SPEECH ON REAGAN DOCTRINE

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• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP88B00443R001804350009-5
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 22
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: February 14, 2011
• Sequence Number: 9
• Publication Date: September 25, 1986
• Content Type: MEMO

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DATE INITIAL
STAT
ecu ive cre ary
25 Sep 85
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25 September 1985
MEMORANDUM FOR: Director of Public Affairs
FROM: Director of Central Intelligence
SUBJECT: Speech on Reagan Doctrine
Have try his hand at doing a draft of a talk which I may
want to give acing the moral high ground in implementing the Reagan
Doctrine, i.e., supporting anti-communist freedom fighters, exertina dinln-
matic nraccura nn tntalitarlan states
as reflected in Adda Bozeman 's paper which came to me
from the President. Also, look at George Shultz' address before the Common-
wealth Club on 22 February 1985.
William J. Casey
STAT
STAT
STAT
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Iq
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STAT
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September 12, 1985
Central Intelligence Agency
Executive Secretary
SUBJECT: Article on the*Nuclear
Freeze Movement
The President has asked that we provide
Director Casey with the attached for
hsi review.
William F. Martin
Executive Secretary
Attachment
Article on the Nuclear Freeze Movement
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STAT
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The Nuclear Freeze Movement:
Conflicting Moral and Political
Perspectives on War and
Its Relation to Peace
Adda B. Bozeman
Sarah Lawrence College
Bronxville, New York
e
Introduction
Nuclear weapons are modern weapons, but the nuclear freeze
movement which has swept the land in recent times has over-
tones reminiscent of earlier American movements to outlaw war,
bring about general disarmament, assure the peaceful settlement
of all international disputes, and institute a lasting worldwide
peace. The main themes discernible then as now are the belief
that war is -,11i, orred by men everywhere an a on ence Mat
ar- Ing e con roe a ectlve y by declaratory com-
mitments prase in the Ianguage o Western aw. ese as-
sumptions were nullified
y con aly experiences in the eca es
The "Make Peace Conference," convened by the National Episcopal Church, was held in
Denver, Colorado, April 29. 1983. The author was invited to speak in opposition to th,
Freeze Resolution the conference ' ponsored; this ;gaper was written after the auth.,r'%
partiapatwn in the conference.
('onJli? 1, Volume 5, Number 4
O 149?-.' 941 /K5/011t27 I--00$02.(X)/lt
('opyr gilt !', 19145 Crane. Kus%ak & Company. Inc.
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4delu B. Bozeman
immediately preceding the advent of the nuclear arc
...a.. they are reasserting t tcrosr ves vigorously in public and
WLI~
its~cts of this phenurnen re notewor-th I f irsl, the rc
ilsonil
behind most nuclear reeze resolutions is far more simplistic and
~..~~.~ nn v, lercu cal Tier Ca MMMMMor pCaCC
and disarmament. And second, the supporting arguments are
decidedly ethnocentric or isolationist in inception even -AhMIL
No aH'owance rs t us :-,e-I -n p---(
it-It trial
ma i ]dd is not al o one kind but rather a manifold of
tnatipns
that are not held together by a common language, a conivion
rent i n and a common is ory tat do not share t ywe
s lal customs and traditions of political associatio ; and that
have not rn-
what is right, what wrong or
, can there ore not be presumed to be
alike. In short, a world-spanning value system is not fathomable,
at least tot if one takes values an i eas se e, some of
the nations face stmt ar pro ems, but they perceive and manage
them differently, if only because ways of thinking are aspects of
different speech communities and moral orders. For example, if
'U&7 is imbedded in religion
it i
i
-
as
s
n
nasty- does in 1211 ra rc, it is unsa e o assume t it Weste eT to Juva.
~~ ere, wit ssible exception nr rt:,,c;r?;,te,
have war anpeace been subjected to such keen and sustained
ysl stn
Ina,
now ere aye t coil
ce
statesmen an
ge
r
more decisively
ges
t an ere.
Today everyone talks about methods of government and there is not
it family that does not possess a copy of the laws of Shang Tzu and
Ku:tn Tzu. But despite this the land grows poorer and poorer... .
1. leryone talks about the art of warfare and there is not a fsrnily, that
dues not possess a copy of Sun Tzu and Wu Tzu (treatises on the art
of war), but our armies grow w a cr and weaker...
This is one of Han Fei Tzu's succinct commentaries on the social
mood in China during the third century H.C. The author, who
had first been aligned with Taoism and Confucianism, made his
decisive mark on Chinese history as a renowned representative
of the "Realists" (also known as the "Amoralists" and the
"Legalists , a sc ool of thought called into being by the sages to
whose texts he refers. Chief among them are Sun Tzu, author of
the martial classic The Art o ar ate: between 400 and 320
t3.C. . and Lord Shang w ose manual on government (Strang
Tzu, The Book of Lord Shang) revolutionized statecraft in the
fourth century B.C. Taken together, the Realist theoreticians-
and they included precursors as early as the seventh and sixth
centuries a.C.-may be said to have shaped China's identity
during the long eventful period of'The Warring States. This wit-
nessed the methodical expansion of the Chin state, the con-
comitant extinction of all other states, the cessation of interstate
war, and the unification of China in 221 B.C. under an emperor
who was himself
the s a e y In control of all thought aril
action Ins Ic y; t gat t to Ic Kingdom nlust ~e superi,~I to
a other s a es; an at it- survival requires expansion The
c Ic agencies or Installing an maintaining these nuI nr, were .+
centralize ureaucracy, dii rent policing unris, a comlrehen
Ive Code o pcnaTTaw aria-the ar n dTorcees.All adrninistrativc
services were conditioned to accom IIFi then tasks by nl~+nlpu
I' tin human nature, Instt In Y ar among the
people, In Ictin I severe unishment for infractions of law, and,
a e all, b mobilizing the entire countryside for war. The fol-
owing guidelines rom the martin c asstcs a c i1T trativc of
standing Chinese orientations toward war and peace.
