TEXT OF CARTER'S SPEECH ACCEPTING RENOMINATION AT THE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION

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August 15, 1980
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Approved For Release 2010/06/28: CIA-RDP90-00552R000101020074-8 THE NEW YORK TIMES, FRIDAY. AUGUST 15, 1980 emocrats 80 Text of Carter's Speech Accepting Renomination at the Democratic Convention By United Press International Following is the text of President Carter's speech to the Democratic National Convention last night accepting its nomination for President: - Fellow Democrats, fellow citizens: , I thank you for the nomination you ha.ire offered me. And I especially ffianIE you for choosing as my running mate' the best partner any President has ever had ? our first and only choice ? Fritz Mondale. With gratitude and with determina- ticiri) I accept your nomination. ' I am proud to run on a sound and pro- ..., , gre,ssive platform. ?Fritz and I will wage a campaign that defines the real issues, a campaign tiat'respects the intelligence of the American people, a Campaign that /Nis Sense ? and we are going to whip the Republicans in November. We will win because we are the party of the great President who knew how to get re-elected -- Franklin D. Roose- velt. ,-,We are the party of a courageous fighter who knew how to "give 'ern *11' ? Harry Truman. As Truman ,sai.d he just told the truth and the Re- publicans thought it was hell. We are the party of a gallant man of 7,?spirit ? John F. Kennedy. And a leader 'of compassion ? Lyndon Johnson. And a big-hearted man who should have 13een President and would have been -the: of the greatest Presidents of all '11Me.,? Hubert Humphrey. And we are the party of Gov. Jerry Brown and Sell. Edward M. Kennedy. " Lei Me say a personal word to Sena- * Kennedy. I-Ted, you're a tough competitor and a aiiPerb campaigner ? I can attest to that., Your speech before this conVen- port, was a magnificent statement of . what the Democratic Party has meant the people of our country ? and why a Democratic victory is so impartant this year. I reach out tonight to you and to those who supported you in your val- iant and passionate campaign. , concern for "what will happen to the country we have known." This is such a time ? and I tell you, that the choice to be made this year can transform both our personal lives and the life at our country. ' - -- - During the last Presidential cam- paign, I criss-crossed our country and listened to many people ? housewives and farmers, teachers and small-busi- ness leaders, workers and students, the elderly and the poor ? people of every race and background and walk of life. It was a powerful experience? a total immersion in the vast human reality of America. I have now had another kind of total immersion ? being President of the United States. Let me talk for a mo- ment about what that job is like ? and what I have learned from it. I have learned that only the Most complex and difficult tasks end up in the Oval Office. No easy answers are found there, because no easy questions come there. I have learned that for a President experience is the best guide to right decisions. I am wiser tonight than I was four years ago. I have learned that the Presidency is a place of compassion. My own heart is burdened for troubled Americans. The poor, the jobless and the afflicted ? they have become part of me. My thoughts and prayers for our hostages in Iran are as though they were my own sons and daughters. The life of every human being on earth can depend on experience, judg- ment and vigilance of the person in the Oval Offfice. The President's power for building and his power for destruction ? are awesome. And that power is great- est exactly where the stakes are high- est ? in matters of war and peace. I , have learned something else ? something that I have come to pee with Ted, your party needs ? and I need extraordinary clarity. Above all, I -?7, your idealism and dedication work- must look ahead ? because the Presi- mg for us. There is no doubt that even dent of the United States is the steward greater service lies ahead of you ? and of the nation's destiny. we are grateful to have your strong He must protect our children ? and ?parMership now in the larger cause to the children they will have ? and the which your own life has been, dedicat- children of generations to follow. He ed. must speak and act for them. That is We're Democrats. We have had our his burden? and his glory. 