
the home of the German-American phy-
sician, Dr. Franz Koempel. These prelim-
inary conferences were devoted primarily
to a discussion and definition of the prin-
cipal objectives of the Society, and more
specifically to the ways and means by
which the activities of the late lamented
Nationalbund would be resumed. The
Nationalbund had made many mistakes;
the members of the new Steuben Society
were determined to profit by the expe-
rience of their predecessors. If they wanted
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to get anywhere at all, with their pro-
gram, they had to bear one thing in mind.
first and foremost: they must avoid arous?
ing the slightest suspicion on the part of
the authorities in Washington and of the
public at large. The members unanimously
agreed to adopt the name Steuben So-
ciety, and felt that the implications of the
name Steuben, harking back to the Amer-
ican War of Independence, should con-
vincingly demonstrate the organization's
"strictly loyal character.
According to Rudolf Gronau, the prin-
cipal founders of the Steuben Society
were well-known Pan-Germans, men who
had long played prominent roles in Ger-
man-American organizations and clubs,
and who had long served as propagandists
for "Kultur" with a K. Generally speak-
ing, these men were professors,- physi-
cians, journalists and professional organ-
izers and leaders of clubs. Rudolf Gronau
includes the following men among the
founders of the Steuben Society: Dr.
Franz Koempel, S. de Lange, Rudolf
Pagenstecher, Theodor Haebler, George
Riefflin, Prof. Edmund von Mach, Gustav
Lindenthal, Edmund Stirn, Dr. J. Bul-
linger, Dr. Frank, H. R. Habicht, Prof.
Walz, Dr. A. Busse, Dr. C. Kayser, Wm.
Funk and Frederic F. Schrader.
For good reasons of his own, Rudolf
Gronau fails to mention one of the most
important and influential of all the Steu-
benites-George Sylvester Viereck.
Gronau's list also fails to mention the
names of Ferdinand Hansen, the Ger-
man agent, who was prosecuted by the
American authorities for high treason,
and Carl Nicolai, who was arrested as
an enemy agent in World War I and
who fled to Germany a few years ago just
in time to avoid a second encounter with
the Law.
All of these leading members of the
Steuben Society, who lived to see Hitler's
rise to power in 1933, became ardent
Nazi propagandists in this country; and
in this connection special mention must
be made of George' Sylvester Viereck, Dr.
Franz Koempel, Dr. A. Busse of Hunter
College, and Frederic F. Schrader, the
latter distinguishing himself as one of the
key organizers of the Nazi Bund.
THE OBJECTIVES OF THE STEUBEN SOCIETY
From the moment of its inception, the
main objective of the Steuben Society
was to aid Germany in overcoming the
consequences of her military defeat. The
prerequisite for any success in this di-
rection was, of course, to dampen and
ultimately eliminate anti-German senti-
ment in America. In the second place
the Steuben Society was to be very ex-
clusive, admitting only those men who
were tried and true champions of the
Fatherland, men whose loyalty had stood
the acid test of the years 1917 and 191.8.
After lengthy and painstaking considera-
tion, the conspirators decided that it would
be impractical to create a huge, unwieldly
organization comprising hundreds of
thousands, or possibly millions of mem-
bers; it would be wiser, they decided, to
mobilize a small select group, a sort of
secret order, not to say General Staff. This
Elite was to function primarily as the
nerve center of the thousands of German-
American clubs, associations, societies, and
so on, which had managed to survive the
War; and, as such, -was to coordinate
them with the ultimate objective of weld-
ing them into one powerful political en-
tity. This solid bloc of millions of Ger-
man-American votes would surely be a
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powerful factor in American politics-a
factor constantly militating on behalf of
the homeland overseas.
Needless to say, strategy demanded that
the Steuben Society stress its loo /o
Americanism; and English was therefore
chosen as the official language. In some
isolated cases, politicians of part German
extraction but with Irish names were ad-
mitted to membership in the Society.
The members of the Steuben Society
were recruited mainly from the privileged
lasses among German-Americans: direc-
tors of important organizations and clubs,
prominent businessmen, as well as politi-
cally active professors and physicians,
publishers and journalists. Units of the
Society were formed throughqut the coun-
try and it was their duty either to resume
relations with the local political machines
of both major parties or to create political
influence by promising to deliver so and
so many votes. After two years of inten-
sive underground activity, the Steuben
Society had become a powerful political
pressure organization, every bit as power-
ful as the old Nationalbund with its mil-
lions of members had ever been.
The Steuben Society's immediate target
was the Wilsonian policy. The German-
Americans reserved their bitterest hatred
for Woodrow Wilson because, as they
said, he had deceived and betrayed them.
In 1916, many German-Americans voted
for the re-election of Woodrow Wilson
because they were confident that he would
do everything in his power to keep the
United States out of the war. At that time,
a vast number of German-Americans were
highly suspicious of the Republican lead-
ers, many of whom were under the in-
fluence of Theodore Roosevelt. This
dynamic ex-President of the United States
had made a careful study of the aims of
Pan-Germanism; and had eloquently de-
manded, after Germany's ruthless violation
of Belgium's neutrality, that the United
States enter the war without delay and
do its share toward annihilating the last
vestiges of Pan-Germanism and German
militarism.
"VOTE PRO-GERMAN"
The Steuben Society's influence on
American politics after the war was duly
recognized and highly praised by the
great mass of German-Americans. Sub-
sequently, the Steuben Society made no
bones about its activities and achieve-
ments.
"Much has happened since that small
handful of men sat behind closed doors
when the atmosphere outside was still
charged with hatred and revenge, to
decide upon a policy of concerted ac-
tion that would unite American citizens
of German descent around the rallying
cry of : 'Our common weapon is the
ballot'." (Editorial in the Steuben
News, May 1933).
In 1924, the Steuben Society boldly
declared that it was the duty of all Amer-
icans of German blood to vote as a single
entity, not for the particular interests of
any political party, but solely in behalf
of German interests. The New York
Staaes-Zeitung, on August 31, 1924, pub-
lished the following appeal:
"Steuben Day marks the first great
step toward a new era of political self-
assurance - an 'Independence Day -
which is to demonstrate that German-
Americans have reached political ma-
turity and independence, that they have
broken their shackles and are about to
play the role of leaders - a role to
which their strength and their moral
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and spiritual qualifications rightfully
entitle them.... .
"What more need we know abort
Steuben Day? Who does not heed the
cal! of ,his blood? Who does not still
feel the smart of the old wound?"
The following appeal for German-
American unity was launched at a meeting
in Madison Square Garden in 1924:
"There is one language in America
that speaks even louder than the nation-
al tongue: that is She language spoken
at the polls.;. In the future, German
will ring out clear an strong as the
language of the ballot box. . . . This
language will he written on the walls
in bold and distinct letters, so that pol-
iticians throughout the country may see
and understand. This handwriting on
the wall will proclaim that German-
Americans are united as one man, and
that they will do 'everything in their
power at the next election rto place.jn
office ;those candidates who have Ger-
man-American interests at heart! ? .
and that the German-Americans are
numerous enough to elect the men of
their choice." (New York Staats?Zei-
tung, Jan. 6, 1924).
The following excerpt further illus-
trates the manner in which the Steuben
Society made a direct appeal to the fana-
ticism-the 'furor Teutonicus'-of its
German-American audience:
"The name of Friedrich Wilhelm von
Steuben .. , Mall be the guiding star
of Americans of German descent, lead-
ing us on Yo victorious mobilization ...
Steuben was a stern warrior, filled with
that same 'furor Teutonicus' which once
made the Romans tremble. We German-
Americans must take our cue from him.
For this is the spirit that wins! This
is the goal for which the Steuben So-
ciety is striving: the German-American
element must be molded into a light-
ing political power, filled with that
'furor Teutonicus' which ,inspires them
to demand their !rights and to fight for
their rights . . . we must demonstrate
once and for all that the Germans in
this country constitute a mighty poli-
tical factor , . , that we represent an
electoral strength 'which holds in the
hollow of its hand the power to make
itself heard and felt 'when it demands
that 'justice be done! Anyone who has
any pride in his race, in his origin,
must not he found wanting today.'(New York Staats-Zeitung, January 15,
1924).
These statements clearly show how the
Steuben Society set out from the very
beginning to bear pressure amounting to
intimidation, not to say terrorization, in
American politics, The strength and soli-
darity of the German-American element
was exhibited for the benefit of the local
political machines at mass meetings held
all over the country. The above mentioned
meeting at Madison Square Garden was
described in the January 6, 1924, issue
of the New York Staats-Zeitung as a
"Kaiser maneuver" (sic!) for the coming
national elections:
"This display of 'furor Teutonicus'
and this talk Of a 'policy of concerted
action'-meaning, of course, a formi-
dable block of German-American votes
-were designed to strike terror into the
hearts of the politicians and to compel
them to adopt an unyielding anti-Ver-
sailles policy. The whispering campaign
circulated by the Steuben Society in
1920, to the effect that they intended o
use he solid vote of millions of organ-
ized Germans as a whip, became their
vociferous battle cry in the election year
of :1924: 'The !German-American racial
group shall constitute a political fight-
ing power' and 'the Germans (sic) must
become a powerful political factor in
this country'."
At the National Convention of the So-
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ciety in 1926, Dr. B. H. Arnold, a lead- meat was made, we are in a good posi-
ing Steubenite, made an address in which tion to appraise the results-namely,
he highlighted the all-important point whether or not this 'determined, well
that it was the Steuben Society's funda- principled and well directed minority' was
mental role to serve as the guiding genius, able to accomplish 'great things.' The
the General Staff, for the many millions record is now available ... a record com-
of German-Americans. He said: prising thousands of pieces of evidence-
"A determined, well-principled and speeches, articles, and resolutions--all
well directed minority can at any time demonstrating that the Steuben Society,
do great things.. , . I ask that we ma this 'well-disciplined minority,' succeeded
have a small compact body of well- magnificently in nullifying the political
informed, well-disciplined, active and guarantees of the Versailles Treaty-guaran-
willing workers. If we have that, tees to which the United States should
our organization may be held to be per- have given her full support. In short,
fect." (Reprinted in the Steuben News, there soon remained nothing to prevent
September issue, 1932). Germany from preparing methodically for
Today, 20 years after that state- World War ii.
AGENT FOR GERMANY
In a few short years, the Steuben So-
ciety had succeeded in robbing the civi-
lized world of the fruits of victory over
Pan-Germanism, a victory won at the cost
of American blood too. To date, no book
has appeared which presents anything like
an expose of the close cooperation between
the Steuben Society and the official and
non-official representatives of the German
Reich. The present contribution, which
is necessaril only a bare outline of the
activities ofd the Steuben Society, is the
result of painstaking and exhaustive re-
search. During the months devoted to this
work, innumerable documents were con-
sulted: the annual publications of the
Steuben News, countless German and
German-American newspapers, the perti-
nent literature on World War I and the
post-War period, as well as untold num-
bers of speeches, official documents, reso-
lutions and reports. On the basis of this
mass of material, which includes many
thousands of items, it can be stated with-
out the slightest exaggeration, and with-
out coloring the facts, that the Steuben
Society succeeded after World War 1, in
drawing a gigantic net of conspiracy over
the entire United States, influencing high
ranking members of the major political
parties, both in national and local politics.
Influential members of university facul-
ties, prominent businessment and indus-
trialists, churchmen, publishers and jour-
nalists, and, indeed, prominent personali-
ties in every walk of life became in-
volved in this conspiracy.
It is an unchallenged fact that the
Steuben Society, from its very inception
operated in the United States as an agent
of the German Reich, with the prime ob-
jective of protecting Germany from the
consequences of her military defeat.
Thanks to the millions of voters it di-
rectly controlled, the Steuben Society was
manifestly in a position to influence the
attitude of both parties in important ques-
tions of domestic and foreign policy. The
Steuben Society cleverly camouflaged its
function as the most powerful propaganda
machine in the United States; day by day,
its ideas and slogans were slyly suggested
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to American public opinion through tens
of thousands of channels, without the
name of this German propaganda agency
ever becoming known to the average cit-
izen. The speeches of many a Senator
and Congressman attacking the Treaty of
Versailles and the League of Nations, ex-
pressed the views of the Steuben Society.
For example, the pro-German and anti-
British propaganda campaign of Congress-
man Hamilton Fish-a campaign which
assumed gigantic proportions at a time
when the German General Staff was fever-
ishly preparing for the conquest of the
world-was influenced and partly financed
by a group of leading Steubenites. The
American newspaper reader, who was
deluged with scare- headlines .screaming
the most outrageous complaints against
the "war-mongering" Roosevelt Adminis-
tration, could not be expected to guess
that Hamilton Fish and other isolationist
Congressmen and Senators were merely
mouthpieces for propaganda which stem-
med from the Steuben Society.
In 1939, the Steuben Society called
upon its wealthier members to raise a
sum of at least 100,000 dollars in order
to finance the isolationist propaganda
campaign of Congressman Hamilton Fish.
(New York Staats-Zeitung, July 4, 1939).
Fish received a few thousand dollars from
the Steubenite and pro-German sympa?
thizer Gunther Hansen-Sturm, German-
born officer of Romanoff Caviar Co. in
New York. '
To date, the close relations between
Hamilton Fish and the Steuben Society,
which began shortly after World War I,
as well as the financing of the isolation-
ist propaganda through the Steubenites,
have never been thoroughly investigated.
Now let us go back to the early Twen-
ties when the Steuben Society first launch-
ed its propaganda campaign. The ink was
hardly dry on the Versailles Treaty when
the first German agent landed in the
United States to organize the whining
campaign for the "poor, defeated German
people." Thereafter, a motley crew of
German propagandists and former officers
streamed into the country disguised as
professors, lecturers, salesmen, ministers
or journalists. All of them, without a
single exception, had but one task to ac-
complish: to organize and regiment the
German-Americans into veritable battal-
ions of propaganda against the Versailles
Treaty and the League of Nations. This
world-wide propaganda campaign, which
was to be waged most intensively in the
United States, was directed i by the Ger-
man General Staff. The working head-
qnarters for this campaign bore the in-
nocuous title of "Arbeitsgemeinschaft
Deutscher Verbaende" (Federation of
German Clubs). This name served as a
front for all the reactionary, Pan-German
and military groups which had been the
real rulers of Germany behind the facadt
of the Weimar Republic. The "Arbeits-
gemeinscha f t Deutscher Verbaende" com-
prised, not only the leading industrial
organizations and the various junket or-
ganizations, but also the whole gamut of
Pan-German groups, including notably
officers' associations, veterans' associations,
associations of former colonials. Under
the supreme guidance of the "Arbeits-
gemeinscha f t Deutscher V erbaende,"
countless propaganda agencies of all kinds,
operating each in its own field-in aca-
demic circles, among professional men,
farmers, and so on-all pursued the single
objective of reaching the 35 million peo-
ple of German descent scattered all over
the globe.
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The German propaganda machine
scored a great initial triumph when it
expedited the release of erstwhile Ger-
man property that nad been seized by the
Enemy Alien Property Custodian in the
United States. Substantial sums were cred-
ited to the accounts of German firms in
America, with the understanding that a
part of this money was to be used to
further German propaganda in the United
States. The Steuben Society has boasted
time and again that it had spearheaded
the fight for the return of German prop-
erty. In the course of the festivities cele-
brating the tenth anniversary of the
founding of the Steuben Society, an of-
ficial statement reported on the Society's
achievements in the following glowing
terms:
"We have been using moral persua-
sion as our greatest political weapon.
... We have worked unremittingly to-
wards the end that justice may be serv-
ed. We have done our share in working
to have enemy alien property restored.
In this we have demonstrated that we
do not believe in the principle of con-
fistation. We are ever on the alert 10
have the question of the war guilt
clari fied, because we know that as long
as the Treaty of Versailles is the status
quo, justice cannot prevail." (Steuben
News, May, 1929).
In the December 25, 1934 issue of
the New York Staaes-Zeitung, President
Hoffman of the Steuben Society explained
their signal success as follows:
"It is generally recognized that the
Steuben Society, working shoulder to
shoulder with other folk groups here
in New York and in Chicago, was suc-
cess f ul in its fight to eliminate text-
books with an anti-German bias from
the public school system. We recall the
lengthy but successful struggle for the
return of Enemy Alien Property, a
struggle in which the Steuben Society
played the leading role. We recall the
battle on the War Guilt question and
the fight against the injustices of the
Versailles Treaty,"
The Steuben Society, on a pilgrimage
to the old Fatherland, was given a sump-
tuous reception. On this solemn occasion,
President Theodore Hoffman of the Steu-
ben Society stated in effect:
"The Steuben Society has several
aims . .
1. To keep alive German-American
friendship,
2. To refute the lie of Germany be-
ing the cause of the war,
3. To modify the scandalous Treaty
of Versailles,
4. To help the German people to-
ward prosperity again."