A country that devotes itself to ploughing and warfare will not have
to wait long before it establishes hegemony or even complete mas-
tery over all other states.
Concentrate the people upon warfare, and they will he brave. .. A
ruler who can make the people delight in war wit; become king of
kings....
The sole aim of the state is to maintain and if po?ihle cxpand its
frontiers.
It is a misfortune for a prosperous country not to he at war, for In
peacetime it will breed "the Six Maggots," among them, Rites and
Music, The Songs, and the Book; the cultivation of goodness. filial
piety and respect for elders, detraction of' warfare and ,hame it
taking part in it. In a country which has these things, the Iuler will
not promote agriculture and warfare, with the result that he will
become impoverished and hi, territory diminished.
W;tr, then, is an all-cncontpassin
reduced I t~I
terms o time ess sI> mitten ar int
e;tllst philosophers. work as t tic read to ,m vival or ruin which should not be tl,+velcdt
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undred years a J!,0 in I+ilosophical, ,crentncc, ankt ;+rtr,trc
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278
recklessly. Indeed, since war is presented here as a recurrent act p
rather than as a transitory aberration, it is to be fought con l t I
sciously and continuously on nonmilitary ground. Sun Tzu thus
advises that costly battles may be avoided and the enemy state
taken over intact if generals remember that all warfare is based
on deception. Therefore, it is the commander's task to anger and ran, Y
confuse the adversary in peacetime as well as in war; to manipu
late the adversary's basic values and perception of reality while sought in the !- o
belief so a ' +t Iii tuna resources ought to be
pent in behalf of economic development, social welare, 6 -r-
enemy's mv
which has been venZ~P' orc find it lust too
be ttIt go It Iell th,iI the Icgitill ,acy .roil
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284 Adds B. Bozeman
morality of war was firmly institutionalized in Christian Europe
after Hugo (iro
mat. had bruu>;ht forth T +e' +~~ its e~ ar eu+e eure~ in 1625, :i
volume that has ever since peen viewed as me west s basic
source in international !aw.
Grotius admonishes his fellow Christians that "war is not the
worn u t est+n~es, a r y and
.he fated wea ening or estruction o t +e state, which e views
s tEe indispensable shre o in i cc -n uring intcrna-
tiona pc. , . . n e y e father of interna-
tional law" as a remote condition. The prophesy of Isaiah that
the time shall come "when nations ,shat eat eir savor o
plowshares and turn their spears into pruning hooks," when na-
tions s a not "learn war any more," is inn Grotius' view irrele-
vant in so far as the justice of war is concerned, It ely
de criht~~t e state- of the word that would come ab all
i
i
The Nuclear Freeze A1oreinem
War and Peace in Marxism-Leninism
A new epoch began in internatioruil and intercultural rclalions
when all existing civiliratiuns and all political and inoi;rl orders
w rc ca e into question by arxis ninism, man ut1's first
totaLitanan ideology. The creed is well known, having been sit
out clearly by generations of protagonists, beginning in the
nineteenth century. Accurdiii to Yon V, ,'~n~lrupuv the Iatr
gene . ecretar Conununist Party in Moscow -ir x-
ism-Leninism is the textbook or ac +ieving , ociali',I world revo-
lu File W jet in every country of the
w,rld Next, as stated authoritatively by Marshal A. A.
Grechko, the Soviet Union's Minister of Defense from 1967 to
7~6 _'No compromise is osst een the ommunisl and
bourgcois t colneiec and conflict between t to wo Is n~evlta
ruti t to the law of Christ. Temporary peace is I he aspects of the ideology that chiefly affect established
attainable but it is always limited; it can be maintained only Western norms of war and peace are these. First, Communism is
when the state's armed forces are in readiness. a combat doctrine rooted in uncompromising enrn` y tuwarT+T}
Grotius also notes that wars are often interru ted b truces, that exists outside its own trm y set context, And second, tinder
an at truces may go on or as - years. In rho an ing auspices o economic determinism, scientific miite-
other woe s, ie s ate o belligerency may at times be muted into lialism, and the theory of class warfare it denies Ire validity of
a state of "cold war" that one may just as well call "peace."' religion, morality, and law on the ground that these normative
These passages contribute greatly to a clarification of that "no s [ems are mere tools of oppression in the service today of
war, no peace" syndrome with which modern Americans evi- bourgeois capitalism.