911.ffeiTences, but we share a bright vi- And that is why a President cannot so n of 4merica's future ? a vision of yield to the short-sighted demands of good life for all our people ? a vision of special interests, no matter how rich or a secure nation, a just society, a peace- powerful they are. That is why the ? ful ,world, a strong America ? confi- President cannot bend to the passions 'debt and proud and united. of the moment, no matter however Forty years ago, President Franklin popular they may be. That is why the Roosevelt Said that there are times in President must sometimes ask for sac- 'our history when concerns over our rifice when his listeners would rather personal lives are overshadowed by our hear the promise of comfort. The Election's Importance The, President is the servant of today. But his true constituency is the future. Thal is whY thin election of 1980 is so important Some have said it makes no differ- mice', what happens in this election. r:They are wrong. This election is a stark choice be- -rtween two men, two parties, two sharply different pictures of America ' the world. But is is more than that., e ? it is a choice between two futures, fyi-,be year 2000 is less than 20 years away just four Presidential elections after e this One. Children born this year will cerne of age in the 21st century. The time to shape the world of the year, 2000 is now. The decision of the .:?:peiit few years will steer our course-- erbaps an irreversible course ? and the most important of all choices will it, be made by the American people at the palls less than three months, from to- The choice could not be more clear ? nor' the consequences more crucial. In one of the futures we can choose? the' future we have been building to- gether ? I see security, justice and -f4.1'peace. I see a future of economic security security that will come from tapping 1-;Ciitir OW/1 great resources of oil and gas, e, Mal and sunlight ? and from building tools, technology and factories for a' revitalized economy based on jobs and stable prices for all. I see a future of justice ? the justice of good jobs, decent health care and quality education, and the full oppor- tunity of all people regardless of color or language or religion; the simple human justice of human rights for all men ? and for all women, guaranteed equal rights at last ? in the Constitu- tion of the United States. I see a future of peace ? a peace born of wisdom and based on fairness to- ward all the countries of the world ? a peace guaranteed both by American military strength and by American moral strength. That is the future I want for all peo- ple ? a future of confidence and hope and a good life. It is the future America must choose ? and with your help and your commitment it is the future Amer- ica will choose. But there is another possible future. In that other future, I see despair ? the despair of millions who would have to struggle for equal opportunity and a better life? and struggle alone. I see surrender ? the surrender of our energy future to the merchants of oil; the surrender of our economic fu- ttu-e to a bizarre program of massive tax cuts for the rich; massive service cuts for the poor; and maSsive inflation for everyone. I see risk ? the risk of international After Mixups and Missed Cues, :: Carey Vows to Help Carter Win Continued From Page Al offered a statement on this fall's election ,:that did not need additional interpreta- pon. :F's-Despite the tensions that have existed between the Democratic Governor and -*?: President, Mr. Carey said he would be on the podium at the convention to Arm his support when Mr. Carter ac- '4,Pted his party's nomination. -I'Myan s are going to be sore," the h d ' vernor told reporters after the midaft- ,,,prItoon Meeting, which was held at Presi- dent Carter's request. "I'm going to be applauding at every appropriate point in this speech." Earlier in the day Mr. Carey sent his regrets to a fund-raising luncheon at the Plaza Hotel, where president Carter was the featured speaker, and his absence led some speculation that he was continu- ing to distance himself from the Presi- dent. many politicians believe Mr. Carey Do long harbored his own Presidential ,ambitions, the Governor went so far as to meet last fall with financial and political advieks to assess hia chances. ?But Mr. Carey's press secretary, Mi- 0140 Patterson, insisted that at the time or Yesterday's luncheon, held to raise money for Democratic candidates for qongress, Mr. Carey was at his summer hbine on Shelter Island, L.I., and no slight fkthe President was intended. Nevertheless, the Governor's absence inade cormicuous by Mayor Koch, he' asked that the Governor stand and "Where are you, Hugh?" the Mayor dsked, then wisecracked: "Maybe he's looking for a car." He was referring to an incident on Wednesday when the Gover- nor missed traveling from the West 30th Street Heliport to the Sheraton Centre in President Carter's limousine. Some aides speculated that Governor Carey was s,nubbing President Carter, others that Mr. Carter was snubbing Mr. Carey, and others that it was simply a mixup. Mayor Koch, who is known for his imp- ish ways, said later that he had been un- aware of the absence of Mr. Carey from the luncheon, and was not trying to em- barrass him. A Carey aide said Mr. Carter had tele- phoned Mr. Carey on Shelter Island on Wednesday night and invited him to yes- terday's meeting at the Sheraton Centre, where the President is staying. The President was said also to have smoothed over any misunderstanding over the heli- port limousine incident. The Governor