(The Steuben Memorial, 1932, p. 148)
It is amazing to note that the propa-
ganda of the Steuben Society could oper-
ate so very successfully so soon, so very
soon after the end of World War I. For
the gentlemen conducting this propaganda
campaign were the very same ones who
had directed the Pan-German conspiracy
in the United States before 1914, and who
had subsequently been involved in the
gigantic pro-German plot during the war.
The fact remains, however, that these
perennial hyphenates, these political con-
spirators, soon managed to mislead and
even blackmail many a prominent member
of both major parties; soon brought an
overwhelming majority of the public to
shed tears over the sufferings of the poor,
good German people; soon softened the
heart of many an American newspaper
editor; and soon enlisted fervent cam-
paigners from university faculties, from
churches of every denomination, and from
the ranks of prominent businessmen and
bankers.
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After the war, millions of German-
Americans became the shock troops of the
hate campaign against President Wilson
and the League of Nations.
As early as November, 1922, at a mass
meeting held in Wisconsin, Ernst Voss,
an American University professor and an
old-time pan-German and Steuben Society
leader, was wildly cheered when he said:
"Thanks are due the American peo-
ple for refusing to set their hand and
seal to this despicable betrayal, this
shameful lie of Versailles; of which
the devil himsel f could be proud. T,he
American people rejected not only the
Versailles Treaty but also the author
0' the Fourteen Points, who, smitten
by fate-as the Germans believe-be-
cause he lied and betrayed and brought
disaster to an entire people, now leads
a wretched existence in Washington."
("Vier Jahrzente in Amerika," p. 219) .
The German language newspapers of
the country outdid one another in their
anti-Wilson and anti-Versailles propa-
ganda. The New York Staats-Zeitung set
the pace. Needless to say, all this met with
considerable approval in the Fatherland.
A German publication gave special honor-
able mention to the Catholic weekly,
Aurora, of Buffalo, because "... it has
been fighting the Treaty of Versailles for
many long month. . Furthermore,
Aurora was directly quoted as follows-
" America must see to it that
Wilson's shameful Treaty of Versailles
is set aside." In, conclusion, Aurora is
given grateful thanks for its Y'... cour-
ageous intervention on behalf of Ger-
many." (Reminiszensen aus Deutsch-
land, p. 286).
Volumes could be filled with details of
this propaganda campaign; the reader
would encounter an endless reiteration of
maudlin vituperation against the 'traitor
Wilson, against the `shameful' Treaty of
Versailles, against the nation of `pirates,'
the British, etc.
Special mention must be made here
of the author Herbert Eulenberg.
In one of his books, crammed with
wild fulminations against Wilson, he
describes page after page, a festive rite
performed by a group of distinguished
German-Americans. One by one, these
citizens ceremoniously stepped up to a
certain glass bowl and punctiliously ex-
pectorated therein. Why? Because, as Her-
bert Eulenberg reports-a picture of
Woodrow Wilson, President of the United
States, was to be seen there, pasted to
the bottom of the bowl. This book was
further embellished by a grateful dedica-
tion to Victor F. Ridder, publisher
of the New York Stoats-Zeitung. This
shameful scene, so tastefully described
by the German-American author, truly
illustrated the deep-rooted hatred of a
large unregenerate group. When men of
this stripe attacked-and still attack-a
given individual, they are not only letting
out their venom against one man, but
are in fact expressing their ingrained
hatred of America and of everything she
stands for. Thus, the real target for this
spitting bee was the United States.
No wonder, then, that German propa-
ganda became more and more aggressive.
By 1929 matters had gone so far that the
Steuben News could venture to. publish
a statement to the effect that it was not
the Germans who were the war criminals,
but that the United States had been an
accomplice in the greatest crime in history:
"Ten years after the close of the war,
in which our country was finally be-
gui/ed to participate under the pretense
of making the world safe for democracy,
it is beginning to dawn upon our peo-
ple that we became Partners in the
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most atrocious crime in the world's his-
tory. We are obligated to encourage and
render every assistance possible to all
agencies engaged in placing the war
guilt where it belongs. This done, a
revision or repudiation of the Treaty
of Versailles must follow if there is
any justice left on earth." (Steuben
News, November, 1929).
On the front page of the same issue
of the Steuben flews we find "a call to
action" addressed to the Steuben members
and their friends, which reads in part as
follows:
"Ten years after the war the great
masses still believe that Germany was
alone guilty in bringing about the
World War. It is still taught in our
schools, it is still in the Treaty of Ver-
sailles. Our work is that every man,
woman and child must know the truth
about the war guilt in every horde and
hamlet, no matter how far remote, so
that they will want to see ustice done
and demand a revision of the Treaty of
Versailles."
Side by side with this front page "Call
to Action," we see the text of a long
petition from the Steuben Society to Pres-
ident Hoover, demanding that the War
Guilt clause-"an historica falsehood, op-
pressive to the spirit of a friendly nation,
be removed."
On their pilgrimage to Germany in
1930, the leading Steubenites could point
with pride to the tremendous success they
had achieved with their propaganda in the
United States.
Public opinion in America had been
subjected so systematically to propaganda,
-disseminated in countless magazine arti-
cles and books by the so-called Revision-
ists on American university faculties, until
more and more people became convinced
that Germany had in no way been respon-
sible for World War I. The Revisionists
were, of course, given the fullest coopera-
tion of the Steuben Society's propaganda
machine, as well as of the agents of the
German General Staff, such as Alfred von
Wegerer. As early as 1926, at a meeting
in Wisconsin, a leading Steubenite, Pro-
fessor Ernst Voss, was in a position to
make the following statement:
"Historians of every civilized nation
have proved long ago that the thesis of
Germany's sole responsibility for the
war is nothing but a myth, a manifest
untruth. No one has served the cause
of truth more fearlessly and courageous-
ly than Professor Harry Elmer Barnes
Of Smith College in Northampton,
PROPAGANDA
111asi. His latest book, in which he
deals thoroughly with the War Guilt
question, was published recently under
the title 'The Genesis of the World
War.' This book should be in the library
of every German-American. Professor
Barnes is at present in Germany as a
guest of the General Committee of the
,Federation of German Associations ...
where he will speak to the German peo-
ple on the results of his historical re-
search.... Professor Barnes proves that
Germany was not the main culprit in
causing this dreadful war . but that
the responsibility lies first and foremost
with Russia, then with Prance, and last
but not least, England." (Vier Jahr-
zehnte in Amerika, p. 254. ff.).
To give the reader some idea of the
enormity of their machinations, some facts
regarding the propaganda network of the
German General Staff in the United States
will be presented here. In 1919, this Al-
fred von Wegerer, a high ranking officer
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in the German General Staff, was given
the assignment to organize pro-German
propaganda outside the Reich. Von We-
gerer was one of those fanatical Pan-Ger-
mans who did not by any means feel that
the war had come to an end in 1918, and
who were permitted by the Weimar Re-
public to carry on their military conspi-
racy. Von Wegerer was one of the organ-
izers of the Free Corps; and in 1919 di-
rected the so-called "border patrol skir-
mishes" against the Poles. His aptitude
for conspiratorial activities along political
lines was first demonstrated in an article
which appeared on May 28, 1919, in the
Tag, a reactionary sheet. In this article,
von Wegerer attacked the Treaty of Ver-
sailles, which had not yet been signed, as
"the work of Satan"; and he further de-
clared that "it would not take many years
to wash away this grotesque monstrosity."
He then goes on to say: -
"We must again systematically pur-
sue Bismarck's old policy in order to
rebuild a strong German Reich. .
Through noted protests, an endless flow
of protests and declarations of ;every
kind, we must insist on national unity
and tirelessly disturb the conscience of
the world until the mountebanks (he
means, of course, the Allied statesmen
-note of the editor) of the misled na-
lions in the enemy camp are thrown
out of office and the soil is prepared
for a lust and true people's peace. This
will require a propaganda campaign on
a scale that has never been dreamed of
before. The best brains of the nation
. . . in the realm of the cinema, the
press, the arts and letters ... must work
unceasingly, day and night, toward this
goal."
The name of Harry Elmer Barnes
stands out as that of the men who col-
laborated most intimately with Alfred von
Wegerer and the Steuben Society. Pro-
fessor Barnes was invited to Germany by
the General Committee of the Federation
of German Associations, the Pan-German
propaganda Center, to give lectures there
and to be showered with honors. His
books were distributed by the Steuben
Society by the ton and the fairytale of
Germany's lily-white innocence was sol-
emnly presented to the world as the end
result of scholarly, objective investigation.
In a report released by Theodore Hoffman,
President of the Steuben Society, it was
specifically stated:
, . thanks to the Steuben Society,
the works of former Senator Owen and
of Professor Harry Elmer Barnes have
been made available to the public at
large." (Staats-Zeitung, Dec. 25, 1934).
"STEUBEN"-A WEAPON OF PAN-GERMANISM
In 1930, the Steuben Society, began a
nation-wide campaign for the cancellation
of reparations and for a re-examination
of certain boundary questions in Europe.
The Steuben Society demanded that the
territory awarded to other Powers under
the Treaty of Versailles, notably the Polish
Corridor and Upper Silesia-be returned
to Germany forthwith. A number of
American Senators and Congressmen, who
had been working hand in glove with the
Steuben Society, now set up a howl for
revision of the Treaty. United States Sen-
ator Royal S. Copeland, for one, said at
a Steuben Society banquet in 1930, that
. our fate is so bound up with
that of Germany that we must demand
the rehabilitation of the Reich." (Steu-
ben News, Oct. 1930).
In 1929, Senator Shipstead had already
introduced a resolution demanding the an-
nulment of Article 231 in the Treaty of
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Versailles on the German war guilt. Great
mass meetings were organized for the ex-
press purpose of whipping up sentiment
for the revision of the Versailles Treaty.
Here is a characteristic press report on
one of the many demonstrations that were
held in those days. The meeting in ques-
tion was held in Detroit and the account
appeared in the Steuben News, March
1932, as follows:
The great gathering came together
to declare its stand on the question of
the Versailles Treaty. The sentiment of
that packed house was in favor of re-
peal of the Versailles Treaty, coupled
with a plea to the Government of the
United States to use its great power to-
ward achieving a revision of this docu-
ment.. ,.. Pastor William Howe gave
a graphic picture of the sufferings of
Germany and frankly referred to the
Treaty of Versailles as a shameless docu-
ment. . . . justice Patrick O'Brien re-
viewed the entire situation from the
time of our entry into the war to the
present day and was enthusiastic in his
stand for the revision of the Treaty."
(Steuben News, March 1932).
In a leading editorial, the Steuben News
(November, 1932), pointed to the Ver-
sailles Treaty as the main issue for Ger-
man-Americans in the coming national
elections:
"This year we are pledged to vote
for principles rather than parties or
men. Our outstanding demand is the
revision of the Versailles Treaty, The
cause of 1 hr present economic chaos can
be traced directly to this infamous
treaty.... to the interest of continued
peace we favor the adoption of an
amendment to the Constitution of the
United States to the effect that our gov-
ernment shall not engage in acts of war,
except it be for the purpose of repelling
invasion until after an opportunity by
means of referendum shall have been
given the people of the United States,
who are entitled by the right of fran-
chise to express their will in the matter.
We are opposed to the League of Na-
tions and the World Court."
It was in 1933 that the Steuben Society,
with colors flying, moved over into the
camp of the Nazis. At meetings staged in
New York and other cities by the Steuben
Society, the German Associations, and
the Nazi Band "Friends of the New Ger-
many," total adherence to National So-
cialism, Adolf Hitler, and to what the
Third Reich stood for, was openly pro-
claimed.
In October 1934, Theodor Hoffman,
president of the Steuben Society, travelled
to Germany where he had lengthy con-
versations with Adolf Hitler and other
Nazi leaders. Back from Germany, he
handed a report to 'the press, the precise
wording of which was published in the
Deutscher Beobachter of New York on
December 20th, 1934. Of this account,
extended as it was over several columns
and constituting in the final analysis
nothing but plain propaganda for Hitler
and the Third Reich, only a few sen-
tences will be quoted here:
"One fact clearly -overshadows all others
and that is that the great majority of the
German people have great confidence in
the Fuehrer Adolf Hitler. He brought
into the life of the German nation ... new
hope for the future. Whoever thinks that
National Socialism rules by oppression is
mistaken. The mass of the German peo-
ple stand heart and soul behind Hitler.
.It is united as it has never been before.
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United in its willingness to follow the gle travelers,, the cost of such a journey
On January 30th, 1935, the "would amount, normally, to five times
h
rer .
Fue
Nazi movement proclaimed the end to the as much."
slavery imposed upon Germany by the It can easily be seen from the style of
hypocritical and insane Treaty of Veer- this propaganda that the intention of the
? sallies ... German government was to serve a cer-
"My personal impression in conversa- tain, clearly distinguishable purpose,
tion with Hitler were that Hitler is an namely, to stage a political "bargain" via
idealist, an outstanding organizer, and a the Steuben Society. The statement was
man of tremendous energy. It is my con- made in the announcement that the "Steu-
viction that he is honest and sincere in ben Society may be sure to obtain strong
his endeavor not only to unite the German support in Germany because of the Soci-
people but also in his determination to ety's good reputation."
break the chains of slavery which kept According to the report in the
the German people fettered hard and fast Deutscher Beobachter, Theodor Hoff-
for 15 years ... man and a delegation of the Steuben
"1 maintain that it does not matter to Society were entertained by Adolf Hitler
us Americans in what way the population on August 7th, 1935. It was hinted in the
of a foreign nation wishes to be gov- German-American press, cooperating with
erned and of what nature its administra- the Steuben Society, that the reception of
Lion is. It is up to us to mind our own Hoffman by Adolf Hitler was, in a way,
business," ' tantamount to an okay by Hitler on the
These few sentences prove that Hoff- political leadership of the Steuben- Society
man desired plainly to glorify Hitler and over the German-American element. The
the Third Reich. He said that there was visit to Germany of the Steuben leader-
one thing of which he was fully con- ship was of an exclusively political na-
vinced: that Hitler would break the chains ture. Apart from those with Hitler, con-
of Versailles ! Hoffman's record in the versations took place in the Stuttgart In-
subsequent six years showed that he de- stitute of Germans Abroad, and in the
voted his own activities and those of the party headquarters at Munich.
Steuben Society to this one and only task: The journey to Germany of the Steuben
to assist Germany, in every possible pol.iti- Society reached its peak with the achieve-
cal and propagandistic way, to "break her ment of an outstanding "success." The
chains," i.e., to aid her in her aggressive most extreme Pan-German, Dr. Hans
foreign policy. , Grimm, of the Stuttgart Institute, agreed
In an announcement of the Steuben to appear as the feature attraction of the
Society, published in the Deutscher Beo- Deutscher Tag, to take place in Madison
bacbter of New York (May 16, 1935), Square Garden, New York, in October,
a travel course to Germany by the Steuben 1935. This German Day developed into
Society was advertised. It was clearly an orgy of Pan-Germanism. It was a
stated therein that "the Steuben Society unique homage to Hitler and the Third
has been assured by the German authori- Reich enacted by the Steuben Society and
ties of their fullest support." It said, fur- the German Associations under its con-
thermore, that "they will be lodged and trol and direction.
boarded in the best hotels, and that the The German Day in Madison Square
program will include receptions, festivals Garden was in compliance with its motto,
and public proclamations." Particularly "It Shall Be the Whole German Nation."
noteworthy was the remark that, for sin- Chief orators were Hans Luther, German
15
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Ambassador, Dr. Hans Grimm of the
Stuttgart Institute of Germans Abroad
and author of the book "Nation Without
Space" ("Volk-ohne Kamm"), and Theo-
dor Hoffman, president of the Steuben
Society of America.
At this German Day festival, accord-
ing to the Deutscher Beobachter, Theo-
dor Hoffman denounced what he called
the "well-known German baiters." An-
other Steuben adherent, Dirk Voss, presi-
dent of the VDG Verelnigte Deutsche
Gesellschaften von New York ("Confed-
erated German Associations of New
York"), read a telegram to "Reichsfueh-
rer Adolf Hitler." This was its wording.
"In commemoration of the landing o f
the first group of German immigrants in
the United Suites, 20,000 American Ger-
mans are assembled in Madison Square
Garden, New York, and they offer the
Fuehrer of the German people their rev-
erent greetings. Greetings full of pride
of the homeland, which has emerged from
the darkness of jell-laceration into the
dawn of a bright future. Greetings, bear-
ing our thanks to you, the Fuehrer, who,
relying only upon your belief in the eter-
nal mission of the German people, has
brought into the light of fulfilment the
ageless dream of our ancestors. Greetings
pled;ing faith to our nation (Germany),
a faith which is and will forever be the
guiding star of our needs ... We greet
you, the cause of our pride, the symbol
of our love for our nation, you, the
uebrer of New Germany!" (N. Y.
Stoats Zeitung, October 7, 1935.)
In the advertisements in the Deutscher
Tag it was said that this demonstration
should turn "into a great avowal, into an
oath of allegiance to the German blood."