dentl cannot come to terms. "*`[he mandate to frcc pea Ic from their relr 'iu1su a L le
Basic es ern, perhaps specifically European, understand- them o c e over to t e Communist camp is thus being carried
ings of war were thus not wholly irreconcilable with those domi- ou c o t y by each u ui 'nitif regime. 'f IS is evidenced
nant in the non-Western, non-Communist world. However, stores ommunist-led c t L;LU.vt-
Occidental thought has always deviated from the norms sub- It tons, an wars. as well as by the practices of e?;Iahhshed
scribed try the majority o na tons in that it has been marked texts . stems, chief among them the empiTres-t)T-rIc
up to this very moment by it determined tier Sovie nton, main ant hrna. and North Victndin1. n regtt ns
flirts s ort o war to rt tuna law an eth- de-e ensconced, lire task calls first for
sufteninEt}ic mental _fTy acs` an Ina ing a allowance for the strengt u t rs be[it of terrain y propagattrqg 'l.iheratiun TheuTugy'~;utd 'I)cLntfency
mind, ('lausewitz concluded rightly that "peace seldom reigned f iry -the after it new niask for the politic ally hankrupt 1,111
over all I'.tiropc and never in all quarters of'the world." Leninist precept th;,I imperialism is an evil associated eX,:lu-
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Adda B. Bozeman
sively with Western capitalist). Elsewhere, the commitment to
Marxism-Leninism calls for discrediting Western constitutional
and criminal law so as to undermine the indispen.able sub.
stratum for democracy and individuated liberties. True, each
Communist state is dressed up in Western-type "constitutions"
a L)Jes of law, but as a re ex s s ows convinc-
in`l,g e??a ?h is'ilct a p pe ta)yer care it y c esrg~ned to can-p-- fft-ge
th eaiity of lawless des ism.
t
hic power
Leninist government is conceived as a monoli
structure, heavily dependent on political police conhn
mt
members are distributed over se
mittees v here deliberation an ecision-ma ing tae place
7nditionti o s s crecv_ omit, V represen
to v< tt%lip " However, a Marxist-Leninist state has essen-
tial) tactical si nificancc an(J 1 1 1 in e contex of
di lornac , international organization.' ? ?ations wt non-
-
Communist states. ua t e state is outranked in ideol r
y-WY
we!1 as in practice by the Qdratus of the ommunist Party in its
Iucitl and international dimensions.
No value is art actualit to t
individual as such. He is not viewed as an autonomous thinking
piss s no fights as it citizen in relation to I Mate; and
he does not even coup or muc t as a consumer. In fact, if he is
not totally compliant in thought and deed he is recogniz
officii~ally as the po i ica sys nemy. These implica-
tions of totalitarianism were -projected poignantly in the 1920s by
the great Russian writer Zamiatin in his novel WE where human
beings slave and die as numbers only, and they have ever since
been borne out in the Soviet Union by countless autobiog-
raphies, biographies, and uncontested records from gulags,
slave labor camps, criminal trials, and psychiatric detention
wards.
The mindset responsible for the well-documented on oin
program) o p ysica , me . , r psyc o ogica coercion within
Cl _
Soviet socie . in nrIty
trine , r ensions of the
~li-nici. Here its there, Bien u,- nucl r'i iini nit :1n ,inw:iverint,
iti
d C
A
d f
R
l
S
1 he Nuclear Freeze Movement 287
commitment to expand and co WWsll
,wild recog r u y era ter ong-rtnge designs toi Itic
,..
attainment of victory-the ultimate strategic aim. What is strik-
ing in this system-especially when contrasted with that of the
United States-is the continuity and stability of foreign policy-
making and the lucidity with which it is openly set forth. Further,
no one is left to doubt that Soviet doctrine and stmt 1)111 11
premium on military power, and that military thougTt and policy
v rnm rte rdettloov its it mints re by the
Party-State. Soviet perspectives on war and -~Jre therefore
radically different rom t lose commonly acre ted 'it the United
States as the o owing s a ements y authoritative sources
quoted in War and Peace: Soviet Russia Speaks illustrate.
Any war waged by the imperialists on the USSR or other Socialist
states will be unjust and reactionary. When waged by the USSR or
other Socialist states against imperialism, any war is lust and pro-
gressive, for it would be (tic continuation of revolutionary pohc)4,
-Marshal A. A. Grechko, 1974
Violence in itself is not an evil. It depends on what its pm pose r. In
the hands of Socialists, it is it progressive force. -('omntunist Party
Secretary Boris N. Ponomarev, 1977
We seek to paralyze the forces of imperialism in i.urope '111d to
smash their aggressive plans. This means not only to contract the
radius of activity of imperialism but to inflict on it such defeat that it
will be felt everywhere throughout the world. -Leonid I. Brezhnev,
1970
In the present era, the struggle for peace and for gating title pre-
sumes, above all, the steady strengthening of the military Wright of
the Soviet Union and of the entire Socialist camp --Marshal V. l).
Sokolovsky, Chief of the Soviet General Staff ( 1952-1961), 1964 -
Detente in no way, however, means the freezing of the Objective
processes of historical development. In no way does it eltnutate the
existence of class antagonisms within capitalist states, between the
people's interests and those of world imperialist), and hetv`crn ttic
two social systems, nor does it reduce the ideological .onlront,rtion
-Andrei Gnunvko, 1979
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Acida B. Bozeman
The Nuclear Freeze Movement 28'i
five depth. -Marshal V. 1). Sokolovsky, J' ~rir r 111~1uun ,ti'n,ueg~. a
major military text, 196K ed.'
This self-confidence has informed Sovwt )tulcctions ol" vic-
tory throughout the last decades. Premier Alexei Kosygin thus
announced in 1978 that "Russia and its allies will control the high
seas, space, and most of the world's landmass by the early
1980s." Leonid Brezhnev inspired the faithful is 1973 with the
. . detente, in fact creates favorable conditions for the struggle
between the two systems and for altering the correlation of forces in
favor of Socialism. -Leonid I. f3rezhnev, 1970
Neither of these fundamental orientations toward war and
peace has been compromised or modified by thought about nu-
clear arms and nuclear war, as the following pronouncements
indicate:
... on the Communist side, nuclear war will be lawful and just .. .
the natural right and sacred duty of progressive mankind to destroy
imperialism.... It will resolve not specific limited political interests
but it crucial historical problem, 'one that affects the fate of all man-
kind. -Colonel B. A. Bycly et al., eds., Marxism-Leninism on War
and Arnty, 1968
... the armed forces, the population, the whole Soviet nation, must
he prepared for the eventuality of nuclear rocket war. -S. S.
