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December 20, 2016
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March 27, 2008
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April 4, 1984
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Approved For Release 2008/03/27: CIA-RDP88T00528R000100020032-5 ? ? THE DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE National Intelligence Council Approved For Release 2008/03/27: CIA-RDP88T00528R000100020032-5 Approved For Release 2008/03/27: CIA-RDP88T00528R000100020032-5 THE WAL1. S'1-REE-1- JOURNAL, WEDNESDAY, APRIL. 4, 1984: A Deeper Meaning to Anti-Americanism regrettably has be- come an indisputable factor in European politics. But the notion itself. is not very helpful because it confuses two separate issues. On one level, anti-Americanism is an exaggeration, because what is called "anti-Americanism" is simply criticism of American foreign policy. On a deeper level, it is a dangerous understatement that obscures -a profound crise de con- science in Europe. First. the overstatement. Hostile feel- ings toward other nations or races have Europe by Paul Widmer emerged several times in European his- tory. One has only to recall anti-German- ism in France or anti-Frenchness in Ger- many during the first half of this century. Compared to these pernicious examples, anti-Americanism obviously is ' not the right word. Aside from a few fringe groups on the extreme left and the extreme. right, such visceral hatred toward; Americans does not exist anywhere. On the contrary, there is a new phenomenon, the wide ap- preciation, of American culture. Whereas the Spanish philosopher Or- tega y Gasset contended in the 1950s. that America could not survive culturally with- out a continuous European input, the oppo- site seems to be true today. New-.York-has become the undisputed world metropolis for cultural events. But if. anti-Americanism has virtually vanished-in the cultural field, it has' not done so in the political arena. Many of those who are among the most slavish fol- lowers of American cultural leadership.. criticize the political behavior of American government most severely. For instance, the leftist German highbrow magazine Transatlantik consciously patterned its layout after The New Yorker; reviews in A nti-Americanism Abroad its arts sections the latest plays and exhib- its in New York and San Francisco-1 and criticizes U.S. policy on the political pages with predictable regularity. On this level, then, what is called ' iand- Americanism" is less than that. -It is la se- rious and public disagreement with certain aspects of American policy. But sinc the U.S. is the leader of the Western wo l d, it is natural that the Europeans express their opinions on matters of common concern. On the deeper level, anti-Americ ism is a euphemism for a fundamental shift taking place within Europe. To explain the situation, one has to go back to 1968, when for the first.time in postwar history, West- ern society as a whole was challeng rad- ically. To be sure, in the '70s the a ivist challenge faded in significance. How ver, many younger Europeans did not renew their loyalty to the existing political insti- tutions. If any political protest was ex- pressed at all, it was no longer in fa4or of radical visions, but simply against change. In this milieu, the environme talist movement took root. It aimed to el inate the obnoxious side effects of modern ivili- zation and, in its more ideological version. the complexity of a society based on high technology. This movement, however;, was not able to suggest how to achieve !these goals. The prime targets that could ;bring the people onto the street were, until the late '70s, the nuclear power plants. In 1977, when the' deployment of neutron bombs In Europe was considered, the movement be- came more' political and took on an anti- American character, in.large part because the weapons to be deployed were Ameri- can. At this juncture, ' the somewhat diffuse movement evolved into a peace move- ment. With the Carter administration's de- cision not to deploy neutron bombs in Eu- rope, the peace movement seemed to enjoy its first victory: Bolstered by this, the am- plified -protest -was.. redirected against the impending. stationing of. cruise and Per- shing II missiles-and joined by other groups whose roots are not in environmen- -talism. What has occurred ' on the domestic level for some years thus finally spilled over into the foreign-policy arena. The for- mer protests against the technological world-the civilian use 'of nuclear technol- ogy, in particular-have engulfed interna- tional security issues. The same flawed logic is applied. Domestically, one has nothing against a high standard of living, only against its unpleasant side effects. In foreign policy, one wants, international se- curity, but not the weapons that ensure it. This means that the:retreat from 'real- -ity, as practiced by many individuals re- cently, is increasingly seen as suitable for entire nations. Such an attitude threatens the. alliance and strains the transatlantic relationship. But it is only tangentially' related to anti- Americanism. The problem would have arisen regardless of what the U.S. might have done or not done. The main problem is that?too many Eu- . ropeans have lost their confidence in the accepted values of Western society. They deride the U.S. as a bulwark of dynamic, capitalism, modem technology and strong anti-Communism. - Yet, they also reject what they perceive to be-the ugly face of communist societies, and look mockingly on the stumbling European unification pro- cess and. setbacks in East-West detente. Having chosen cynicism as their most reli- able companion, they judge the systems in East and, West as equally flawed and insuf- ficient. In sum, they know' what they do not want, but they - do . not -know what they want. Here lies the long-term problem that the Europeans must solve.', This implies that the main changes in the 'transatlantic relationship have to occur in Europe and not, whatever may be said, in America.. If this malaise Is not-to grow into a major crisis, the task of designing perspec- tives for Europe has to be tackled ur- gently. By making a few proposals to re- form the .structure of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Henry Kissinger re- cently joined the debate over Europe's role in the future. He strongly pleads for a sort of Europeanization of NATO. The Europe- ans ..: should, among other new functions, as- sume ? the major responsibilities for conven- tional defense. And they should take over those arms-control negotiations that deal with weapons deployed on Western Euro- pean soil. The time is indeed ripe for a discussion in which responsibility is the key word., Nearly 40 years after the end of World War II, the Europeans have to recognize that they cannot rely eternally on a de- fense structure that was designed in ' a postwar period when much of Europe was devastated. The originally badly needed dependence upon the U.S. has become a comfortable tradition that no longer cor- responds to Europe's potential strength. Restructuring the alliance's defense is important, but it is not 'enough. Defense needs to be embedded in a context of polit- ical convictions and purposes. Western Eu- .rope must know and make clear what it stands for politically. The open society, as it is realized in Western Europe and Amer-. - ica, still enjoys the support of an,-over- whelming majority. Europeans, together. with the Americans, have to assume their.. responsibilities in order to make the sur-, vival and further development of this kind ' of society possible. If Europe's destination and responsibil- ities can be convincingly reshaped, anti- Americanism will presumably shrink., again. Dependency corrupts and absolute',:' dependency- corrupts' absolutely. -The new;:-,; est wave of anti-Americanism is an ex pression of this truth. Mr. Widmer is a Swiss diplomat on - leave for one year as a resident fellow a6:- the Institute for East-West Security Stu- dies in New York. Approved For Release 2008/03/27: CIA-RDP88T00528R000100020032-5