But with it came the threat:
"Whoever fails to appear in Madison
Square Garden on October fifth stigma-
tizes himself as an apostate, as a tractor,
letting down his kin and his homeland."
Particularly significant were those
lengthy proclamations in which the Ger-
man-Americans were induced to unite in a
German party of its own, and to settle,
finally, their account with both Republi-
cans and Democrats. These proclamations,
coming from a special political committee,
bore the signature of Theodor Hoffman
and the remaining Steuben chiefs.
Next to Theodor Hoffman, Dirk Voss,
also a leader of the Steuben Society,
played the most important part as or-
ganizer of the German Day. In his ca-
pacity as president of the Confederated
German Associations of Greater New
York, Dirk Voss issued the following
declaration:
"We in the Confederated German
Associations are German and to be Ger-
man means to be voelkisch. This is, and
will remain to be, my point of view-"
(Deutscher Beobachter, Sept. 19, 1933.)
In the same issue of the Deutscher
Beobachter, a passage of an article reads:
"It is unnecessary to stress the fart that
Dirk Voss especially is a Volksgenosse
whose firm stand on the platform of the
Third Reich is well known, who never
had .ynade a secret of his standpoint, but
has, on any given occasion, cast his lot
with that conviction."
On August 29, 1935, the Deutscher
Beobachter wrote:
"At the meeting of the delegates of
the Confederated German Associations on
Monday. Dirk Vors revealed that, for the
first time on the occasion of a Deutscher
Tag, an orator from the German Reich
will appear, being no less than Hans
Grimm, author of the book 'Nation
Without Space,' circulating all over the
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world. In this novel, written in 1926,
Hans Grimm has already prophetically
predicted the evolution of the present
Third Reich. This book, Herr Voss con-
tinued, should be the 'Bible of all Ger-
mans Abroad.', We assume as only natu-
ral that from now on all the societies
and associations will display, at their
festivals or at other occasions the swastika.
. To every nation, her symbol of sov-
ereignty is sacred, and we German-Amer-
icans would be poor sons of the home-
land, would not the swastika fly at any
suitable time as a symbol of the victory
?f the Light over Darkness!" (Editorial
in Deutscher Beobachter, Aug. 29th,
1935, official mouthpiece of the Confed-
erated German Associations of Greater
New York, the latter being under the
direction and control of the Steuben So-
ciety.)
"In full agreement with the board of
delegates, Herr Dirk Voss issued the dec-
laration that the Confederated German
Societies (front organization of the Steu-
ben. Society) and the 'Bund' Friends of
New Germany have the common goal of
uniting the German-Americans on a
voelkische basis. They differ only as to
the methods to be employed to that end."
Complete agreement between the Nazi-
Bund and Steuben Society, together with
its politically allied organizations, was
reached in the, Spring of 1936. During
the years 1936-1938 both groups collabo-
rated zealously. Highlights were the
Deutscher Tag of 1936 and 1937 in New
York.
in this connection it may be stated
briefly that the German Day of 1936 fea-
tured as a speaker the president of the
Institute of Germans Abroad, Stuttgart,
Dr. Karl Stroelin. On this occasion, spe-
cial honors were conveyed to Dr. Rudolf
Cronau, founder of the Steuben Society.
In both 1936 and 1937, cables of loyalty
were sent to Hitler. In Germany, Dr.
Stroelin's trip was considered especially
important as "work for the uniting of all
American-Germans." The organ of the
Stuttgart Institute printed an extensive
report, and .the Frankfurter Zeitung of
October 6th, 1936, declared that "the
Germans of America also are marching
spiritually with the German people."
In the same way as with the Nazi-Bund,
Hoffman collaborated with the National
Socialist Front-Fighter-Bund, the "Stahl-
helm" (Steel-Helmet). On the occasion
of a Saar-Festival, Theodor Hoffman,
Steuben president, appeared as one of the
speakers, together with the German Vice-
Consul, Dr. Drager of New York, and
Freiherr von Schrotter, the Filehrer of
the Stahlhelm in the U. S. In the report
on that 700'% Nazi meeting it is said:
"In lengthy deductions, often inter-
rupted by huge waves of applause, Theo-
dor Hoffman, president of the Steuben
Society of America, dwelled upon the dev-
astating consequences of the Treaty of
Versailles. Said the speaker . . . to us
Americans it is clear that the issue is not
Hitler-as wrongly stated all over again
by the daily newspaper-but the equality
of Germany amongst the Great Powers.
We are proud of our German origin,
and we won't keep quiet until Germany
will have reestablished her proper place
among nations . . . The speech had its
climax in the well-coined words: Under
Hitler Germany will tear Versailles to
bits!" (Deutscher Beobachter, Jan. 17th,
.1935. )
Hoffman, "American patriot," thus saw
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the task of his life in the resurrection of
Germany, the Germany under the Hitler
regime, the very Germany which did not
pay her debts, which rearmed to a gigan-
tic extent with money loaned from Amer-
ica, and which openly confessed herself
to be a mortal enemy of both capitalism
and the democracies. The Nazi sympa-
thizers within the Stahlhelm were dearly
marked by the following assertions:
"The Stahlhelmers, too, have entered
the strug le in their own way ... It is the
order o) our great Fuehrer: Forward,
march, at the speed of 1914! Some of us
don't always like that `Kurzireten' (mark-
time marcbin, ), but we are convinced,
that once again the order will be given
to the whole Gerrmandom: 'Turn loose!'
By then the Stahlhelm will also know no
boundaries except those of the honor of
the German nation; then we will battle
with German faithfulness, in the spirit of
Frederick the Great, of Bismarck, and
of Hitler. Front Hell!" (Deutsche Zei-
Lung, New York, April 14th, 1934.)
The fact that the Steuben Society and
the Stahlhelm were not only concerned
with political propaganda for Germany,
but that they, moreover, aimed at an
amalgamation of the German-Americans
in a separate "Volksgruppe" (nationality
group), set to ask and to fight for auton-
omy, emerges distinctly from this decla-
ration of the Steubenite. H. 0. Spier:
"Here, in the U. S., we have 32 mil-
lion Germans but no self-determination
Of our language . . . it is truly cultural
robbery that our children are deprived of
all the blessings of their mother tongue,
and that, instead, the political language of
the country, a foreign language, is im-
posed upon them . . When a united
German racial bloc in the U. S. succeeds
in obtaining permission to maintain with
its own taxes its own schools, then we
will have obtained something great."
(Deutsche Zeitung, May 26th, 1934.)
The founders of the Steuben Society,
those old-time Kaiser propagandists of
the National Alliance, had only one aim:
to carry on the fight for world domina-
tion of Pan-Germanism which had been
"temporarily broken off" in 1918. This
is the aim for which the Steuben Society
has worked from the day of its founda-
tion; quietly, in the background, superbly
camouflaged and very effectively.
The real stimulating power at the foun-
dation of the Steuben Society was Dr.
Rudolf Cronau, a foreign correspondent
for German newspapers, who lived in
New York. Cronau was also one of the
co-founders of the Nationalbund. On
Rudolf Cronau's death in 1939, the N. Y.
Stoats-Zeitung carried along article eulo-
gizing his work and achievements for the
cause of German Americans. The article
has some odd sentences such as the fol-
lowing: "He had a deep and scientific
knowledge of German American history,
with which he, the German patriot, was
especially concerned." The same article
in the N. Y. Staatc-Zeitung also -reported
that Rudolf Cronau had received the Pas-
toriusorder at the German Day of 1936.
The Pastorius order is a high order of
merit which the German Americans
granted every year to an outstanding
"German patriot" for his successful pro-
motion of German interests in the United
States.
Let us now take a look at the records
of certain Steubenites:
Dr. Franz Koem pel: The German press
called him "Father of the Steuben So-
ciety." He was a fervent admirer of Adolf
Hitler and before the outbreak of the war
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spent several months in Germany every
year. German newspapers report that he
has been fighting in the interest of his
"home-folk" for decades. Here is what
the N. Y. Stoats-Zeitung wrote on Decem-
ber 31, 1939:
"When World War I began in 1914,
Dr. Koempel decided to defend his peo-
ple with all means at his disposal. For
this purpose he allied himself especially
with American citizens of Irish descent
who saw in this war between Germany
and England a chance for the liberation
of their fatherland from the English yoke
The armistice in 1918 inspired Dr.
Koempel to a new decision, the decision
to found a movement which would make
it its aim to coordinate all German Amer-
icans in the fight for their own cause. At
the hour of greatest need he realized the
idea: of the Steuben Society of America
as the political fighting organization of
Germandom in America, so that there
would never again occur a second 1917."
Frederic Franklin Schrader: He was,
one of the chief agitators in the German
Nationalbund during World War I. To-
gether with George Sylvester Viereck,
Schrader worked for the German propa??
ganoa organization which at that time was
headed by the -special imperial Ambassa-
dor, Dr. Dernburg. Frederic Shrader was
investigated by the Justice Department in
Washington during the war because of
his relations with these people. The im-
portant role played by Frederic Schrader
in the German propaganda service in
America to date has been acknowledged
openly and gratefully by the official organ
of the German Auslandsinstitut in Stuti:-
gart:
"Let us acknowledge here one of the
foremost fighters for Germany, Dr. H. C.
Frederick Franklin Schrader, who has de-
voted his writings to the service of the
German cause since 1914 ... Ever since
1934 Schrader has been a permanent con-
tributor to the press of the German-Amer-
ican Volksbund. He writes English re-
ports in the 'Deutscher Weckruf and
On September 4th, 1938, the N. Y.
Staats-Zeitung reported that Frederic
Schrader, "the co-founder and early fighter
for the Steuben Society," had been
awarded the Pastoriusorder for the year
1938 by German American organizations.
The same report continues:
Only a short time ago Schrader re-
ceived the silver Auslandsplakette from
the German Auslandsinsfitute in Stutt-
gart. Schrader distinguished himself by
his aggressive stand in the matter of Ger-
man interests."
"Die Weltwacht der Deutscher," the
official organ of the Pan-Germans, dedi-
cated a long article to Frederic Franklin
Schrader in its issue of November, 19138,
in which it specifically acknowledged that
he "always stood up for the honor and the
prestige of the old homeland." The arti-
cle concluded:
"If, amongst the living, anyone has the
right to say that he, as a German Ameri-
can has hoped, suffered, and fought for
the rise of the German homeland, Frede-
Beobachter.' "
ric Franklin Schrader is that man."
The close relation between the Steuben
Society and the Nazi Bund is shown by
the fact that Frederic Schrader, like many
other leading Steubenites, belonged to
both these organizations.
Among the other founders of the Steu-
ben Society were Professors Edmund von
Mach, Dr. Adolf Busse, and Dr. C. Kay-
ser.' Professor von Mach was one of the
most active propagandists for the interests
of the German government during World
War I. He was dosely associated with the
director of German propaganda, Dr.
Dernburg, and wrote, essays and anti-
British brochures for him. In mass meet-
ings of the German Nationalbund, von
Mach made outspoken Pan-German
speeches. The roles played by Dr. Kayser
and Dr. Busse were similar to that of
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Professor Mach, Dr. Adolf Busse of
Hunter College takes active part in the
work of the Steuben Society even today.
Besides the actual founders themselves
some of the early fighters for the Steuben
Society should not be forgotten:
They are: George Sylvester Viereck,
who was sent to jail in 1941 for sup-
pressing important facts in his relations
with authorities in the Reich, had a dear
record as a German agent during World
War I. Then, just as during the years
1938-40, Viereck was one of the chief
organizers of the isolationist front in the
United States. In his magazine, "The
Fatherland," he supplied the ammunition,
i.e., the arguments and directions given
to him by the German government, for
the fight against Woodrow Wilson. A
comparison of the old volumes of "The
Fatherland" with the contents of the
"Steuben News" of the years 1938-41, in-
dicates quite clearly that the fight of the
Steuben Society against the Roosevelt Ad-
ministration was merely a new edition of
the old methods of Messrs. Viereck and
Frederic F. Schrader in 1914-1917.
It is characteristic of the spirit of the
Steuben Society that the German agent
Viereck could become a member of this
ostensibly patriotic American organization
soon after its foundation. Viereck's finan-
cial relations with German governmental
authorities were exposed by the "New
York World" in the summer of 1915. A
Senate Committee later investigated Vie-
reck's correspondence with German gov-
ernment officials which came from the
files of Geheimrat Dr. Albert. If the
Steuben Society thought it worth while to
accept as a member a man who was known
-throughout the country as a German agent
it must have considered his membership
extremely valuable. Certainly it showed
no apprehension lest Viereck's bad repu-
tation affect the Society. Note that the
Society entered into relations with him
des ite his reputation.
The Steuben Society needed the Viereck
contact in order to gain political influence
in the United States. Viereck and the
Steuben Society together were the power
behind the attempt to create a third party,
the so-called LalFollette Party in the Mid-
dle West during the twenties. Here again
we meet Viereck and F. Schrader as the
publishers of the organ of this party,
The Progressive." There is no doubt
that George Sylvester Viereck was one of
the intellectual leaders of the Steuben
Society until the end of 1941. He could
use his contacts to establish relations be-
tween certain pro-German Senators and
Representatives and the Steuben Society.
The whole extent of the conspirative ac-
tivities of Viereck and the Steuben Society
will probably be discovered only by an
investigation of the Steuben archives.
Pastor Sigismund von Bosse of Phila-
delphia is the son of Pastor Georg von
Bosse who was elected president of the
German Nationalbund after Dr. Hexa-
mer's resignation during World War 1.
Pastor Sigismund von Bosse, Steuben
member and Nazi, has a very dear record
as a Pan-German and propagandist for
Germany. His work was also acknowl-
edged by the Auslandsinstitut in Stutt-
gart. The headquarters of Pan-Germanism
quoted the following except from a speech
made by him at the German Day in New
York in 1937:.
"The year 1937 will not find us power-
less as during the year 1914. We Arneri-
cans of German descent want to have a
part in shaping the future policy of the
U. S. proportionate to our numerical
strength. May the day not be distant at
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which one of our race will' preside at the
conference table in Washington.', (Der
Auslandsdeutsche, Stuttgart, January,
1938.)-
Professor Ernst Voss: Among the many
fanatical propagandists of the Steuben
Society, in the twenties, was Ernst Voss,
Professor at the University of Wisconsin.
He was one of the front line fighters who
declared at large meetings and in essays
and articles, that all citizens of German
descent should unite and that it would
then be easy for them to make the Mid-
de West a pure German State. In one of
his speeches, Professor Voss said to the
German Americans: "You have not the
faintest idea of how world history should
be made." In another speech, made by
Professor Voss on August 29, 1926, in
Milwaukee under the auspices of the
Steuben Society, he said:
"We insist on our right to organize
even in the U. S." (Ernst Voss: "Vier
life after our own, the German way-
Jahrzehnte in Amerika," Stuttgart, 1929,
p. 249.)
in his book, "Vier Jahrzehnte in Amer-
ika," 1929, Ernst Voss wrote on page 132:
"'German-Americans do not occupy the
positions in this country to which they
are entitled by virtue of their numerical
strength and their influence; they do not
play the role to which they are rightfully
entitled ...
"We will feel aliens here until we have
altered this beautiful country, this coun-
ty Of our choice, our love and our desire,
after our own taste, which, is not a bad
one.
"But this will happen only if we learn
at last to be a united nation of brothers,
and to proceed together, and to demand
our rights . . Unless we do this, we
shall continue to be fed the crumbs which
fall from the tables of pure-blooded
Americans . . . until we prove to them
that it is within our power to occupy all
the places at this bounteous table and let
them be the onlookers, for a change."
Gust9v W. M. Wiebold is one of the
leading men in the inner circle of the
Steuben Society. He never bothered to
hide his admiration for Hitler and Nazi
Germany. On the Steuben meeting . in
1935, organized by the Steuben units in
Franklin Square, L. I., there appeared a
strong delegation of the "Bund Ameri-
kanischer Nationalsozialisten" - whose
leader declared:
"We stand under the sign of the Swas-
tika. We want to work with the Steuben
Society as well as with all other American
organizations for the good of America."
(Deutscher Beohachter of New York,
Aug. 29th, 1935. )
Judge Wiebold, then Chairman of the
N. Y. State Council and present at the
meeting did not protest against this col-
laboration "under the sign of the Swas-
tika." On the contrary, then, as well as
later, he did everything he could to facili-
tate the cooperation of the Steuben So-
ciety with the Nazis.
Willi Warnecke, leading Steuben mem-
ber and president of the "United Ger-
man organizations of New York," ap-
peared at a meeting in May 1940 in which
strong protest was voiced against the sus-
picion of German Americans. However,
irony of fate decided that at the very same
meeting Prof. Friedrich Auhagen, since
convicted agent of the German Reich,
made a speech on "The Future Role of
German Americanism." (N. Y. Staats-
Zeitung, May .29th, 1940.) Dr. Francis Just, Steuben member and
president of the German American or-
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ganization of Newark, publicly pro-
claimed: "Hitler is Germany. Whoever
insults Germany, insults Hitler, and who-
ever insults Hitter, insults us." (Deutscher
Weckru f, October 14, 1937.)