Lototsky, The Soviet Army, a 1971 Soviet military text
Marxists have always noted the primacy of the offensive type of
military op; ration!, over those of defense.... The idea of vigorous
offensive actions acquires decisive importance under present day
circumstances. -General-Major A. S. Milovidov et al., eds., The
Philosophical Heritage of V. L. Lenin and Problems of Contemporary
War, 1972
Marxists-Leninists decisively reject the assertions of certain
bourgeois theoreticians who consider nuclear missile war unjust
from any point of view. -General Major A. S. Milovidov and Dr.
Y A. Zhdanov, in Questions of Philosophy, a Soviet Journal, Octo-
ber NO
We cannot be intimidated by fables that in the event of a new world
war, civilit.at'on will perish. --Pravda, the Communist Party news-
paper. 1955
Under conditions where nuclear rockets are used ... that side which
manages during the first days of the war ,o penetrate more deeply
Into enemy territory naturally acquires the capability fur more effec-
tively using the results of its nuclear attacks and disrupting the
mobilization of the enemy. This is especially important with respect
to F.uropean theaters of operations with the relatively small opera-
following promise:
Trust us, comrades, for by 1985, as a consequence of what we arc
achieving by means of detente. we will have achieved most of our
objectives in Western Europe . . . it decisive shift in the Cot Iclation
of forces will be such that by 1985 we will be able to exert our will
whenever we need to.
And Marshal Nikolai V. Ogarkov, Chief of the Soviet General
Staff, proclaimed in 1979 that:
The Soviet Union has military superiority over the United States
Henceforth, the United States will be threatened. It had better gel
used to it.'
In short, there is- no equivalence or symmetry either between
Mar. ts ~eninist and Christian ovre ant Ameri-
can perceptions o peace and war. This trot t has been borne out
year in, year out even in the lifetime o our , so-ca1Ted
inch cote u a ressivc
"~-i censor generalton y the staggering
war and "peacetime" terror that has attended the steady expan
s note Soviet em ire in the woe . i Europe-the pr ze for
which Leninist Russia has been contending from the t'irst Work
War onward-takeover has followed takeover, usually by the
deployment of massive military force and the adjunct appara
tus of the KGB and its earlier incarnations. All the once
in iendent states of Eastern Europe have in this a ' beet
e her annexes ouing ur re acct to eavi y policed eolurila
dependencies vvh
Soviet e ictates of what is "correct" in ideology and I,olitica
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Adda B. Bozeman
action, and where revolts and manifestations of nonconformist
thought are ruthlessly crushed.
Further, and in regard to Asia, we have been polite s,)e ' ators
of
Af tha.ni,tan. This nation is now (I I established as a sovereign
sLalka its government rep ace (T by M cows sees. Its land
is 15c`nig anni
Independent citizenry
r aily evidence that these Soviet
with what we continue to call nears areTuWy shared by all other
ist-Leninist regimes. Ever since the so-called end of the
Vietnam War, we have sat by, during the period known as de-
tente, witnessing on one hand the methodical 'eno s-
acted in Cambo ' unist regime. a protege of
Maoist Ina, and on the other the agonies openly inflicted upon
Vietnam, Laos, and am o r
don's tmperra rst o sprin and main client state in that
area.
In -The Western Hemisphere, meanwhile, we have spent over
two decades watchine Cuba, a small island state adjacent to our
southern coastline, ev into a full-fled ed Marxist-Len' t
sa.:e tea powerful, international influential surrogate of the
Soviet UT n anU-The chief i ee i nd military train n
sc u)ul or t e it worI s7 s revolutionary elites. Here, as in
Europe anU- tila, actt~sca ur om: ntrng insuriencies and
civil wars in politically weak but sovereign states so as to r ice
t em o one, o ca five
s Soviet-Cuban statecraft thus succeeded in transforming
Nicaragua into the advance military bastifind nerve center of
la oungoin6 revo ution without frontiers" which is at present
er( "mF-iTr-rYrr : urns as well as on Surinam
and other small but geopolitically vital base points in the area.
The ultimate ? ere is to turn Central America and t1le ib-
hean into another Eastern :uro e, t us ex en t '
lirezhnev )octrine ( l9f~K) which stipulates that the Soviet Un-
Ions to a , ontrol must comprise all nominally indepen-
lhe Nuclear Freeze Movement 291
dent "sociaiist" states which are deemed vital for the sli cessful
completion of the. Soviet Union's grand design.'
