RGATES TALKING POINTS -- 29 MAY 1986

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP89G00720R000100080028-2
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 6
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 15, 2011
• Sequence Number: 28
• Publication Date: May 29, 1986
• Content Type: MISC

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The Deputy Director of Central Intelligence
win. ~ c. msos
29 May 19x6
Attached are some reference talking points
along the lines we discussed last night. The
first several are those I would use to follow
you. The remainder are points I would try to
get across during the interview if you or Bill
already had not done so.
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RGATES TALKING POINTS -- 29 May 1986
-- While General Odom has been discussing the background of the
statute concerning communications intelligence and much of the
focus in recent days in the newspapers has been on that
particular source of intelligence, we are deeply concerned about
revelations of a number of other sources of intelligence as
well. These include both imagery and human agents. As a result
of revelations, we have lost human sources, fear for the lives of
others and have seen the Soviets increasingly resorting to
camouflage and other denial techniques as they learn more about
our capabilities.
-- Because the Congress protected only one type of intelligence
source by specific statute, we have to rely on other measures to
help protect other sources. Our efforts along these lines have
taken two forms. First, we are attempting to tighten discipline
within the Executive Branch. Second, we are attempting to
initiate a dialogue with various elements of the media in an
attempt to help them understand the fragility and importance of
the sources that are being revealed. Moreover, we are hoping to
persuade them that they too have a responsibility to their
country and should do what they can to help us protect these
intelligence sources.
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-- If we lose both our technical and human sources, our ability to
protect the country and the first amendment are endanger.
-- Some of the media have in fact demonstrated a considerable sense
of responsibility and recognition of this separate but mutual
obligation. We applaud this and also would point out that this
voluntary restraint has not endangered the freedom of the press.
-- The sources that have already been revealed in the press have
significantly degraded our ability to provide advance warning of
terrorist attacks and to track the activities of these groups.
Additionally, information appearing in the press on some
technical collection systems has gone beyond what we believe the
Soviets have learned through other means and has contributed
significantly to the far reaching measures they are carrying out
to deny us knowledge about new weapon systems and other
activities. Similarly, the revelations have contributed to our
weakening ability to monitor Soviet compliance with arms control
measures.
-- What we are talking about here is not malfeasance, wrong doing,
waste, fraud, abuse or mismanagement. The press should be
encouraged to go after those and we strongly support that. We
are talking about unique fragile sources of information that
enable the United States to protect itself in a very unfriendly
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world. There have been no allegations that these collection
activities have been mismanaged or that any wrong doing has been
involved. The only reason that they are being revealed in the
press is because they are sensational. As a nation we are paying
a heavy price for such sensationalism.
-- The decision by the President to use intelligence information to
inform the American people is not on a par with unauthorized
disclosures nor does it represent some sort of unfair unilateral
advantage on the part of the government. Under the Constitution
the President is charged with conducting foreign policy and
providing for the national defense in cooperation with the
Congress. He and they are elected by the people to do that, and
when he makes his decisions it is his responsibility to educate
and inform the American people as to the reasons behind his
policies. To the degree that other classified information is
needed to provide a check on the President in this regard, the
Congress fulfills that function. And virtually all intelligence
assessments provided to the President are provided also not only
to the Intelligence Oversight Committees but also the Foreign
Relations, Armed Services and Appropriation Committees. These
are the Constitutionally mandated authorities for carrying out
these responsibilities.
-- When the decision is made to declassify information for these
purposes, a process is initiated that involves a careful review
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of the information by intelligence professionals to minimize the
damage to intelligence sources and methods. In the final
analysis, it is the President that must weigh the potential gain
against the potential loss and whether in a prosecution or to
explain policy to sacrifice some information -- but virtually
always in a way that does not reveal the source itself.
-- The Communications law has not been used in more than 35 years in
substantial measure because revelations of communications
intelligence were relatively rare and the government understood
that the decision to act would be controversial. However, in the
last two years the veritable avalanche of revelations of
sensitive communications intelligence sources has become so
devastating that those of us in the intelligence business have
concluded, with support in the Administration, that the cost to
our intelligence capabilities now requires that this statute be
applied.
-- It is sometimes said that the Russians already know what is being
published in the press and that therefore the government is
seeking to keep its secrets only from Americans. But how does
the press know what the Russians know? Does it have penetrations
of the KGB or the GRU? How is it in a position to fudge the
degree to which revelations confirm, update or amplify
information that the Russians may have acquired from other means
including spies? Moreover, does the press presume that these
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intelligence capabilities have no other application except
against the Soviet Union in terms of protecting our interests?
Members of the press make bold assertions on these matters but in
fact do not know.
-- Members of the press are prepared to go to 3ai1 to protect their
sources. They know that such protection is fundamental to their
work. Why, then, cannot the media understand the need, for the
sake of the whole country, for the protection of the nation's
sources of information on our adversaries?
-- We raise these issues not "to chill a free press" but because we
are genuinely alarmed by the progressive neutralization of the
nation's first line of defense: our intelligence capabilities.
While the 1950 statute can help us protect communications
intelligence, the problem is much broader and therefore we need
the cooperation of the press. We can't force it and thus we
would like to see the media calm down and discuss with us what is
a serious problem -- and, we hope, recognize its own
responsibilities and the need for voluntary restraint on
intelligence sources.
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