H. 0. Spier: Another Steubenite, H. O.
Spier, secretary of the German-American
conference in New York, appeals to the
German Americans to "lake a courageous
stand against America's foreign policy."
just how closely Spier, the Nazi agent,
worked with the German Consulate in
New York can be deduced by comparing
the following utterances. This is what
Dr. Borchers, Consul General, said at
a Nazi celebration in 1934:
"Whether our voice is lost in the wind,
or becomes a norm which cannot be dis-
regarded, depends essentially upon the
degree of our unity.
'Unity creates strength; therefore let
us walk as one man behind our German
brothers:
The banner high, the ranks drawn up
compactly,
One man, one Volk, with visor opened
wide,
On this day let a new league be established
For Germany's defense by Germany's sons
here."
(Deutsche Zeitung, New York, May 5,
1934.)
A short time after the speech of Con-
sul Dr. Borchers, the Steubenite and Nazi
agitator, H. 0. Spier, spoke at the celebra-
tion of the New York Vereine. He re-
peated the Consul General's remarks al-
most word for word, only this time as
the "oath of German Americans for the
old homeland":
"Whether our voice is lost in the wind,
or becomes a storm which cannot be dis-
regarded, depends upon the degree of our
unity. Unity creates strength, and there-
fore we should walk behind our German
brothers with the vow:
The banner high, the ranks drawn up
compactly,
One man, one Volk, with visor opened
wide,
On this day let a new league be established
For Germany's defense by Germany's sons
here.,,
(Deutsche Zeitrrng, New York, June 16,
1934.)
Dr. Gottfried Syfarth: Another enthu-
siastic Steubenite is Dr. Gottfried Syfarth.
The president of the great German "Saen-
gerverband" on the Atlantic coast, he
maintained very close contact with the
Foreign Institute in Stuttgart and the cen-
ter of the Choral Societies in Berlin from
which a steady stream of Nazi propa-
ganda continuously flooded the United
States. (Der Auslandsdeutsche, Stuttggart,
March 1937 and Deutscher Beobachter,
New York, June 7, 1935.)
Karl Nicolay. The Steuben Society
member, Karl Nicolay, deserves a men-
tion. He was arrested during World Was
I on the charge of spy activities. Mr.
Nicolay was also a member of the Nazi
Bund and carried on negotiations in the
Brown House in Munich in 1936, which
lasted for weeks and finally led to a
resolution "to form a block which in the
future will assume the final leadership of
America." In a report which appeared in
the Deitscher Weckru f on July 23, 1936,
Karl Nicolay spoke of the great task "to
make America eternally secure for the
Aryan race in accordance with Adolf
Hitler's idea." Nicolay then went on to
report the results of his conferences in
the Brown House:
"We must strengthen our sacred home-
land. the Third Reich, by constructing a
mighty phalanx of German blood in the
American body politic. It must be made
imppossible for all time to ever again in-
volve America in a war against Germany."
Dr. Ignaiz T. Griebl must not be omit-
ted from this list. He was one of the
leading Steuben Society members and was
at the same time one of the most active
organizers of the "Friends of the New
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Germany." He was also regional director
of this organization for some time. Dr.
Griebl's intensive work "for the good of
America" ended rather dishonorably with
his exposure in 1938 as the head of a
far-reaching German espionage organiza-
tion. He escaped his arrest and convic-
tion by fleeing to Germany. Dr. Griebl
was a reserve officer in the U. S. Army.
Ferdinand Hansen: One of the Steuben
Society's most important contact men with
Germany for a long time was the natu-
ralized German American, Ferdinand
Hansen.'Prior to World War I, he made
a considerable fortune in the United
States. He expressed his gratitude to his
foster country by fanatical hatred and
almost incredible intrigues. In 1915 the
U. Government found itself compelled
to withdraw his passport and refuse him
admission to the country. Hansen's pam-
phlets of hatred and incitement against
the United States were distributed in thou-
sands of copies by German agents during
the years 1914-1917. At the end of the
war Hansen returned here and resumed
his pro-German work with full force in
the Steuben Society of America. He
openly boasted that he had been success-
ful in influencing leading Senators and
Congressmen in Washington to a pro-
German line.
The admonition reappearing in all the
speeches of the Steuben chiefs spoke only
of the sacred mission of the German-
Americans to help Germany and to fight
with everything they had for the fur-
therance of German interests. Consider-
ing the records of the founders of the
Steuben Society, such as Dr. Rudolf Cro-
nau, George Sylvester Viereck, Dirk Voss,
Frederick Schrader, Dr, Franz Koempel,
and Karl Nicolay, it becomes clear what
the following appeal of a Steuben chief
amounts to:
"Herr Robeat E. Leyendecker from the
National Council of the Steuben Society
addressed those present on the aims and
purposes of the Steuben Society. Among
other things, he pointed out that the
'generation of German-Americans, grow-
ing up in our day, should follow in the
footsteps of the old, warriors for Ger-
many's honor and reputation over here
in America." (From an official account
of the Concord Unit No. 14, Steuben
Society, Deutscher Beobachter, Feb. 14th,
1935.)
Another influential Steuben member,
Dr. Louis A. Ewald, president of the
Federation of Bavarian Associations, ad-
vised the organizations headed by him,
as follows:
"All associations, no matter whether
based on cultural, economic, or charitative
principles, should concern themselves with
politics nowadays. It is no longer tolerable
that the associations call themselves non-
political. The events of recent days cause
any man o l 'German stock . to be
pro-German in this country, and to fight
for the political union of the German-
American elements." (Deutscher Beobach-
ter, Sept. 12, 1935.)
At still another gathering of the Bavar-
ian Association, in the course of which
Dr. Ewald turned against the "repeated
sword-rattling of President Roosevelt, the
worthy pupil of Wilson," he declared,
according to the N. Y. Stoats-Zeitung of
August 29, 1938:
"The right of the German-Americans
to stand for their old homeland was based
by Dr. Ewald on the fact . . . that the
reputation of the Germans abroad is in
full dependency upon the international
attention paid to the old homeland."
Dr. Louis Ewald: One of the most
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fanatical Nazi propagandists in New
York is the Steuben member Dr. Louis
A. Ewald, known as the leader of all
Bavaria Organizations. In his speeches,
he proclaimed the notorious Nazi slogan:
"One Nation, one Reich, one Fuehrer!"
Whereupon the good Americans of Ger-
man descent joined enthusiastically in the
German national anthem and the Horst
Wessel song, according to the New York
Staats-Zeitung of August 15, 1938.
Dr. Ewald, Steuben chief, saw the
many millions of German-Americans,
those Americans born as well as those
naturalized, not as Americans, but as
"Germans abroad" who, according to the
Nazi theory and to the words of Dr.
Ewald, "have to stand for the old home-
land."
It was only natural that the German
Reich thankfully acknowledged Dr.
Ewald's Pan-German propaganda among
the German-Americans:
"Vice-Consul Dr. Friedhelm Draeger,
in his address, praised Dr. Ewald as
protagonist of the German idea in Amer-
ica, and found special words, in appre-
ciation of his standing for the New Ger-
many. The 400 participants rose and
sang both German national anthems. We
American-Germans , .. have to thank the
New Germany and her great Fuehrer for
having readmitted us into the great fam-
ily of all Germans." (Deutscher Weck-
ruf, April 23rd, 1936,)
In the words quoted above, the Amer-
ican citizen, Louis A. Ewald, perhaps, in
wishful thinking, had already anticipated
"Anchluss" with the Third Reich. This
case is only one typical specimen of the
true conceptions of organized German-
Americans; their many thousand associa-
tions were and are under the leadership
and political influx of the Steuben So-
ciety.
According to its general policy, to
comply, always and everywhere, with
German interests, the Steuben Society has
done its utmost to weaken the national
policy of the United States, and to sabo-
tage measures aimed at rearmament. This
is taken from a proclamation issued by
the Steuben Society in January, 1940:
"We warn all Congressmen and Sen-
ators not to let themselves be induced to
appropriate more rnms, allegedly destined
for the defense of the country itself, in
fact, however, aimed at the protection of
the Asiatic colonies of the warring Eu-
ropean Allies'? (N? Y. Staats-Zeitung,
Ian. 17th, 1940,) ,
In an "Open Letter To Congress,"
Theodor Hoffman said on behalf of the
Steuben Society:
"Instead of letting itself be carried
away by sentimental appeals to fear and
feelings and, thereby, to the passing of
billion-bills for defense, the Congress
should tackle the problem with cool con-
sideration. The average American can
easily be scared by the cloudy word 'de-
fense.' But, who is the enemy a ainst
whose aggression we gear for defense?
. If, as is to be expected, the wish for
further strengthening of our navy will be
uttered loudly, will that, then, be for the
sake o f defending British supremacy in
India?" (N. Y. Staats-Zeitung, Ian, 23rd,
1940.)
With the strongest opposition, in ac-
cordance with these views, the Steuben
Society responded to all measures taken
by the administration to put the country
in a state of defense.
It may be noted briefly that an under-
handed smear-campaign was conducted by
the Steuben Society against the Roosevelt
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administration. Every now and then the
President was called "Dictator Sulla,"
or "puppet of the British Crown"; oc-
casionally he was called a secret ally of
Moscow. In an official declaration of the
Steuben Society it was stated:
"Never before did a Chief Executive
of this country meddle as, much in for-
eign affairs as the present one because
he didn't happen to like the form of
government which another sovereign
power had decided was best for its wel-
fare....
"Never before did a Chief Executive
demand and obtain absolute dictatorial
powers as did the present one; and with
the same blow Congress voted itself out
of existence....
"It is doubtful if ninety out of a bun-
dyed would approve the hateful war mad-
ness which our foreign and financially
influenced administration in Washington
is now pursuing. American democracy has
been brow-beaten into humiliating sub-
mission. Our British masters have laid
down the law. As British slaves, we now
have nothing else to do but obey." (Phila-
delphia Herald, March 22nd, 1941.)
There can be no doubt that the Steuben
Society is everything but what its presi-
dent, Hoffman, has pretended it was.
From the witness stand, Hoffman denied
that he was. in any way connected with
Nazi Germany and the Bund, and he
went even as far as to assert that his so.,
ciety was a patriotic organization and
inspired with the highest American ideals.
In fact, the Steuben Society sought to
stage a tricky kind of conspiracy, with its
president Hoffman enacting the same
treacherous role as played by Konrad
Henlein, the ill-famed Fuhrer of the
Sudeten-Germans, at the time of the an-
nexation of Czechoslovakia.
The Steuben Society, exactly like the
Nazi-Bund, was an auxiliary force of the
Third Reich in the United States, fight-
ing, admittedly, "for the same ideals as
the Bund!" As stated by Dirk Voss him-
self, the only difference was in the "meth-
ods." The Bund appeared openly as a
Nazi organization, whereas the Steuben
Society pursued its treacherous activities
behind a smoke-screen of patriotic phrases
and wrapped in the Stars and Stripes. If
there ever was a Trojan Horse in Amer-
ican history, it is the Steuben Society of
America.
"We want to make our children proud
to be of German stock." Baldur von
Schirach? Rosenberg? The Nazi Minis-
try of Propaganda in the days before the
War? No. This candid, defiant statement
comes from pamphlets published in the
United, States of America in 1937-the
year of the promulgation of the Nazi
Nuremberg laws-and entitled "What
is the Steuben Society of America?"
On several occasions we have tried to
answer this ingenious question. We pro-
duced evidence tracing the origin of this
group. We exposed the men who formed
its brain trust. We warned, over and over
again, of the menace implicit in the
existence of the Steuben Society, and
now-as Hitlerism has officially been
condemned at the Courts of Nuremberg,
.we deem it imperative to review some
facts and figures of this organization
and to submit it again to the chemical
tests of Americanism.
To begin with, it is established that
the Steuben Society is a Pan-German,
and at times was, an openly pro-Nazi
group, but it always pretended to be
American as well. However, lest its fol-
lowers think its espousal of America
unbecoming, the Steuben Society ex-
plained apologetically that "We speak
the American language because ... (.our)
work must be carried on in the language
of our country."
Then, having faced this delicate mat-
ter of language, the pamphlet goes on
to clarify other issues. "We have work
ahead of us; hard work and for a good
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cause. The questions of establishing war
guilt .. , opposing the world court . , ,
the League of Nations."
Among leaders who play a dominant
role in German-American associations,
Dr. Ewald may be cited as a typical
model. Here is an excerpt from a lengthy
account on his activities published in the
Deutscher W'eckru f of April 9, 1936:.
"In 1898, Dr. Ewald came to New
York, in order to settle here as a surgeon.
When, in the summer of 1914, the
clouds of war started to darken the po-
litical horizon, nothing could keep him
in the land of his choice. After two futile
attempts, he succeeded, in December,
1914, in reaching German soil. . In
all the great battle of the World War,
albeit in Russia or France, he was to be
found in the most advanced lines.... In
1922 be set out to cross the ocean once
again for New York, where be had lost
all his belongings, to resume his prac-
tict as a physician. In New York he was
unceasingly devoted to the fight for Ger-
man honor and German reputation.. . .
Not even the war psychosis, still in ex-
istence at the time of his return to Amer-
ica, could stop him from working from
the very day of his arrival, for the en-
listment and unification of German ele-
ments in America, and for their under-
standing and helpful attitude towards the
homeland."
Dr. Ewald is a classical representative
of the mentality to be found among the
German-Americans. This man immigrated
in 1898, rose to success and dignity, but
remained, after 40 years' residence in
America, the same fanatical Pan-German
he was when he entered this country, He
remained what he always was a-"Ger-
man in America!"
Among thousands of articles, addresses
and appeals coming from German-Amer-
ican organizations, there was not a single
case in which anything was advocated in
the national interest of America. In every
instance the argumentation read: "in the
interest of the old homeland," or "for
German honor," or "for a future German-
America," As an example, there is the
case in which the New York Staats-
Zeiu ng invited visitors to take part in
the Deutscher Tag, 1938. Hamilton Fish
was to deliver the feature speech, and
the German-Americans were summoned
to come in masses, on account of the
"great historical importance" of the meet-
ing. Towards the end, the "invitation"
threatened:
"To be a German-American and to fail
to have his share in the preservation of
peace next Sunday in Madison Square
Garden .. , means to be guilty of criminal
complacency against one's old homeland!"
(N. Y. Staats-Zeitung, Sept. 27, 1938.)
It is of some interest, in this connec-
tion to see in what way the speeches of
Congressman Hamilton Fish were appre-
ciated as helpful to the "fatherland."
Whatever the German-American organ-
ization may be concerned with, it was
always the same: they have to be helpful
to the "old homeland," according to their
being useful or detrimental to the "moth-
erland." There is a passage taken from
an appeal of the German-American Con-
ference, a front-organization of the
Steuben Society:
"Let us demonstrate before our broth-
err and sisters in the homeland, that, in
these crucial weeks, the German-Ameri-
cans are doing their duty." (N. Y. Staats-
Zeitung, May 16, 1940).
"The Bund of Sudeten-Germans in
America wants, solely and exclusively, to
be in the service of the homeland." (N. Y.
Staats-Zeitung, Sept. 27th 1938, from an
official announcement of the Bund der
Sudetendeutschen in U. S.)
Whatever was undertaken by the
Steuben Society was done in the interest
of the Reich, and in every case the fate
of German-Americans was considered
identical with the fate of the Reich! A
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particularly most nonsensical argument
was taken by 'the ' Steuben Society, direct
from Dr. Goebbels' propaganda mill:
"1n a petition handed in by its national
president, Theodor Hoffman, the Steuben
Society, representing the German idea
over here in the U. S., turns vigorously
against President Roosevelt's foreign pol-
icy. ... President Hoffman has left for
the capital to discuss with Congressmen
problems such as the Ludlow amendment,
foreign policy, the Neutrality Act, and to
convey to the foreign committee of the
Senate, in the course of its present vital
hearings, the views of the Steuben So-
ciety. Among other things, the petition
says: We do not think it advisable to
give the power to the President of de-
ciding, in a given case, which of the war-
' ring nations should be marked as aggres-
sor. . . . With every determination, the
Steuben Society opposes the view that
any democratic principles are involved in
the present crisis. It is a case of power
politics, nothing else, and the principles
of democracy have nothing to do with it.
. The President must be' deprived of
the power to impose economic sanctions.
. . The `have' countries must yield a
portion of their property to the 'have-
nots,' sufficient to enable the latter to
guarantee their populations a decent liv-
ing. Empty phrases about the blessings of
democracy do not prove anything." (N. Y.
Staats-Zeitung, April 16th, 1939.)
Let us not forget that the Steuben
Society was organized in 1919 by a group
of,German agents. Among its organizers
were Ferdinand Hansen, the German
agent prosecuted for high treason by
American authorities; Carl Nicolai, who
was arrested as an enemy agent, and
Frederic F. Schrader, a key organizer of
the German-American Bund.