Black Africa is encompassed by the same genci al ti(: icl ?l,-
specliYes on international relations. As tile recent histoi ic. of
e, and sevcial otEer Africi+ii ,t;+tes
slow convincinLjy_the focus here too is decidedly on furthering
the twin causes of woe socialism any uvle ^w r thl~1+IF1+
I- Lance o~yy' uulhi +rclul ,rifle
m dis utes or on assistance for purposes of economic and
social development. Tactics have thus called for exploiting and
exacerbating traditional ethnic hatre s as we as moe ern social
s, ias tool a sin e- arty regimes radi-
ali- revo utionary i s mini t.+
tions;__and supporting "the people's struggle for national
ation" once the "right" peo
tary support was openly given in this context not only to the
Ethiopian Dergue's violent overthrow of the state's ancient
imperial regime but also to the mass killings of cisiiians in all
sectors of the population. Indeed it was the success of this final
Soviet-type revolution which induced the tightening of interstate
and inter-Communist Party relations between Moscow and Ad-
dis Ababa. However, here as elsewhere in Black Africa C
are serving successfully as main advisers and tacticians of strife,
a recor which ends support to the view that Cuba is today the
nucleus of an ocean-spanning Communist hegemonic design
linking Central America and Africa.
The Nuclear Freeze Movement:
Moral, Intellectual, and Political Misperceptions
War, then, is accepted Communist and numerous n0n-
C6mmunist, mostly non-Western soviet 's_ n i ,ht of this ineon-
testa e real y, one should expect proponents of nue car reek
resolutions to answer the following questions:
? Why has t ere been no resolution to frr.eze the nun nuclear
killing error ( it tis ~cin CitciT-deliberately on so
much of mankind's Civilian populstuin 1
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Adda B. Bozeman
? Why is it that clergymen, laymen, and scientists, concerned
with the mere existence of nuclear weapons, have not pro-
tested the well-documented chemicalibiological warfare
which showered death upon the defenseless Hmong tribes
of Laos and the Afghan nation?
? Why does an American "conference to make peace" such as
the one convened by the National Episcopal Church in Den-
ver in 1983 not attack the death-dealing foreign policies of
the Soviet Union and other Communist states in the same
strident tones which it employs in attacks on the defense
policies of its own national government? Answers to such questions hayg not min from
hose segments o e establishment -'churches, universities.
i;ence or evasiveness, i is permissible for disconcerted fellow
itizens to probe other evidence in search of the underlying
auses far-this Strn
lir
1 t
l
a Tona
, compassion ess approach to
77"O"m their seches. exhortations, and literature, rotago-
ists of the .... ..i_.._
.... ..., . a.., 1,
rnd, t e ear , o SiL4e_q_V.Y_Lr.4r that
(her generalized conception of life
~
me to an end in a nuclear holocaust, they see no longer
ill'e n nuc- I- ea vio ence responsible efor these~destinie
n i in such a condition of ignorance and aloofness from reality,
can of Ct
rse , a out the need for
rcit n olic ees t a u es armament and
?rsives are openly discourage , at times even disallowed,
t-he prapaga ion an ikon in behalf of the freeze complex
e'er more absolutist and
PliSt;c. -I'oo manv semi-
and stuff ~s not to mention mass meetings, have thus
generated into open advocacy assemblages where not even
The Nuclear Freeze Movement
293
token opposition is accornmod lest it obstruct the communal
co eijsus of t c i e-minded and its readiness to be mcsmcrizrrd
o a nuc car war
Precedents for this kind of apocalyptic fear h i"o k r1
lacking in the West's recent intellectual history. James Finn re-
minas us in it lucid essa on "Nuclear Terror: Moral Paradox"
that onathan Schell was preceded Bertrand Ruse , who
was so repo c y his private vision of an atomic exchange
between t e two superpowers that he ac vocated,"1,croT'Ti;e
ike at Soviet atomic
after the Soviets had act-u-0-y--developed atomic bombs, he
part of-the ales. Caw invoked his scientific ex-
pertise to predict a nuclear conflict on such and such a date
unless we reduced the world's nuclear forces. That date, Finn
adds, has come and gone. Toda educated Americans of pacifist
persuasion seek to perpetuate the "Angst moo osse sing
them aping younger generations o citizens in their likeness
so t at t ey anti- nuc ear activists, ignorant of
li e s real challenges.
A new Wnior hia schoo
U 'on of Concerned Scientists and the National Education As-
socation,
of
firm supporters of it freeze on nuclear weapons,
is distinc
u to ec iese views. Youngsters are being
imnresse
wi
e angers implicit in t e existence o nuclear
s cunt interests of their nati Reading assignments include
nothing o the 1111i oviet literature on these subjects, material
with which young Soviet pupils are fully familiar-and which is
readily available to us in translation. The sole counter-context to
lessons inculcating fear of future superpower nuclear war relates
to the need for conflict resolution on the simplistic premise that
cooperation is better than war. However, here too the assump-
tion prevails that American norms and values governing peace,
cooperation, and negotiation hold sway also in the Soviet Union.
These misperceptions-namely, that foreign affairs are in es-
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send not different from domestic affairs that interstate or inter-
interp^ erson,
rightly understood as mete extensions of'
Lions; the decline of Euro-American influence and power; and
the rise to prominence o arxist eninist, specr Ica oviet.
t err.
es phenomena were thus eclipscd, in
some cases even assigned to irrelevance, as a re.tr t of thes(.?
pclva~ e Ic teac ing o
Adder B. Bozeman
tniernational affairs today. Whet
willed ing ness, or wts u t
tarn education in the United States as the neglect o ma e-
m4 tics, science, and English which has been forcefully ad-
dresse )y several investigative commissions in recent times.
Here as there, then, it is imperative to improve processes of
gathering, imparting, and utilizing knowledge if coming genera-
tions of this country's politically active citizens are to overcome
the fear of life that has been heaped upon them recently and to
recover, in its stead, the traditional American will to cope effec-
lively with the multiple challenges of peace and war in their
world environment.