When the German-American Bund was
organized, the Steuben Society shaped
its program of activities in order to
advance Hitler's cause. As far back as
1936 and 1937 the so-called German
Day celebrations in the U. S. were jointly
run by the Steuben Society and the Ger-
nan-American Bund.
At a German-Day celebration in Madi-
son Square Garden, New York City, in
1935, where Steuben President Theodor
Hoffman and other Steubenites spoke, a
telegram to Adolf Hitler was approved
in which allegiance - was pledged to the
Fuehrer.
It is in recent years that the Steuben
Society really gave the show away. Im-
portant evidence against it appeared in
1944 when the U. S. had been at war
with Germany for nearly three years and
when the liberation of Europe had already
begun at a high price to America-a
price of blood and money and the energy
of the entire nation. The Steuben So-
ciety, which puts out a paper called
"The Steuben News," ran a three-column
article in August, 1944, headlined "In-
ternal strife in Germany." The article
dealt with American propaganda on
Germany, and included the followin
telling sentence: "The official, semi-of -
ficial and journalistic blood baths about
the future of Germany are apt to back-
fire to prolong the war instead of short.
ening it."
The "Steuben News" went on to ask,
in a rather irritated tone, whether it was
actually necessary to discuss the German
problem openly and frequently, and
whether all this "propaganda" did not, in
reality, condition the American people
to demand peace terms so harsh that
"the mind cannot grasp them."
This was in the summer of 1944 and
we were far from peace. But the "Steu-
ben News" had already begun to talk
raucously about a tough peace and its
perils. Two months later, the same sheet,
undaunted by the news events of the
previous weeks, published a speech de-
livered by Steubenite Fred Zimmerman
at the silver anniversary celebration of
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the foundation of the Steuben Society.
Mr. Zimmerman, who apparently remem-
bered in the nick of time that the bloody
battle was still being waged in Europe,
took this occasion to state publicly that:
"The defeat of Germany seems certain
. and there is a flood of radio and
newspaper debate as to the sort of peace
to be imposed on the German nation."
Then, he turned to his audience and
asked with what must have been a pa-
thetic throb in his voice: "Shall there be
a strong military occupation of Germany
by the armies of the United Nations?
Shall Germany be prohibited from having
an army and navy, or an air force?"
The same campaign against German
disarmament was carried throughout the
October 1944 issue of the Steuben News.
One article, presciently entitled: "Preview
of the New Post-War Europe," mentions
the "pompous talk of taking weapons of
war away from Germans and similar
pious sayings," and goes on with rare
impudence to remark that "our policy
makers in Washington and the astute
financiers and merchants in London are
already busy with their blueprints of how
to deindustrialize Germany and at the
same time enlarge the riches of the re-
spective nations.,,
A month before Germany was forced
to her knees in April. 1945, a Mr. J. H.
Meyer predicted in the Steuben News
that "there will be no armistice because
there will be no one in authority in
Germany to sign an armistice with Gen-
eral Eisenhower." Despite this grave
blunder, Mr. Meyer was again active in
July. By then, the Steuben News had
found another topical target.
The San Francisco Conference which
provided Mr. Meyer with a chance to
write fine, purple prose about the first
steps of the United Nations. The Con-
ference Charter was dubbed by the Steu-
benites: "a document which has been
shorn of the last shreds of morality." In
case any of its readers were still uncer-
tain as to the main purpose of this pub-
lication, the same issue of the Steuben
News obligingly carried an article restat-
ing the requirements for membership into
the Society. They had a familiar ring:
"New members must be wholly or in
part of German extraction and they must
manifest that pride of race that deterred
them from becoming shifters and trim-
mers ..."
Now that the war was over, and the
Steuben Society had accepted victory with
surprising equanimity, it "reconverted"
for peace. In August, 1945. a banner
headline in the Steuben News told the
world about the "Mass Rape of German
Girls," The often and officially denied
report of the alleged criminal assault of
German girls by French Senegalese or
Negro soldiers was played for all it was
worth. The Steuben News had itself a
field day with lurid and vivid descrip-
tions of "thousands of German girls
rounded-up in the suhway of Stuttgart"
and there raped by black soldiers of the
Allied armies. It was a good story and
well worth telling at that stage of Ger-
many's defeat. Even if some of the Steu-
ben News readers were "good" German-
Americans, who had never really believed
in Hitler, and who had done their best
to bring victory to the Allies, their sym-
pathies could hardly help but be moved
by this brutal. shameful subway episode.
The only paint which was consciously
overlooked by the Steuben News writers
was that Stnttgart did not have a subway!
The world was in a state of armistice
for only a few weeks, when the Steuben
Society led the drive for a hasty reopen-
ing of mail to Germany. Then its Presi-
dent, Theodor Hoffman. initiated the
drive for "American Relief for Germany"
and all the U. S. authorities were adjured
to permit sending food and clothing to
the wretched Fatherland. In the mean-
time, the Steuben Society did what it
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could to make an exaggerated picture of
alleged starvation in Germany.
There were some German-Americans
who were thoroughly impressed by the
now fully-revealed facts of what Ger-
manity had done to Europe and were
disinclined to brag about their origin.
This called for the most subtle tactics
of the Steuben Society. Sure enough, in
the Thanksgiving issue of the Steuben
News, we learned that "Americans of
German birth or blood ... more than any
other race ... helped to make our coun-
try strong- and great." A little later, in
the same editorial, we read: "Americans
of German descent ... have been instru-
mental in making the U. S. the most
advanced, modern nation." So, consola-
tion for the horrors perpetrated by their
? brethren across the sea was considerately
offered the Steubenites by their official
mouthpiece.
February, 1946, saw the beginning of
still another Steuben Society campaign.
In its inimitably clever fashion, the Steu-
ben News demanded relief for Germany
and charged the Allies with lack of "no-
blesse oblige" towards the defeated foe.
Flying in the face of reason and patri-
otism alike, the Steuben News screamed:
"In view of all the distortions, falsifica-
tions and lies; in view of all the dirt
throwing ... we, of German extraction
and proud of it ... must and do feel
hadly about the general slandering of all
Germans . . ." Those who advocated the
federation and disarming of the Reich
were promptly labelled "rapacious capi-
talists . . . vengeful little men who will
jeopardize the peace of America ..."
November 1946 is election month and
the Steuben News was vigilant, as be-
fitted a political pressure group: "We are
unwilling to accept any further apologies
on the part of the administration spokes-
men who are afraid to underwrite a hu-
manitarian undertaking because they
think they may lose some votes . . . We
shall not forget them ... "
In March, 1946, the Steuben News
came out with a fresh, spring-like note.
It reprinted "Fourteen Points about the
Society." These points are worth re-
reading today, for they are implicit state-
merits of the Steuben's pernicious raison
d'etre. Point Five, for instance again,
deals with the question of language:
"The Steuben Society uses the American
language because it is the political lan-
guage of the country." Point Six explains
that the Society "hopes to bring together
all American citizens of Germanic race
for the purpose of safeguarding and pro-
moting their political rights." While
:Point 11 goes into racism thoroughly,
though briefly: "Persons who are known
to possess no race pride are not eligible
... for membership."
In July 1946 the Steuben News cate-
gorically demanded, in a screaming head-
line, "No Second Westphalian Peace"
and urged that Byrnes' peace proposals
be rejected, for the sake of "a United
and Unified Germany at any price."
Finally, in September 1946, the Steu-
ben News, still fighting hard for the
preservation of a strong, militarist Ger-
many whatever the price, got deeply up-
set about the American attempts to im-
plant democracy on German soil. The
leading article of this issue "revealed"
that our "indoctrination courses in de-
mocracy" are "full of stupid self-
righteousness."
These few excerpts, culled from the
Steuben Society's official paper, are surely
enough to persuade even the most un-
suspicious American official that there is
something wrong with the basic orienta-
tion of the Steuben Society and that it
ought to be set right on a few principles
of democracy.
But, for some strange reason, neither
war nor peace have ever affected the
Steuben Society which is permittd to go
its merry way, wholly unhampered. In
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September 1946, with astonishing temer-
ity, the Steuben Society wrote the War
and Navy Departments and asked that
some Department notables be sent to
s eak at the 27th anniversary of the
founding of the Steuben Society.
Despite protests from the Society for
the Prevention of World War 111, and
the fact that the War and Navy Depart-
ment had been repeatedly advised of the
strong pro-Nazi leanings of the Steu-
benites and their President, both De-
partments, amazingly, designated repre-
sentatives to appear at the Steuben ban-
quet on September 28, 1946 in New York.
In a letter dated September 3rd, 1946,
Major General F. L. Parks, Chief of Public
Relations Division of the War Depart-
ment, informed the Society for the Pre-
vention of World War III that "the ap-
pearance of any army o9cer to pay tribute
to a distinguished American military
(Gen. von Steuben) of course, does not
imply support or approval of the attitude
or activities of the sponsors of the meet-
ings."
At the banquet of the Steuben Society
at the Biltmore Hotel in New York City
the War Department was represented by
Brig. Gen. Elliott Duncan Cooke of the
Inspector General's Office of the U. S.
Army, while the Navy Department sent
Rear Admiral Monroe Kelly, Comman-
dant of the Third Naval District of the
U. S. Navy.
General Cooke restricted himself in a
very non-commital speech to eulogize
Gen. von Steuben, who was the first
quartermaster of the American army, and
he wished the Steuben Society good for-
tune. Admiral Kelly, however, put his
manuscript immediately aside, telling the
audience that he would speak to them as
man to man. He took the opportunity
to denounce Russia but made the remark
that his utterances were his own and
that he did not know what the official
attitude of the Navy Department would
be.
The main speech of the event was de-
livered by the president of the Steuben
Society, Theodor Hoffmann. He started
out by reading a great part of George
Washington's Farewell Address with spe-
cific emphasis upon Washington's advice
to this country to remain aloof from all
foreign entanglements. He said that
Washington's words were as true today
as they were a century and a half ago.
Mr. Hoffmann's implication was that the
U. S. had no business at all to go to war
against Germany, which was the same
position he held after the first world
war. Hoffmann's speech was interrupted
by tremendous applause, as everybody
understood the implication. Further-
more, he drummed it into the audience
that the Steuben Society is responsible
for the formation of the American Relief
for Germany and that his and his friends'
efforts have made it possible for the
Quakers to do their relief job in Ger-
many. He wound up by saying that the
greatest weapon of all for the Steuben
Society is the one which all Steubenites
will soon be able to use again, namely,
the ballot box.
It should be remembered that this very
same Theodor Hoffmann, in 1934, trav-
elled to Germany, where he had lengthy
conversations with Adolf Hitler and
other Nazi leaders. Back from Germany
he handed a report to the press, the pre-
cise wording of which was published in
the Nazi Bund sheet, Deutscher Beo-
bachter of New York City on October
20. 1934:
"... Whoever thinks National Social-
ism rules by oppression is mistaken .. .
On January 30, 1933, the Nazi movement
proclaimed the end to the slavery imposed
upon Germany by the hypocritical and
insane Treaty of Versailles ... My per-
rnnal impression, in conversation with
Hitler were that Hitler is an idealist, an
outstanding organizer, and a man of tre-
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mendous energy. It is my conviction that
be is honest and sincere in his endeavor
not only to unite the German people but
also in his determination to break the
chains of slavery which kept the German
people fettered hard and fast for 15
years ...f
At the above-mentioned German Day
celebration in 1935 President Theodor
Hoffman endorsed a telegram to "Reichs-
fuehrer" Adolf Hitler, part of which
reads as follows: ".. Greetings full of
pride of the homeland, which has
emerged from the darkness of self -lac-
eration into the dawn of a bright future.
Greetings, bearing our thanks to you,
the Puehrer, who, relying only upon your
belief in the eternal mission of ,the Ger-
man people, has brought into the light of
fulfilment the ageless dream of our an-
cestors. Greetings pledging faith to our
nation (Germany), a faith which is and'
will forever be the guiding star of out,
needs ... We greet you, the cause of our
pride, the symbol of our love for our na-
tion, you the Fuehrer of New Germany."
(N. Y. Staats-Zeitung, Oct. 7, 1935.)
In conclusion, it should be noted that
at the Convention of the Steuben Society
in Cleveland in August 1946, the main
speaker was Prof. Austin J. App, of. San
Antonio, Texas, whom the Society for
the Prevention of World War III had`
exposed as a typical American Naziphile,
whose subversive anti-American literature
is actually being spread throughout the
country. This very same literature, namely
the pamphlets "Ravaging the Women of
Conquered Europe," "Slave Laboring
German Prisoners of War" and a book,
"History's Most Terrifying Peace," were
advertised in the official program of the
banquet of the Steuben Society, which
was honored by the presence of the dele-
gates of the War and Navy Departments.
POSTSCRIPTUM
On December 13, 1946 the German-language newspaper California Staatszeitung
published a letter to the editor entitled "Americans of German Descent, Wake Up,"
suggesting that the German Americans should unite in the Steuben Society in order
to form a voting bloc in the next elections.
The letter said in part:
"It is high time for us American citizens of German descent to merge into a great
powerful political group.... Then we shall be able to clean up many a bad situation
in this country and its foreign policy. We have the potential power to do so for we
have millions of citizens eligible to vote, and we have the potential economic power,
for the German element plays an important role in all trades and, therefore, in the
whole American economy. . . . In the next elections we must be ready! Wake Up!"
31 -
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 Approved For Release 2005/01/13 : CIA-RDP88-01315R000400480011-7
SOCIE'T'Y FOR THE PREVENTION
OF WORLD WAR III
A Non-Profit Organization
515 MADISON AVENUE - at 53rd Street - NEW YORK 22, N. Y.
Tstepbona: PLaza 3-4985.4986
10 REASONS
WHY YOU SHOULD ENROLL NOW
1. YOU WILL ADD YOUR VOICE to millions of others who are
determined that never again shall Germany and Japan be
permitted to disturb the peace of the world . . .
2. YOU WILL PERFORM YOUR DUTY to those who gave their
lives in the war against German and Japanese militarism. . .
3. YOU WILL FULFILL YOUR DUTY TO YOUR CHILDREN
and your children's children . . , for peace without peril .. .
4. YOU WILL MAKE SURE THAT THE WORLD will not fall vic-
tim again to the same aggressors ...
5. YOU WILL SERVE NOTICE on Pan-Germans and pro-Ger-
mans alike that their subtle propaganda will not fool you.. .
6. YOU WILL FORTIFY AMERICA in the demand that the
needs and welfare of Germany's victims must receive un-
questioned priority ...
7. YOU WILL HELP CHECK the increasingly arrogant German.
language press in the United States ...
S. YOU WILL HELP COUNTERACT the propaganda of pro-
Germans and their sympathizers who seek to regenerate a
strong Germany. . .
9. YOU WILL BE LEAVING THE SIDELINES to become an ac-
tive participant in the battle for peace and security ...
10. YOU MUST HELP win the peace this time to ensure your
own life . . .
If we are to win the peace, pro-German influences
and propaganda must be fought ... NOW!
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 Approved For-Release 2005/01/13 : CIA-RDP88-01315R000400480011-7
The intolerable conditions which have preyed upon the populations of the
Middle East should be completely eliminated. The United Nations' efforts
must be based on this premise if a just and lasting solution is to be found.
The United Nations cannot afford reversion to the conditions which have
obtained up to the present and have blocked the establishment of peace.
If the United Nations fails on this crucial issue, then its effective-
ness as a leading institution for world peace and security will have been
gravely impaired. The establishment of peace in the Middle East would
radiate its beneficient effects upon a tense fr troubled world, and greatly
contribute to the prevention of World War III.
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 Approved For Release 2005/01/13 : CIA-RDP88-01315R000400480011-7
ZonfjresBiona1
(tu R ress %A..
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WAYNE MORSE
Or OREGON
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Monday, August 3, 1953
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to insert in the Ap-
penuix of .the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to
be published within a few days' after
Congress adjourns a group of articles,
resolutions, speeches, and editorials
which I will supply for such printing.
The materials are as follows:
Sixth, Mr. President, pr many months
one of the most important and least dis-
cussed questions in regard to our Euro-
pean foreign policy has been the Incipi-
ent and growing relationship, between
certain elements In Western Germany
and the Russians.
In this regard a most illuminating
memorandum has been prepared and cir-
culated among Members of Congress by
the Society for the Prevention of World
War III. The society has now made this
memorandum public, so I ask unanimous
consent to have it published In the Ap-
pendix of the RECORD.
[From Prevent World War III.r
GERMAN REALITIES
I. GERMANY'S NATURAL ECONOMIC.TIES ARE WITH
RUSSIA AND THE EAST
Our rapid rebuilding of German industry has
increased the pressure for resumption of
these ties. German economic and political
policy-today shows that it is her purpose to
broaden them as soon as possible
For decades the Germans have found the
Russians tp be one of their main trading
partners. This is true, In spite of Ideological
differences which have existed through the
years. German realpolitilt and economic
considerations have never been inhibited by
divergent ideologies, An Illustration of.that
fact may be found in a New York Timed re-
port from Germany, December 19, 1952,
which disclosed that a group of leading Ger-
man Industrialists in the West had set up
a committee sponsored by the West German
Government to activate trade with the Soviet
Union and Soviet-bloc countries,
The industrialists who are at the head of
this government-sponsored committee are by
no stretch of the imagination pro-Commu-
nist. On the contrary, they were the key
supporters of the Nazis, but just as after
World War I powerful German industrialists
strove to strengthen-econbmic ties witl~ Mos-
cow, so do their successors of today, Jt}st,
as the Weimar Republic, which was essen-
tially anti-Communist, supported thd`activi
ties of the German industrialists in the 1920's
to strengthen economic relations with -Mos-
cow, so today the Bonn government which
is anti-Communist, sponsors similar plans
for closer economic ties with the Eest,
Approved
(Not printed at Government expense)
IllegdZ trade with Russia already great
A Senate subcommittee chaired by former
Senator Herbert I.. O'Conor reported:
(a) That during 1061 West Germany had
been conducting illegal trade in strategic ma-
terials with the east, amounting to hundreds
of millions of dollars,
(b) That this situation was extremely dis-
turbing, particularly because the United
States Government has the authority and the
responsibility in the occupation of Germany.
(c) That in effect, the United States tax-
payer is paying for this illegal trade.
(d) That up to the time of investigation
by the subcommittee, Western Germany, an
area in which the United States Government
has had authority and responsibility, was a
veritable open channel for the flow of, goods
of strategic significance to the east.
Many West German firms were charged
with selling Strategic materials to the Soviet-
bloc during the year 1952. The details were
reported in the press. (See Associated Press,
April 23, 1952, and the New York Times,
June 4, 195'2.)
West German plans for enlarged Russian
trade already far advanced
At the time when. Secretary of State Ache-
son was..flying to Germany for the signing
of the contractual agreement the Associated
Press, May 0, 1962, reported that the Lower
House of the West German Parliament unan-
imously "voted in favor of wiping out west-
ern allied restrictions to trade with the Coma
munist East." The Reuters News Agency on
May 20, 1952, reported "West German Indus-
trialists have set up? an office for West-East
trade and to promote commercial relations
with Russia, China, and other Communist
countries."
Ctermany's natural hinterland
That Germany will look toward the Ea-t,
and'at the same time threaten the e-,ononlic
well-being of our most reliable allies, is a
foregone conclusion if' we persist in the pol-
icy of building up Germany's economic pow.,r
beyond her genuine peacetime requirern? .its.
The vast markets in Europe and Asia Which
the Kremlin can offer to Western Germany
is a reality which must be reckoned with,
and which will have a decisive influence on
German policy.
The natural hinterland for Germany has
always been the East, It therefore follows
that if the Germans are given excessive eco-
nomic power and, capacity they will inevita
bly.be obliged to reestablish their previous
large-scale economic relations with the Past-
ern countries now under Soviet domination.
Ih this conhection, the New York Times.
March 11, 1053, reported that the Foreign
Affairs Committee of the Lower House of the
West German Parliament had i'eoommentied
to the- West German Government that it
initiate a project to reexamine Germany's
overall relations With the Communist con-
trolled countries of Europe. "The recom-
mendation reflected the deep seated hope,
.nourished by German nationalists, that the
day would come when the great markets of
East and southeast Europe would be re-
opened to West German industry."
11. THE THEORY THAT GERMAN POLICY IS SASI-
CALLY WESTERN IS HISTORICALLY FALSE
The assumption that Germany historically
has had a predominantly western orienta-
tion in its foreign relations, economic and
political activities, does, not square, with the
record. The consistent pro-Russian orienta-?
tion of leading elements in German life is a
matter of historical Pact.
In this connection the State Department
In its publication Confuse and Control (No.
4107, April 1951) notes:'
"Hitler made much of Germany's position
as the defender of Europe against the bar-
barian6 from the East. But ever since
Napoleon had conquered Germany and at-
tacked Russia, there has been much in com-
mon between the upper military and social
classes in Germany and in Russia, The Czar
was closely related to the Kaiser. Bismarck's
policy was always to cooperate with Russia.
Now that Russia has a new ruling class as
dictatorial as the old aristocracy, some of the
old feeling of kinship is still to be found
among extreme conservatives from Germany
from the Junkers to the ex-Nazis. * * *
"There is some feeling among the aristo-
crats that they might make terms with the
Soviet - aristocracy because of their ex-
perience and ability, and might become in-
dispensable and powerful members of the
Soviet ruling class."
The consistency of the Eastern orientation
As a matter of fact, the political and ideo-
logical concept that Germany must ally with
the East against the West is a very old and
deeply rooted tradition in-Germany's foreign
policy. It was an important factor in Fred-
erick the Great's diplomatic schemes 200
years ago, which resulted in a Russo-Prus-
sian alliance on the basis of a partitioned
Poland. This. pro-Russian policy was
strengthened under Bismarck. Following
the establishment of the Weimar Republic
after, World War I, the Rapallo Treaty of
1922 was signed between Germany and
Soviet Russia, - This, treaty aimed at the
secret rearming of Germany in violation of
the Versailles Treaty and the establish-
ment of a common front against the West.
In spite of Hitler's avowed enmity and op-
position to Soviet communism, the Nazi
government joined hands with the Kremlin
in 1939.
It should be noted that the pro-Russian
orientation of Germany which manifested
itself during decisive moments of history
was never forsaken despite the type of gov-
ernment ruling the Germans, i. e. monarchy,
democracy or dictatorship. Thus, on the
basis of the historical record, Germany can-
not qualify at the indispensable bulwark
against Russian expansionism,
Soviet Russia's postwar policy supports a
rearmed and heavily industrialized united
Germany
Russia's policy in the postwar period has
been carefully designed toward strengthen-
ing the powerful proeastern forces within
Germany. However, the Soviets have never
pursued fixed tactics in their general at-
tempt' to establish a common front between
Germany bind Russia.
.The impression that the Russians would
always insist on a weak Germany which,
presumably, would create a climate for the
growth of Communist influence, is contra-
dicted by the repeated pronouncements of
Stalin and Molotov advocating a united, re-
armed, and heavily industrialized Germany.
Ideological considerations have always
been secondary in Russia's policy toward
Germany. Actually the Russians advocated
a powerful and rearmed Germany regardless
of political coloration, because such a Germa-.
ny would provide the Russians with greaten
possibilities.
PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 834 CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION
 III. PUB7.1C OPINION IN GERMANY, AND GERMAN
POLITICAL IDEOLOGY OHCxy,,~~ lam- Releaseidf~iyi?e =a~ae)Z~r. ry~~00040 1A$
DAY A MUCH MORE LOCI P RUSSUN y C h Hit- plan forams the lbade of the present strategy
COMMUNISM THAN DP WESTERN DEMOCRACY tribunal which had sentenced to death Hit-
Extreme nationalism and adherence to au- m
ler& chief oX staff. an court exonerated rtheawar criminal Jodi" of German t statements e
thoritarian concepts'are controlling /actors and prohibited the confiscation of h i.... Sip ni fi ectnh on the need to
in German n?hJ{,
The basic Ideological concepts which have The New York Times of March-e5.-1953, noted
motivated Germany's aggressive actions In that this action 'leads the way for other
the past are a force which must be reckoned German courts to whitewash Nazis con.
with in present-day Germany; For example, demned by the allies,"
the State Department bulletin referred to Results of the resurgence of German
above, in discussing the business world of nationalism
Germany notes that there still remains the
old habit of authoritarian control, which rc It fact
es rte now which a
were the matter a bo c bon that then ny's
has more affinity for eastern than for west- aggressive iambitions, of which of nazism st-
which nazism it-
ern forms of government. * ? a self was ws but t one one manifestation.
The tradition of dictatorial power Is com_ as . The leading me back of
mon among older business nd Industrial theltpresent Bonn Foreign Oceare overembers of
-
leaders in Germany, as it is among the upper whelmingly former Nazis and/or Ribbentrop
social, military, and political parties. For- diplomats (about 85 percent-according to
mer United States High Commissioner John press reports). Chancellor Adenauer, who
J. McCloy, In his quarterly report of Octo- acts as his own Foreign Minister for West
ber-December 1951, notes: Germany, and Is therefore directly responat-
"Unhappily, most of the established politi- ble for this state of affairs, has publicly
cal parties have also been stocking the mer- supported the use of these Nazi diplomats,
chandise of nationalism. Individuals or declaring that they possessed "advantages"
circles, and in a few cases, even the control- that other officials did not have. (New York
ling elements of an entire state political Times, October 23, 1952.) In this connec-
organization, have expressed highly national- tton, it should be pointed out that it was
lstic sentiments * - ? even some Federal these very same diplomats under Von Rib-
ministers have not been above such actions. bentrop who served the conspiracy leading to
? * * The use of the extreme nationalist the Hitler-Stalin pact of 1939.
1-narcotic creates the need for, larger doses: In his Fifth Quarterly Report on Germany,
whereas the users must ultimately find that October-December 1950. former United States
they cannot subsist on talk alone, they must High Commissioner McCioy made the follow-
resort to some action to avoid decline. The Ing comment;
consequences of such a course, if long con- "Critics of the denazification program also
tinued, must be general disaster." point to the presence of former Nazis In im-
Congressional study commission )tads lack of portant positions and in the public service
democratic d y c mm son finds It is true that there are many
former Nazis in A report by a special study mission of schoolteachers, pmailc carriers poollicem n.
the House Committee on Foreign Affairs some few occupy higher positions, even In the
(February 1952) observed: state and federal governments. Many bust-
ized of the
be "I summarized light
above situation and v which has nessmen members holding ImportantParty6S Millions once of
additional factors which will be enumerated, former Nazis are reemployed, most of them
the subcommittee cannot escape the conelu- In their former vocations."
sion that the people of Western Germany IV. vs2ST GERMAN FOREIGN POLICY AND DOMESTIC
are not yet qualified to graduate from the POLITICS ALIKE SHOW PURPOSE TD svr1,D UP
course in democracy which has been offered INDEPENDENT CENTRAL EUROPEAN BLOC-NOT
to them during the occupation. It to the TO BECOME PART or TREE WORLD ALLIANCE
considered judgment of responsible United The Rim of German political planning has
States officials, based on public-opinion polls always been to establish Germany as the
and other sources of Information, that too dominant power of Europe. Under present
many of the German people' today believe conditions this objective has taken the form
that nazism contained more that was good of a concerted effort to build up a third-power
than was bad." bloc in Europe under German hegemony,
The views of this committee were further which at the appropriate time would break
confirmed by a report on German pubiso away from the United States and make com-
opinion issued by the Office of Public At- mon cause with Moscow.
fairs, HICOG
In which
,
it was stated:
"The majority of the German people can-
not be counted on to resist the efforts of
any Nazi-type group to return to power."
(New York Times, January 18, 1953.)
example
the
extreme nationalism
pervading allwalks oflife in Germany, is the
utterance of Jacob Balser, Minister of All
German Affairs in the Adenauer cabinet:
real Europe German bloc is reconstituted, ted, formed
i remind you
that this bloc includes in addition to Ger
many, Austria, a part of Switzerland, the
Saar, of course, and Alsace-Lorraine. When
I think of the Strasbourg Cathedral, my
heart hurts."
Extreme nationalism encourages anti-Ameri.
can aitd ant tallied attitudes
The resurgence of aggressive nationalism
is a potent force in the Planning and In
the thinking of the Germans, ,For example,
It manifests itself in a growing barrage of
anti-American and antlallied criticism and
vilification. It has been particularly
marked by the growing crescendo of de-
mandator the freedom of the war criminals.
This campaign has the support of the Ger-
man Government. Indeed, the Germans have
now gone so far as to accuse the allies of
committing the real war crimes. For ex-
ample, at a recent gathering of the notorious
88 Troopers, a convicted war criminal, Gen-
eral Ramcke, accused the allies of commit-
amidst the shouts of "sChWeinehund Eisen
bower" (Pig-dog Eisenhower)
reported by Mr. James Reston western Europe was
York Times, April 26, 1950: "It is now rec-
ognized in official quarters that the potential
economic and military power of Western
Germany 1s so great that it is likely to
dominate any purely Western European
economic or military organization."
The creation domination a third
wouldIn power itself under a
Geman ddisaster to the American policy of trying to
construct a united Europe as a defense
against communism.
The fact that such a German dominated
bloc would have a probable orientation to-
ward the East, would be an additional dis-
aster.
The snore rapidly we rebuild German heavy
Industry and permit her rearmament, the
more probable become both of these danger-
ous results.
V. THE CONTRACTUAL AGREEMENT DOES NOT
PURNIBH EVEN A PAPER GUARANTEE THAT A
UNIFIED GERMANY WILL BECOME OR REMAIN
A PART or THE WESTERN BLOC
In discussing a unified Germany's relation-
ship to the agreements, Mr. McCioy told the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee that the
Germans agree that a unified Germany shall
enjoy the rights and be bound by the ob-
ligations conferred an i
ar1ca.. i'cderal itepubllc b the new-agreements and
For Rely / , ed Ile 961n 15RO4,OO48 4 European community. to the creation ation (Hearings an
above regularly, In this connection, a Com- before the Committee on Foreign Relations,
parieon of the Madrid directive with the U. S. Senate, June 11, 1952, p. 73.)
statements made by leading German news-
German ~`""1 ' ' . '.Ja` paper of West
to Mr. Christ and Welt, which according
John J. McCioy Is an Adenauer news-
paper stated:
"Continental Europe Would break away
from the Atlantic Pact If the Soviets agree to
withdraw their forces behind the Prippet
Marshes and release not only the Eastern
zone of Germany, but the whole of Eastern
Europe Into the European Union. A Western
Europe standing on its own feet and pos-
sessing its own powerful army ? * ? could
afford to carry out such an Independent poli-
cy, because it would have the strength of
a third power" (December 27, 1951),
Dr. Adenauer himself alluded to the same
Idea in a more diplomatic terminology. On
May 20, 1950, he stated:
"A federated Europe will become a third
force In the world, not as strong as Russia
or the United States, but powerful enough
to Intervene successfully-in a decisive mo-
ment-to safeguard the peace ? * * Ger-
many has again become a factor with whom
others will have to reckon In international
affairs."
The Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung
(March 15, 1952), which Is the mouthpiece
of the Bonn Foreign Office and also represents
the thinking of leading Industrial circles
Wrote:
"What can Russia win If she plays her
trump card? ? * * In order to jump out
of her present isolation she can, exactly as
th
Germany e Rapallo Treaty did 30 years ago, place ,.
an a protecting buffer between East
and West. From the politico -economic point
of view, she should repeat the old game for
world power position by concluding long-
term agreements with German industry and
Russia Ymightereotrade with ny, Thus, -
pen the door Germato the world
market."
NoTE.-These are but sample quotations,
the type of which can be found In all lead-
ing newspapers and publications in Ger-'
many, and also in the German language press
in North and South America.
The danger of a German-dominated Western
In view of this overall lan f th Ger-
mans to establish a third p
r
c
owe
blo
their
formal acceptance off integration with West-
ern Europe would merely serve as a method
by which they could achieve doination,
which, In turn, 1a the principal
rec
d
p
on
ition
Germany's leading geopolitielans have a- for striking- a bargain with Russia at the
.tea +I.- to elcnanaa f , .- _
The details of this plan will be found In a
secret directive issued by the chief German
geopolitical center in Madrid. The full text
may be found in the recently published book
Germany Plots With the Kremlin, by an out-
atAnding expert on German geopolitics, T. H.
Tetens.
The Madrid directive calls for the following
tactical actions:
(1) To avoid any hard-and-fast commit.
ments by Germany on cooperation with the
West, so as to remain free to come to terms
with Soviet Russia,
(2) To build up anti-American sentiment
In all western European countries,
(3) To extract Be many concessions and
dollars from the United States
possible. of America as
(4) To obtain all the advantages of con-
tractual agreement and the other treaties
reciprocal West,contributionswithout making significant
(5) To establish a third-power bloc in
Western Europe under German domination.
(8) To prevent this third force from be-
coming Involved in any conflict between So-
viet Russia and the United State, of America,
that is, to break UP NATO,
(7) To employ the strategic position of the
thlrd-power
ba Gin withbsnvl. npurpoees of striking a
 Approved For Release 2005/01/13 : CIA-RDP88-01315R000400480011-7
A unified Germany is not bound to the obli-
gations of the contractual agreement, ac-
cording to Chancellor Adenauer
The New York 'Times, May 14, 1952, re-
ported that Chancellor Adenauer's coalition
government had adopted reservations to the
agreements, stressing that the "freedom of
a future government of a unified Germany
tp negotiate, must not be too closely re-
stricted by linking such a government with
.the present treaty system integrating West
Germany and Western Europe as the Allies
wish to do." This reservation had a decisive
effect on the formulation of article 7 of the
final agreement which reads:
"In the event of the unification of Ger-
many the three powers will subject to such
adjustment as may be agreed, extend to a
unified Germany the rights which the Fed-
eral Republic has under the present conven.
tion and the related conventions, and will
for their part agree that the rights under the
treaties for the formation of an integrated
European community should be similarly ex-
tended upon assumption by such a unified
Germany of the obligations of the Federal
Republic toward the three powers or to any
of them under those conventions and
treaties."