U.S. Foreign Policy Versus the Nuclear Freeze Movement:
The Meanings of War and Peace Today
As suggested earlier in this paper, the foremost task for U.S.
policy today consists in persuading the nation that man Ind is /\
nor o one to er, r i isTr b e among iverse moral and
pofli ca or ers. erspectives on war , c i s re a ion to peace
cted to differ-a trut corro orated
daily by chronicles of world events.
By way of apology for the confusion that has become so wide-
spread in respect of war-related realities, one can admit that
non-Western perspectives on the conduct of international rela-
te ? w - talitarian and non-nuclear a e of
t
ieteenth and early twentieth centuries, wring w ich West-
ern
orientations toward government an
in ernattona
order
gat ascen anc~ in most of the wur . In the as
'ca es,
however, de-Westerntaon has defin to
overtaken Westerni-
zation uno er The imp u t e o l wwin'
eve opments: the re--
st4cltatilln o Leer ition7771 o s and institutions wuc en Led
_
natura y a e
rOW-WMMn societies evolved into sovereign n a -
-comelal c h a r yes in The roil- of conceptual urce
is revers, eslern and Lastern prestige
ro es in the so-called third wor rs The tailure_ i)T American
policmakers to come to it close-understanding of the cultural
i frh astructure of non-Western - -om-nunisTsucieties and the
concomitant isposition to he uncompromising in the expecta-
tion that each of these states must "develop" an American-style
democracy if it wishes to qualify as a worthy ally deserving of
protection and support."
Another, perhaps rr~ore significant reason is the, ,emble
fact that Communist ? litarian regimes an non-Western, non-
Communist societies-wholly different as they are from each
otf= in all other respects-are yet at one in e tend th:,t they
conceptually and practically at ease with politicAl conflict
and war w ereas a modern est is not. Muscovite statecraft
kn WS hOW to is a ni y. s it has been successful in
a g traditionally a en a igerence in inter-e nic and in-
- '77
terstate relations; training ideological and military cadres in the
ranks of local elites t a are nown to trive on martial adven-
tures; organizin ommunist Tr-vanguard" artiest i 5 is ing
sikle-pa y espotism in Leninist mods. Numerous regimes in
ce-ind-ep-e-n-Jent en states have come to serve , - -41
ihi~acav. usually in retu-n for heavy military assisl:u1ce, solid
protection in local conflicts, and growing prestige in world poli-
tics. Why we are witnessing here are vivid demonstrations of
that new Leninist e en enc eor ": conceived ostensibly as
an i eo ogically offensive weapon against "capitalist imperial-
ism," it is actually being used exclusive y for nronloting Commu-
nist imperialism.
These policies and developments provide the general hack-
drop for an appreciation of' several recent lahulations revealing
that there is hardly a to gion in the world which is not convulsed
b war. ccor ing to The Center for
Tefense Tnforntation's
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"World at War" report, 40 violent conflicts were in progress in
spring 1983: 10 in Asia, 10 in the Mideast, 10 in Africa, 7 in Latin
America, and 3 in Europe In accordance with standard norms of
political science and international law, 5 wars are classified as
"conventional wars," 35 a', "internal guerrilla struggles" or "civil
wars." (Wars within wars, so common in the Middle East and
Africa, are not counted here.) Further analysis of available data
shows that most of the wars, whatever their official denomina-
bee~tuttte or re a est calls peace. In light
Bing fought with the overt and/or covert
at none ~'a
of these circumstances, then, it is warran e o recaQtlulate Pope
John Paul [I's judgment, namely, that is difficult to imagine
how e pr m'vf - n e w_1r a reso ve in a
u ? tera manner-the one so ardently espoused to ay y pro-
ponents of the nuclear freeze in the West.
The (urther, perhaps ultimate questions are these: Just what is
meant today by references to "world pe c " Is it a condition
m -r1ecby IFie a-eTt~e~T all war everywhere'? the absence
ortl"f nvc1car war? Or just_ the npnir ictpaton oche
I_404L"l Riale-, in any r? Is world peace a credible and viable
political and moral collSSpl w en most ofd the world -s ca ih
webs of^war? Can it be defined in objeCii ms
when moral an caTperspec ves on war and its relation to
rip cc are as widely. yer}~ent as they are toy; or when the
connotations of war and peace are reversed in the sense that
"we" believe something is "peace," whereas "they" identify that
something as "war"; or when war and peace are meant to merge
as they are in all Marxist Lenifli;Z+tie~ sy~:tems_?______
r--6M-right answers to questions such as these have been
eva e in c Is no onger either
pos `iRe or rations o con tnue taking refuge in texts of Western
international law which instruct the reader that war exists where
war has been legally declared. The callousness of s
emerges clearly when one follows to rho Manuel
Ohanc o ravo, t e Roman Catholic Archbishop of Managua,
Nicar, , .