The meaning of article 7 Was discussed by
Chancellor Adenauer in an interview with a
German newspaperman on the northwest
German radio, May 28, 1952. When asked
by the German journalist if article 7 con-
tains a clause that would automatically com-
mit a future unified Germany to join the
alliance with the West, the chancellor re-
plied:
"The final text of article 7 says that a re-
united Germany" can "claim the rights under
the conventions" if it agrees to submit to
the duties."
Thus Chancellor Adennuer's view of ar-
ticle 7 clearly contradicts that of Mr. McCloy
who told the Senate that a unified Germany
is to be bound by the agreements.
Further clarification of Germany's attitude
toward her obligation to the treaties was
given by Chancellor Adenauer's coalition gov-
ernment which presented a resolution to be
approved by Parliament that "the treaties
were provisional and in force only until Ger-
many had been reunited." (New York Times,
December 5, 1952.)
It is therefore clear that the contractual
agreement cannot satisfy the interests and
ambitions of a united Germany, nor does this
agreement contain any guarantees against
its unilateral repudiation by the government
of a united Germany.
VI. PRESENT GERMAN PLANS SHOW NO INTENTION
TOWARD CONTRIBUTING TO THE COMMON
DEFENSE-IN FACT, THE BONN BUDGET CALLS
FOR A TAX REDUCTION AND DECREASED EXPEND-
ITURES IN DEFENSE ACTIVITIES NEXT YEAR
(1953-54)
West Germany's Minister of Finance pro-
poses tax reduction
An accurate gage of Germany's real at-
titude toward cooperation in the common
defense of Western Europe Is the German
budget. While other countries of Western
Europe have been heavily taxing their
peoples to raise the sums necessary for de-
fense, the Germans are determined to reduce
taxes in the 1953-54 budget. Dr. Fritz
Schaefer, Minister of Finance, announced
that the German budget would provide for
a 15 percent flat reduction in income taxes
and a reduction of the corporate taxes from
60 to 40 percent. The New York Times (De-
cember 2, 1952, and January 28, 1953) report-
ed that the 19153-54 defense budget for Ger-
many would be 9 billion deutschemarks or
$2,143,000,000. This would amount to a re-
duction of 1,200,000,000 deutschemarks from
the defense budget of 1952-53 if it is as-
sumed, in accordance with the contractual
agreement, that Germany has been con-
tributing 850 million deutschemarks (occu-
pation and defense costs) on a 12-month
basis, starting April 1, 1952.
In contrast to the German attitude toward
defense contribution, the French defense
budget for 1953-54 is approximately $4 bil-
lion, which places a per capita burden of
$100. For the Germans the per capita de-
fense contribution would roughly amount to
about $50.
Germany expects the United States of
America to foot the bill
That the Germans. are looking to the
United States to underwrite the greater por-
tion of the costs for the arming of 12 Ger-
man divisions (approximately $10 billion)
is confirmed by Chancellor Adenauer him-
self (Associated Press, December 6, 1952)
U. S. News & World Report, December 26,
f952), notwithstanding the fact that West
Germany today is once again the most pow-
erful industrial nation in Western Europe.
West Germany is now foremost industrial
power in Western Europe
The New York Times, December 21, 1952
noted: "The production index which stood
at 138 last July rose to 167 in November 1952,
a postwar high and a remarkable increase in
so short a time." The U. S. News & World
Report, February 29, 1952, reported: "West
Germany has a larger civilian industrial
plant now than it did before the war. In-
dustrial production has trebled in a little
over 3 years."
An indication of Germany's power may be
seen from the fact that West Germany "in-
creased Its 19152 production of steel by 17
percent over that of 1951, producing 17.4
million tons." (Wall Street Journal, Feb-
ruary 10, 1953.)
A special report, November 1952, by the
Committee for Economic Development on
the economic situation in Western Europe,
declared: "Germany's stock of machine tools
at the end of the war was above the prewar
level and actually as great as that of the
United States," In connection with the
1952-53 budget, the report declares that 40
percent of it is devoted to social welfare costs
and "Germany has benefited from the ab-
sence of fixed interest charges since the pub-
lie debt was wiped out."
Germany's" export trade has reached ap-
proximately the $4 billion mark, far above
prewar levels. She has again become a first-
class exporting nation, rivaling Great Britain
and the United States. In view of these
basic economic facts, it cannot be said that
Germany does not have the economic power
to make a contribution to the common de-
fense of Western Europe.
Germany stands pat
It is not the lack of power but the lack of
will which explains why the Germans are
refusing to sacrifice as the other powers of
Western Europe. The German attitude can
only be explained in terms of Germany's
real interests and ambitions which are dia-
metrically opposed to sincere cooperation
with the West.
Conclusions
Qualities which are requisite for a nation
to play a major role as an ally of the United
States are therefore completely lacking so
far as Germany is concerned.
(a) It has been stated that a remilitar-
ized Germany as part of a European defense
force would strengthen the West against
Soviet aggression. However, in the light of
facts mentioned above, it is clear that Ger-
man armed forces will only be employed
by any German government for the aggran-
dizement of German power. To accom-
plish this aim, the Germans would not
hesitate to drag the West into a war for
their special interests, or to establish close
ties with the Russians at the expense of
western security.
(b) It has been assumed that the solidar-
ity of Western Europe would be strengthened
by the inclusion of Western Germany. How-
ever, since this policy was announced and
efforts made to implement it, there has been
growing disunity In Western Europe. In
short, this policy, rather than sttengthening
Western unity against Soviet totalitarianism,
is creating.the opposite result. The attempt
to enforce this policy creates still deeper
fears and suspicions among the peoples of
Western Europe w1lo live closer to the Ger-
mans, who have suffered at the hands of the
Nazis and the German cartelists, and who
are well aware of the fact that the Germans
will settle for nothing less than complete
mastery of Europe.
(c) It is also a fact that this policy streng-
thens the Soviet's grip over her eastern satel-
lites, whose peoples dread the resurgence
of the German power which devasted their
lands.
(d) It is therefore clear that if the United
States is to avoid a breakdown of Western
European unity against Soviet totalitarian-
ism which would pave the way for the emer-
gence of a Soviet-German bloc confronting
the United States with overwhelming power,
a thorough re-examination of our policies
in Germany should be undertaken imme-
diately, as one of the most urgent problems
involved in our planning for defense against
Communist aggression.
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a:on rcijo nal Record
United States PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 83d CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION
of America
Vol. 100 WASHINGTON, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 1, 1954 No. 165
(Not printed at Government expense)
German Realities, 1954
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WAYNE MORSE
OF OREGON
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Friday, August 20, 1954
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, the
growing challenge of Soviet communism
has compelled the United States to
strengthen its political and military
alliances all over the world. Toward
that end, the United States has sought
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to develop the full political, economic,
and military potential of Western
Europe, including West Germany.
Many of us in the Senate have been
hopeful that the European Defense
Community would become a reality, but
there is growing evidence that France
and possibly Italy will refuse to become
parties to the proposed implementation
of the EDC treaty without modifications
which seem to be unacceptable to most
of the other nations involved. It is
obvious that the United States State
Department, through nur Secretary of
State, has not improved American rela-
tions with France over the EDC issue.
A great deal of anti-American feeling
has been aroused in France because of
the French popular conception that
Secretary of State Dulles is seeking to
diplomatically pressure France into ac-
cepting EDC without any modifications.
Those of us who favor EDC as a gen-
eral policy should not overlook the fact
that French fear of German military
might is a deep-seated historical one,
and with cause. Likewise, we should not
overlook the fact that dismissing French
obligations to EDC on the ground that
they stem from a French emotional at-
titude toward Germany does not in any
way change the hard cold reality that
the spirit of French nationalism is a very
deep one when it comes to French and
German relations.
I think great progress has been made
since the end of World War II, in mini-
mizing some of the high psychological
barriers that have stood for so many dec-
ades between the French and German
people. There is a great danger, as I
see it, that the apparent Intransigent
attitude of our Secretary of State In con-
nection with the EDC issue and his ap-
parent take-it-or-leave-it attitude as far
as the French population Is concerned,
have only served to intensify French
opposition to EDC.
I happen to be one who believes that
this cause-of freedom in Europe requires
a cooperative military and economic
program among all free nations, Includ-
ing France and West Germany. I hap-
pen to be one who believes that France
and West Germany have as much to lose
from any aggressive course of action by
Russia against the United States as has
the United States itself, In fact, it
should be perfectly obvious to West Ger-
many and to France that they probably
would be the first to fall in the event
of a third world war that would involve
a military contest between communistic
nations on the one side and free nations
on the other.
It is also true that not only are the
people of France concerned about the di-
rection taken in Europe by the free na-
tions in respect to building defenses
against communism, but the people of
West Germany are also concerned and
they have a right to be. Great differ-
ences of opinion exist In the United
States and, for that matter, right here
in the Senate of the United States, as to
whether or not West Germany is ready
for all the indepedence and sovereignty
that EDC and other proposed interna-
tional agreements would grant to her.
It has been my position, and still Is,
that West Germany should be brought
back into the family of free nations just
as rapidly as the facts show that she is
ready and w4Jling to assume the obliga-
tions and responsibilities of a democratic
nation. I recognize that there are many
individuals and groups in the United
States who fear that those of us who
have supported EDC in the Senate and
who have supported other benefits and
aids to West Germany which have been
aimed at restoring national sovereignty
to West Germany as rapidly as possible,
are mistaken in some of our judgments
and policies. I hope I have always evi-
denced here In the Senate a willingness
to weigh both sides of an arugment, and
consider various conflicting points of
view on any issue,
Thus I know that I, along with other
Members of the Senate. have received
protests from those who believe that the
United States is moving too rapidly in
strengthening the military position of
Germany. Those who hold to such a
point of view raise such questions as
these: Can we depend upon Germany as
a trustworthy ally of the free world?
Do Germany's fundamental interests co-
incide with those of the United States
and the countries of West Europe? Does
the participation of Germany as a lead-
ing factor in West European alliances
strengthen or weaken the unity of West
Europe?
It was about a year ago that the So-
ciety for the Prevention of World War
M. Inc., published an analysis of such
questions in the society's magazine, Pre-
vent World War III. The analysis was
submitted to Members of the Congress,
and uponrequest and because I thought
the point of view presented should be
studied on its merits. I placed the anal-
ysis in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD under
the title, "German Realities."
As a followup to this study, the So-
ciety for the Prevention of World War
III, Inc., has now published German Re-
alities, 1954, in the latest issue of Pre-
vent World War III, Again, upon re-
quest, I have been asked to insert the
analysis in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD,
and I hereby ask unanimous consent to
do so, but with the clear understanding
that inserting it in the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD does not mean that I agree with
all the observations of the analysis.
However. I do agree that the points of
view expressed in the analysis should
be considered as we study and formulate
American foreign policy.
There being no objection. the matter
referred to was ordered to be printed in
the RECORD, as follows:
GERMAN REALITIES, 1954
United States policymakers contend that
a powerful remilitarized Germany would be
a reliable and Indispensable bulwark against
the aggressive forces of communism led by
Soviet Russia. It was with this In mind that
the society submitted to Members of Con-
gress, during the spring of 1953, its analysts
of the German problem In relationship to
Western Europe and Soviet Russia. In the
Introduction to our analysis It was stated:
"However great Germany's economic
and military potential may be. It does not
follow that Germany's real Interests are com-
mensurate with ours or those of our western
allies. A country no matter how strong,
cannot be a trustworthy and effective ally
11 its Interests are basically opposed to the
other members of the proposed alliance.
The effective and enduring strength of any
coalition must ultimately rest on a common
heritage and a harmony of interests shared
by the major participants. Allies must be
reckoned In terms of reasonably certain per-
formance-not in terms of wishful thinking.
"A realistic assessment of the qualities
of the proposed major ally-In this case
Germany-is essential in determining
whether Germany will serve the western al-
liance or disintegrate the cohesiveness of the
West."
The memorandum submitted below pro-
vides additional evidence in support of our
original appraisal.
1. GERMAN-SOVIET GNOMIC RELATIONS
In our analysts we cited facts to show that
Germany's "natural economic ties are with
Russia and the East." It was further stated
that the rapid rebuilding of Germany's in-
dustrial potential increased the pressure for
the resumption of these-economic-ties. Ad-
ditional information has now come to light
lending further support to this view:
(a) The Christian Science Monitor (April
17. 1954) carried a report revealing that 3
months after the contractual agreement
with Bonn had been drawn up, a secret con-
ference was held In Copenhagen in August
1952 between authoritative representatives of
German busiress and delegates representing
Soviet Deputy Prime Minister Anastas
Mikoyan. "The conference was called at
West German Initiative with the knowledge
of the West German Government, presum-
ably Chancellor Adenauer himself." The
sensational disclosure was made by Foreign
Minister Molotov during the Berlin Confer-
ence. As far as we know, Molotov's revela-
tion did not appear in the American press
until If was reported In the Christian Science
Monitor. According to the Christian Science
Monitor correspondent "talks between Mos-
cow and Bonn, or rather Dusseldorf, the eco-
nomic center of the Ruhr, have been going on
for about 3 years."
In this connection the United Press
(October 14, 1953) reported that West Ger-
man businessmen had closed their first post-
war foreign trade deal with Russia "with the
blessings of the West German Government
at Bonn." The United Press reported, "West
German financial experts Insist if the cold
war were ended, West German trade with the
Soviet bloc would jump up a billion dollars
in 12 months"
(b) In an interview with the magazine
World (Map 1954) West Germany's leading
Industrialist and convicted war criminal
Alfred Krupp said
"In the long run West Germany cannot
continue her economic advancement without
being reunited with East Germany, because
both parts of Germany must be considered
an organic whole. An expansion of trade
volume (with East Germany and Soviet-bloc
countries) would without doubt contribute
considerably to a solution of West Germany's
export problems."
(c) Hitler's financial adviser and accused
war criminal Hjalmar Schacht, now a private
banker in Dusseldorf, told Fortune magazine
(April 1954) : "Germany's future? Trade
with the East. Wonderful market, Russia."
(d) There is a close similarity between the
views expressed by Krupp and Schacht on
the one hand and those of Chancellor Aden-
Suer. Thus, the Frankfurter Altgemeine
Zeltung (July 7, 1953) reported the Chan-
cellor as stating that it was to Russia's in-
terest to resume friendship with Germany.
In this connection he noted:
"Already today the states of the Euro-
pean Schumann plan have formed a mar-
ket of 157 million people, Thus, these coun-
tries are for the Russian economy a highly
interesting trading partner. The German
and Russian economies once before comple-
mented each other in a magnificent way.
The economy of an Integrated Europe, in-
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eluding Germany, could offer even more.
The greater the economic meshing (between
Western Europe and Russia), the greater the
political security."
(e) The executives of one of Germany's
largest shipbuilding companies, the Howaldt
Works of Kiel, recently went to Moscow to
negotiate with Kremlin authorities for the
construction of ships, with a total estimated
value of $28 million.
(f) The Associated Press (June 2, 1954)
reported that the first West German trade
delegation to Russia since the end of the
war would leave for Moscow shortly. Repre-
sentatives from Germany's leading indus-
trial, trade, and banking circles will nego-
tiate with the Russians for the greatest pos-
sible volume of trade.
H. GERMANY'S ECONOMIC RELATIONS WITH
COMMUNIST CHINA
Trade with Communist China is regarded
as vital to Germany's interests. The im-
portance of the China market is discussed
frequently in the German newspapers and
financial journals. Thus, according to Han-
delsblatt, the leading economic journal in.
the industrial Ruhr, many German business-
men view the China mainland as the greatest
future market in the world (New York Her-
aldTribune, March 21, 1954). The follow-
ing newspaper items highlight the growing
importance of Germany's trade with Com-
inuniat China:
(a) The Associated Press (February 5,
1954) reported that Red China's trade dele-
gation located in East Berlin was swamped
with offers from West German businessmen
seeking to trade with China.
(b) The Associated Press, (April 2, 1954)
reported that West German exports to Com-
munist China have increased ninefold in the
last year. The main German exports to
China are Iron goods, machinery, electrical
goods, high precision and optical instru-
ments, and pharmaceutical. products.
(c) It has been reported that 10,000 West
German firms registered with East German
Chamber of Commerce, hoped to do at.ieast
$40 million worth of business with China.
(New York Post, April 5, 1954.)
(d) During the Geneva Conference, a
group of leading German businessmen were
scheduled to meet with Let Jenmin, Com-
munist China's Vice Minister for Foreign
Trade. According to the New York Herald
Tribune (June 5, 1954), "the West German
group is coming with the knowledge of the
Adenauer government."
III, POLITICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN GERMANY
AND THE SOVIET BLOC
The resurgence of Germany's economic
dealings with the Communist East has
prompted prominent German leaders to sug-
gest closer political ties. It will be recalled
that the consummation of the notorious
Hitler-Stalin pact of 1939 had been preceded
by marked reactivation of trade between
Russia and Germany:
(a) While German businessmen were ne-
gotiating their first postwar trade agreement
with the Soviets In October 1953, Chancellor
Adenauer granted an interview to the United
Press, in which he stated: "If the Soviet
Union desires a special one [separate politi-
cal agreement] with Germany, let them have
one."
(b) Karl G. Pfleiderer, a leading member
of the conservative Free Democratic Party,
which is part of Chancellor Adenauer's gov-
ernmental coalition, has publicly advocated
diplomatic ties with the Soviet bloc. In a
speech in the Bonn Parliament; he urged
that West Germany end its isolation from
the part of the world that extends "from
Warsaw, Prague, Budapest, Sophia, and
Bucharest through Moscow to Peking in the
Far East."
(c) This proposal received strong support,
as reflected in a statement by West Ger-
many's leading conservative newspaper, the
Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. This paper
stated, in part: "It lies in the nature of
[West German] 'independence' and 'equal.
rights' that our Foreign Ministry cannot in
the long run be prevented from sending rep-
resentatives to the Eastern States." (New
York Herald Tribune, April.12, 1954.)
The Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung was
repeating a view which it held as early as
April 1, 1950, when it said:
"Germany was always the bridge between
the East and the West. * * * The Allies are
not able to come to an accord with the Rus-
sians. * * * What is then more natural than
for us to say, in view of the present pressure:
If until now, within the framework of world
events, the others were not able to make an
intelligent agreement, then it is our duty
finally to arouse ourselves in order to obtain
at least an economic understanding, * * *
"In doing so we will not turn to the little
bosses of the Eastern Zone but directly to the
big boss in Moscow. There is where decl-
sions are being made."
(d) Chancellor A?,denauer himself told the
press in Hamburg (Associated Press, May 17.
1953) that diplomatic relations between West
Germany and the Soviet Union "might be
established in the not too far future." When
asked to elaborate he replied, "one should
not make an excursion into high politics."
(e) The New York Times (June 5, 8, 1954)
reported. important speeches by Hans Luther
and ? Heinrich Bruening, former German
Chancellors, before the powerful Ruhr in-
dustrialists at their exclusive Rhein-Ruhr
Club. Both speakers called for the scrapping
of the so-called pro-Weatetn policy, a rap-
prochement'with Russia and the restoration
of the Stresemann strategy, 1. e., the playing
off of the East and. West against each other
so as to strengthen Germany's world position.
IV. UNDEMOCRATIC -TRENDS IN GERMANY TODAY
In our analysis it was stated that "extreme
nationalism and adherence to authoritarian
concepts are controlling factors in German
public opinion." It was also noted that tra-
ditional German political ideology is a much
more logical ally of Russian communism
than of Western democracy. In this connec-
tion there has been a general upsurge of ex-
treme nationalism and militaristic propa.
ganda. This ominous development is par-
tially reflected in the widespread campaign
to free Germany's war criminals, to absolve
Germany's war guilt and to glorify German
militarism. Moreover, it has been observed
that key figures in Germany's political life
have aided and abetted this campaign.
(a) The Associated Press (March 14, 1954)
reported that. at the annual convention of
the so-called German Soldiers Union repre-
senting 100,000 former members of Hit-
ler's Wehrmacht, a resolution was unan-
imously passed demanding freedom for
the "still imprisoned innocent German sol-
dierp." . The meeting was addressed by lead-
ing German figures, Hermann Ehlers, Presi-
dent of the German Bundestag, told his
audience: "We German soldiers have the
right to be shown the same respect that is
given abroad to those who have done their
duty like us." Former Admiral Gottfried
Hansen denounced the Allies for imprisoning
these war criminals, Franz Josef Strauss, a
member of Chancellor Adenauer's cabinet,
told the cheering audience that there must be
"continuity of tradition between German
soldiers of World War II and the German
soldiers of the future."
(b) The Christian Science Monitor (March
5, 1954) reported that the Germans intended
"to honor Nazi war criminals." Mention
was made of officials of the town of Hamelin
in Germany who announced that they would
exhune the bodies of 91 executed Nazi war
criminals including the leaders of the Belsen
concentration camp. The German authori-
ties said that these criminals would be given
"a worthy final resting place" in the city
cemetery. According to the Christian Science
A6541
Monitor public sentiment "sAems in favor of
the transfer." One 'German newspaper re-
ferred to the Nazis as "alleged" war criminals.
(c) The development of extremist senti-
ment and activities is also indicated by the
deliberate campaign to arouse irredentism
among the Germans.
(1) Old militaristic songs such as We
March Against England and Victoriously We
Shall Defeat France are being sung again at
the meeting of German veterans.
(2) Sudeten Germans are encouraged to
agitate for the seizure of a part of Czecho-
slovakia which had been handed over to Hit-
ler on the basis of the Munich pact. Theodor
Oberlaender, Minister for Refugees in the
Adenauer Cabiflet, has insisted on a solution
of the so-called Sudeten German question
in the spirit of the' Munich pact." (Reuters
November 8, 1953.)
(3) Minister President Karl Arnold of the
State of North Rhine-Westfalia has demand-
ed the return of territories which are now
part of Belgium and the Netherlands.
(Associated Press, March '8, 1954.)
(d) German justice has not been unaf-
fected by the above-mentioned undemo.
cratic trends.
(1) In December 1953, the West German
Supreme Court decided to reject an applica-
tion from the Dutch for the extradition of a
number of Dutch Nazi war criminals who had
broken out of a Dutch prison and sought
refuge in Germany. The decision of the
court was based on a decree issued by Hitler
in May 1943 granting German citizenship to
foreigners who joined the SS.
(2) The Associated Press (March 31, 1954)
reported that 20 former Nazi policemen who
had admitted massacring 110 Jews in the
Warsaw ghetto, were acquitted by a German
court on the grounds that their scant formal
education prevented these criminals from
realizing that they committed a misdeed.
Some of the defendants are still In the police
force in Dortmund and are eligible for pro-
motions and pensions.
(e) The German press has also been ad-
versely affected by these dangerous trends.
It is a fact that important sections of the
German press today are controlled by the
very same elements who gave aid'and com-
fort to Hitler and the Nazis. The following
are examples:
(1) Giselher Wirsing, a ranking senior offi-
cer in the SS and an old friend of Ribbentrop,
has been appointed political adviser to the
editor of Die Welt which until a year ago
was under British control. (New York Post,
February 1954.)
(2) The former Nazi editor Zogelman is
now chief editor of the German newspaper
Fortschritt which speaks for big business
interests in Dtisseldorf.
(f) Propaganda and intrigue against the
Western democracies are rising. Such no-
torious supporters of Hitler as Franz von
Papen and Otto Skorzeny maintain close
contact with the Nazi geopolitical center in
Madrid for the purpose of facilitating the
dissemination of anti-American and anti-
democratc propaganda throughout the world.
Herr Hjalmar Schacht, Hitler's financial ad-
viser and accused war criminal, has also been
busy in bolstering Germany's interests
abroad at the expense of the Western democ-
racies. He has been particularly active in
the Middle. East, where German militarists
and businessmen help fan the fires of anti-
western sentiment. Simultaneously with
these activities neo-Nazis are working hand
in glove with Communist propagandists in
Germany. These machinations were exposed
at length in the Reporter magazine (April
13, 1954) under the title, "Germany: Where
Fascism and Communism Meet."
(g) Antiallied sentiment within Germany
is by no means confined to the lunatic fringe
of the extreme right or extreme left. Thus,
the leader of the Socialist-Democratic Party,
Erich Ollenhauer, attacks the Allied High
Commissioners alleging that they had made
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it "coldly and brutally clear to us that we
have not such sovereignty as entitled us to
decide upon such constitutional amend-
ments" Dr. Thomas Dehier, chairman of
the Free Democratic Party (part of the Ade-
nauer coalition) declared, "every German
must be pained at the thought that changes
in our constitution still depend upon the
will of the allies." (Christian Science Moni-
tor, April 26. 1954.)
V. FORMER NAZIS AND HITLER SUPPORTERS IN
THE BONN GOVERNMENT
There has been a marked influx of, former
Nazis in leading positions in the German
Government.
(a) Members of Chancellor Adenaner's
Cabinet who were Hitler supporters and
Nazis are: Waldemar Kraft, minister with-
out portfolio: Theodor Oberlaender, Min-
ister for Refugees and Expellees; Gerhard
Schroeder, Minister of Interior; Victor Eman-
uel Preusker, Housing Minister. The Nazi
background of these persons was reported
in the New York Times (April 17, 1954).
(b) The bead of Dr. Adenauer's Chancel-
lery Is Hans Globke. who was legal adviser
to the Nazi Minister of the Interior in the
Hitler regime. Dr. Globke helped write the
official commentary on the Nuremberg racial
laws.
(c) The counselor of the Bonn Ministry of
Justice Is Dr. Franz Massfelier, who wrote
the official commentary to the Hitlerite laws
"for the protection of German blood and
honor." He participated in the Wannsee
Conference which was concerned among
other things wish the question of Instituting
compulsory sterilization.
(d) Former Nazis are Infiltrating govern-
ment departments to an alarming degree. A
case In point Is the Bonn Foreign Office.
where 66 percent of its leading personnel,
according to Chancellor Adenauer, are former
Nazis and Ribbentrop diplomats.
VT. GERMAN MILITARISM AND THE EDC
It has been stated that a military contri-
bution by Germany through the European
Defense Community (EDC) is essential to
the defense of the West against Communist
aggression. However, In our 1953 analysis
it was pointed out that the EDC would not
be legally binding for a united Germany.
Hence, In the event of German unification,
the West will be confronted with a remilita-
rized. united Germany which can make
alliances on its own terms and conditions.
Certain aspects with regard to the proposal
to remilitarize Germany deserves to be ex-
amined here:
(a) It has been publicly stated by lead-
ing German officials Including Chancellor
Adenauer, that the major costs for the re-
arming of Germany must be borne by the
United States, (statements by Chancellor
Adensuer, Associated Press, Dec. 6, 1952;
U. S. News & World Report, Dec. 26.
1953). On the other band, the German
Finance Minister has recently proposed a
drastic reduction of the tax burden. For
example, he has suggested that corporate
taxes on undistributed income should be
cut from a rate of 80 percent to 45 percent.
(Business Week, Mar. 20, 1953). Comment-
ing on these tax proposals, the financial edi-
tor of the New York Journal-American ex-
claimed: "Who won the war?" and further
pointed out that taxes on United States busi-
ness will top those obtaining in Germany
(March 12, 1954).
(b) On June 22, 1953, the New York Times
reported that Chancellor Adenauer "was giv-
Ing serious consideration" to a proposal that
former high officers of Hitler's Waffen 88 or
elite guard be permitted to serve In the pro-
posed German army. This in spite of the
fact that the Waffen 88 was declared to be
a criminal organization by the International
Tribunal at Nuremberg. In reply to an
inquiry relative to the employment of Nazis
and members of Hitler's Wa(fen 88 In the
proposed German army, the United States
State Department did not indicate opposi-
tion to the employment of such individuals
per as.
(c) The granting of respectability to war
criminals may be seen by the fact that a
calendar distributed by the Deutsche Sol-
daten Zeitung (a newspaper published by
German militarists). carried an article con-
tributed by the Blank Office which is re-
sponsible for the rearming of Germany.
This very same calendar had as its frontis-
piece "a flattering page portrait of the
former grand admiral. Erich Raeder. now
serving a life tern? In the Spandau prison at
Berlin as one of the major military asso-
ciates to Adolf Hitler. (New York Herald
Tribune, Dec. 9, 1954 )
(d) The chief military adviser to Chan-
cellor Adensuer, General Heusinger. has
publicly eulogized the war criminal Gen-
eral Jodi hanged at Nuremberg. The State
Department has not requested -Heusinger's
removal because it is satisfied that he is
"reliable."
(e) The war criminal, former field marshal.
Albert Kesselring who was responsible for
the massacre of Italians when he com-
manded the Nazi troops in Italy, was granted
permission to tour an American air force base
In Germany. Kesselring is the head of the
revived militaristic organization, the Stahl-
helm, which actively collaborated with the
Nazis before the war. (Associated Press
Feb. 7. 1954.)
(f) The efforts to accord unwarranted leni-
ent treatment to German war criminals is
Indicated by their premature release by clem-
ency boards in which the Germans them-
selves participate. Though the release of
these war criminals is a matter of great
public concern, the allied authorities de-
cided to cease publication of the names and
the reasons for granting clemency. The
Allied, prodded on by Chancellor Adensur?
have sought reconsideration of the status
of the major war criminals located In the
Spandau prison in Berlin. The New York
Times (April 6, 1954), commenting on this
action, stated:
"? ? ? The decision to reconsider the
status of these men culminates a long series
of actions by the western powers to amelio-
rate the condition of German war criminals.
The moves have been made In response to
German pleas for clemency and to clear the
way for West German participation In the
European Defense Community."
VII. RDCASTELTZATION OF GZRMANT
It Is a matter of record that the German
cartels and trusts played a notorious role
in undermining normal commercial relation-
ships among the nations and In helping Ger-
many to secretly rearm after World War I.
Today, in spite of allied laws and regula-
tions. the German cartels and trusts are
reviving.
(a) Wall Street Journal (August 27, 1953)
carried a special report declaring that Ger-
man trade and industry "are returning to
their traditional prewar patterns of cartels
and trusts."
(b) German heavy Industry is in the fore-
front of the movement to revive the prewar
steel and coal cartels of Europe. By dumt-
nating these cartels prior to World War II,
the Germans were able to exercise a deci-
sive influence on the economies of her future
victims.
(c) The New York Times (April 13, 1954)
reported that the Ruhr coal and steel in-
dustrialists are campaigning to scuttle the
Schuman plan organization. The German
industrialists are beginning to fear that the
Schuman plan organization may thwart their
efforts to dominate Western Europe. As
reported by the New York Herald Tribune
(April 9, 1954), the Germans regard them-
selves as "being dominant among the part-
ners in industrial power but as having only
a limited ability to influence the group's
September 1
(Schuman plan organization) policies." The
German cartelists' resentment toward the
Schuman plan organization as a roadblock
to their ambitions was also reported in the
U. S. News & World Report (April 30, 1954)
and in the New York Times (May 4. 1954).
(d) Though the allies adopted policies
which were designed to break up the cartels
and giant monopolies, effective implementa-
tion has not been achieved in many imDor-
tent cases. Now the responsibility has been
turned over to the Germans, and they are :n
the process of passing phony 'egislation on
the subject.
V1II. CONSEQUENCa OF GERMANY'S RESURGENT
POWER
(a) The authoritarian and aggressive spirit
Is on the march again. Postwar moods of
defeatism and ingratiation, often mistaken
as signs of progress toward democracy, have
been replaced by bluster and arrogance. Im-
portant sections of the German press reflect
this ominous trend. Thus, there have been
frequent warnings in German newspapers to
the effect that unless Germany has Its way,
It will not collaborate with the West.
The Hamburger Anzeiger demands that
the Bonn Government "make It clear to the
western powers much more energetically
than before, that the intensity of our friend-
ship for them will depend on the intensity
of their efforts to solve the German problem."
(Quoted in Paris edition of the New York
Herald Tribune, War. 1, 1954.)
The Rheinische Post (December 8, 1953)
which is a mouthpiece of Chancellor Ade-
nauer's party, warned the West that unless
the French become more tractable, Ger-
many may support the Tauroggen policy.
Tauroggen refers to the time when the Ger-
mans, in a sudden turnabout, allied them-
selves with the Russians to defeat Napoleon.
Under these circumstances it is a source
of wonderment that German technicians
have been permitted to work on "the United
States Army's new top secret 200-millimeter
atomic cannon in West Germany." (Asso-
ciated Press, February 28, 1954.)
(b) It is no coincidence that the opposi-
tion to European unity marked by divisions
among the western allies and domestic strife,
has grown in- direct proportion to the In-
creasing efforts of the United States policy-
makers to place Germany on the pedestal
of power. European unity is being destroyed
on the rock of Germany's resurgence. Yet,
-our policymakers persist in expending time,
effort, and money trying to reconcile the
irreconcilable.
ODNCLusION
Never before in our history has the United
States based so much of its policy in Eu-
rope on a people who have time and again
demonstrated their unreliability and un-
trustworthiness. The challenge of Commu-
nist expansion can be overcome through the
coalition of freedom-loving peoples who
share common Interests and purposes. That
such a coalition is practical and necessary
goes without saying, but the present policy
of expediency can only end in disaster.
Approved For Release 2005/01/13 : CIA-RDP88-01315R000400480011-7