The Nuclear Free t' Movement 297
false limns of peace
Nowadays everybody talks about peace But
are very much in vogue It is common to impose peace, to "pacify.' it
country with it formidable army, with executions, persecutions. But
peace can never be imposed by anyone. Peace should create joy. not
fear. . . Peak is also often contused with a certain oidct -unit
regimes claim to Maintain. Opposing the established order of such
regime:; is considered either seditious or reactionary. In short, dehn
quent. This is the typical peace in countries ruled by a minolit)
trying to pass off its own interests as those of the nation's, but in a
sense more deadly, because it is under the guise of law and order."---J1
As matters stand today, then, and in light of the overwhelm-
ingly concrete reali f war, world ace MUST a 'eT as an
abstraction not control the ma mg of foreign 01-
icy anywhere. Unless we in [Fie IT .111"I-11-ilve To re in the
re MM-T o peace war in t e context, first, of our nation s
security, an second, ~~ a c esira and ossihle wor or we
cannot avoi agreeing wit Oswald Spengler w o ad this to say
on the subject in the first half of the twentieth century:
World Peace involves the private renunciation of war on the part of
the immense majority, but along with this it involves an unavowed
readiness to submit to being the booty of others who do not re-
nounce it. It begins with the state-destroying wish for a universal
reconciliation, and it ends in nobody's moving a finger so long as
misfortune only touches his neighbor."
It cannot be denied that the Occidentals stem of e01
orms nill va ues is eclipsed today by the neo-
_ e
n
r.Pnta nrr ,n order where only winning counts. However.
nrarP roue o e titralt lcallY vital concepts and
mmin.w -T
erative to review and rethink these rinciples in the prey
it is im
p
ent context of the mutt cu turarwortd in which we must intend
ty.,,r,v,? e ?tlnlnj; Ollf ctilturai Intefrity.
The challenge is not unprecedented, as preceding references
to the Grotian revolution illustrate. As then, so also today: peace
cannot he projected persuasivelyuntil one has conic to terms
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with war, and this has not been done as responsibly h our
po + + ua a ties as i e seven Beath ten
t irv. At that time, Hugo ,rotrus recognized that war has its legal
a moral rig s as oc. any w +r are not
always to s a osites they appear to he; shat states were
the units of interaction, and that Europe was the spatial orbit.
It was as legitimate as it was revolutionary in the seventeenth
century to recognize the sovereign independent state as the
norm of political organization in the West. Being sovereign, the
state was expected to determine its form of government and its
national interest. Therefore it was generally presumed free to
decide when to resort to war. It was thus the conduct of war with
which the European law of nations was chiefly concerned. In our
c ntur b contrast, it should have been evident to Western
srl:-r?ti and statesmen ong ago that the aren? f international
pQjjtics is the world, not the Toro- merican Atlantic commu-
nity, and that t e s a e as conceive in the West is no on er t e
genera acce fed norm rninternationa decision-making, hav-
in , been effectively ?n a contra-state ra ns,
--
idy command structures.
th e extern European states sys em-still officially the core con-
ceot of the nt e-dTlations-and for the internationa aw of X n X
peace and war was thus imperceptr y under mt in ee in-
validated, quite some tme ago.
us is rue s eci ica yy cue law which consists official) of
commitments by territoria rules
of conduct in mternatrona or interstate wars. Today, however, it
is ardly ever posse) suc wars apart ro
ar, A
tat, insur'enc coon a -insurgency, and that
revolution, coup
J F,
vast cong omera e o r Brent spe~;ics of uerril ' wa are in
whit recent generations of men in all provinces of the world
seem to find political, professional, and ideological fulfillment.
Some of these allegedly internal wars are actually conceived
and conducted as organic aspects of an international war strat-
egy aimed at the destruction of a state. As a U.S. inter-agency
task force noted recently in connection with its analysis of the
Central American situation:
The Nuclear Freeze Movement 299
The essential strategy of Cuban/Soviet surrogate.. is to use terrorism
and economic destruction to polarize the target countries, encourage
repression from the violent right and governments, and then use
propagandaJlwlitical action to isolate the uut;et regimes from their
populations and from the regron;rl :Ind ~lenro.i: fir .'onintunrty ot,
nations."
Others, among them many of Black Africa's coup d'etat wars
and some of the sub-wars between religious sects fought rn
Lebanon under the umbrella of interstate wars, are primarily
private wars between power-seeking personages and their ethnic
or religious retinues. All are irregular and formless by compari-
son with traditional interstate wars. Neither can be analyzed or
controlled effectively by reference to rules of international law
which stand in counterpoint to the moral and military code im-
plicit in guerrilla and other irregular warfare.
Warfare, then, is fluid today. It does not commence with dec-
larations of war or with-,'in-n a To I aggression tTiat-c iin~ic -p in
pointed in terms of link and s 6T es o7 muTern
internationally relevant wars as planned and executed by Marx-
ist- eninist regimes in Eastern uru e, Southeast Asta, Ni>~th
Bas Asia, e i eTa-st Africa, and Latin Americ a iow
ratrier Mat ars are meant to begin as a series of intercon-
necte covert actions within targeted societies. tssin iu aced as
"in a wars t u remain ou st e the
bounds of the traditional international law o r mr~ays
outside the hounds o- folttrca concern set by influential groups
of policy analysts in the Present-day~rs.A.
uch expectations have been borne out in large measure, most
recently by well-publicized conunentaries on the war situation in
Central America. After indicting the lj.5. ;uvcrnnterit for wag-
vrous y c cc ,'Lc(
dies ac vises.
Congress should declare war on the Government of Nicaragua mid
thereby preserve the ('onstittition. The warnraking power is the
most important power Congress has. It is still riot loo late to call for
a declaration of war. It a majority of members decide that Nicaragua
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Adcla B. Bozeman
xx
The Nuclear Freeze Movement 301
has not provided it casu.S belli, they will vote against declaring war.
Perhaps then and only then will they exert their constitutional power
and stop the covert war."
The intent here is to punish the American (not the Nicaraguan)
governrncnl arm nis ra e or de ea n erie :rn (nett Marxist
Leninist) foreign policies by playing wantonly with the sc ara-
tiur e e era onstrtution of the
United . tates. Similar objectives are sought by Morton 1-1.
afjr na former official in the Defense Department and the
National Security Council, who inveighed against the American
President in the following terms:
Stop the illegal war in Nicaragua.... The covert operation that the
C.I.A. launched at the direction of the President is also a clear
violation of international law and of numerous American treaty obli-
gations. . . . We may not overthrow governments. . . . The way to
promote respect for international law is to obey the rules ourselves,
seek to punish those who violate the law and, at the least, try to
counter the effects of their illegal acts."
No such strictures are leveled against those whose covert war
ac ons brou e a o numerous non ommu ov
erZments-some_dQ cratic, of ers authoritarian-and con-
gtced to the swift installation of law-Jeeinr' [~'~mmunist
re inb yes. In fact, the impression deepens, as one goes on reading
commentaries of the kind referred to, that too many Americans
in positions of oliticai authority and intellectu tl leadership, and
cy include Congressional representatives o tile nation, have
lation, disinformation, and secrecy combine to supply the name
st proceed cove
y. And yet, it
is important to paint out that cover n- pronortnced feature
also of non-Communist non-Western societies. here the tradi-
tionally preferred style of unicatioTn, including that pro-
jecting conflict and hostility, calls not for openness but rather I'm
indirection, allusiveness, and coded signals-in short, for cover
ing the truth that is conveyed. Indeed, there could not leave been
and there cannot he a successful anti -Cornrntl n ist or anti
government guerrilla war or counterinsurgency if it were other-
wise."
The United States, by contrast, has alw itself on
beine an open society. rue, a art ul feign or dissimulation of
intended moves is fully ecented in g a m e s
on athletic playing fields, and in business circles. In international
politics however, different norms are said to prevail. er'c ruses
and dissimulations are allowed only as war stratagems on the
bilftlefield: in acetime commerce an wp oma rc -FeTations,
the are considered unethical an in practica terms countgr-
ve. Everyt ing, t en, epen s upon how one answers
the questions: What is peace? What is war'? In the absence of
authoritative advice to the contrary, the view is eing pr .. ed by
rep esen a Ives o ongress, aca eme e c tuFches and the
mm a e ni e a es is at peace since it has nut declared
r. ere rgumen continues, the bovernment is
forbl ylpLt;Ln;-liunal law t_Q-ljye izour t military aid, how-
ever legitimate its concern with the destinies of friendly or allied
nations w uch are unable to untest'takeovers by military forces
under international (Communist command without receiving out-
side assistance.
It is difficult to take this renvoi to the law of nations seriously.
After all, in aw ues nut, anc never re um up the
national security interests of states. It can therefore not he
treated either as it synonym or as an alternative for foreign pol-
icy, least of all in times such as ours when there is no transna
tional or transcultural consensus on the validity or purport of
this Occidental legacy of norms. The real reason for the currcni
strenuous ohiections to their own country's intelligence opcr;r-
sent I cnoscTi--Toaisre ara the new complexities o writ
large with w is t is nation is con ronted.
One set of cer ing new rea hies includes the substitution
throughout the world of protracted military operations for the
"regular" norm of an all-out war that has it beginning and an end.
In this new context, covert political and military action is of the
essence. The greatly varied forms of masking intentions, move--Ti ments, and of e . 'tt~s-th-it :]T' com ' ns ' t,
ar st h1ghly developed today in theslatccraftof our totali-
tai ran adversaries, fnr in Their closed despotisms where dissirnti-
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302 Adda B. Bozeman
tions, specifically to covert action, and for the retreat into the
cocoon of what these "contra" spokesmen fathom to be interna-
tional law, is fear-the same kind that presides over the nuclear
freeze movementOblivious of the profound char n th, a__- have
overtaken the statessys is century, unwilling to analyze
ideologically new approaches to war an peace; anc una Ie
the re oZ?tttmgutsb-ftten s rom enemigs in the conduct of
foreign affairs, these people long for the dependable situation of
yesteryears and simply cling to what they imagine ad then been
a eI~aFTe Iiavllian -To-
fill ng ra ny in o arme un erta ing- e i a
cqy ? ' ion a guerrilla war a conventional war, or a nuc edr
war-they lack the wl1T and courage to think and act realistically
i,u_the interests o t eir nations sec riityand future, and on that
theirr co unscl should not be heeded. For were it to prevail, the
United States wou egin to resemble Don Quixote. Like the
Knight of the Mournful Countenance, it would be perceived
everywhere as fighting windmills and losing its bearings in the
real world. Modern Indians would recall the Mahabharata and
the arthasastra, which teach the uncompromising lesson, "If
men think thee soft, they will despise thee." Chinese contem-
poraries would view such weakness as confirmation of Mao Tse-
tung's dictum-this one as so many others borrowed from Sun
Tzu-that the enemy, whoever or wherever he is, must be
moved "to help in his own encirclement."" The Soviet Union,
meanwhile, would rightfully conclude that it had succeeded in its
strategy of subduing the West through psychological warfare.
The way out of the freeze i norance and fear into which
muc o e nation as recently ruse the
ce P-r ions o war an peace. t s ould then lead to the realization
11 111111111 I
ial war an ac are interpenetratin k +n mos or , t at
i e' at
;tr n p e has 1aw an Justice on its
i c y s cannot be effective in s ie he moral and
i ? b i t ner 12y
if it , i r-
P',i Iitical integrity of the
se i?c'1Ptt 1htIC'~~r