said he did not view the efforts for an open convention or the chal- lenges to the President's economic plat- form as having been detrimental to the Democratic Party. "It was a good, rousing Democratic battle on the issues," Mr. Carey said. "Out of this is going to come a party that knows it has a fight ahead." Asked whether he thought that would be a problem, given the unity shown by the Republicans in Detroit, Mr. Carey re- plied: `Why shouldn't they be united? They all belong to the same country clubs." He said that in his efforts for Mr. Car- ter, he expected Senator Edward M. Ken- nedy to work with him, "as we have since 1960." Business Day helps you stay ahead Associated Press President Carter with his wife, Rosalynn, at a delicatessen in New York confrontation; the risk of an uncontrol- lable, unaffordable and unwinnable nu- clear arms race. No. one, Democrat or Republican, consciously seeks such a future: I do not claim that my opponent does. But I do question the disturbing comitnients and policies already made by him and by those with him Who have already captured control of the Republican: Party. The consequences of those commit- ments and policies would drive az down the wrong road. It is up to all of us tci make sure America rejects this alarm- ing, even perilous, destiny. The only way to build a better future is to- start with the realities of the present But while we Democrats grap- ple with the real challenge of a real world, there is talk about a world of tin- sel and make-believe. Let's look for a moment at theft; make-believe world. In their fantasy America, inner city people, farm workers and laborers are forgotten. Women, like children, are tO be seen but not heard. The problem's of working women simply do not exist. The elderly do not need Medicare. The young do not need more help for a bet- ter education. Workers do not require the guarantee of a healthy and safe place to work. In their fantasy wbrld, all the com- plex global changes since World War II have never happened. In their fantasy America, all their problems have sim- ple solutions. Simple? and wrong. It is a make-believe world of good guys and bad guys, where some politi- cians shoot first and ask questions later. No hard choices. No sacrifice. No tough deciosns. It sounds too good to be true ? and it is. The path of fantasy leads to irrespon- sibility. The path of reality leads to hope and peace. The two paths could not be more different. Nor could the futues to which they lead. Let's take a hard look at the consequences of our choice. Adrninistration'-s Military Record You and I have been working toward a secure future by rebuilding our mili- tary strength ? steadily, carefullly and reponsibly. The Republicans talk about military strength, but they were in office for eight out of the last 11 years and in the face of a growing Soviet threat they steadily cut real defense by more than a third. We have reversed the Republican de- cline in defense. Every year since I have been President we have made real increases in our commitment to a stronger defense ? increases which are prudent and rational. There is no doubt that the United States can meet any threat fom the Soviet Union. Our modernized strate- gic forces, a revitalized NATO, the Tri- dent submarine, the Cruise missile, the Rapid Deployment Force ? all these guarantee that we will never be second to any nation. Deeds, not words ? fact, not fiction. We must and will continue to build our own defenses. We must and will continue to seek balanced reductions in nuclear arms. The new leaders of the Republican Party, in order to close the gap between their rhetoric and their record, have now promised to launch an all-out nu- clear arms race. This would negate any further chance for a mutual and bal- anced reduction in nuclear weapons. There can be no winners in such an arms race ? and all the people on earth could be the losers. The Republican nominee advocates abandoning arms control policie% which have ben supported by every Democratic President since Truman and every Republican President since Eisenhower. This radical and irrespon- sible course would threaten our se- curity and could put the world in peril. You and I must never let this come to pass. It is simple to call for a new arms race. But when armed aggression threatens world peace, tough-sounding talk is not enough. A president must act ?responsibly. When Soviet troops invaded Afghani- stan, we moved quickly to take action. I suspended some grain sales to the Soviet Union, called for a draft regis- tration and, joined whole-heartedly by the Congress and the U.S. Olympic Committee, led more than 60 other na- tions in boycotting the big Soviet propo- ganda show ? the Moscow Olympics. ? The Republican , leader opposed two of these forceful but peaceful actions and waffled on the third. But when asked what he would do about aggres- sion in Southwest Asia, he suggested blockading Cuba. Even his running mate could not go along with that. He does not seem to know what to do with the Russians. He is not sure if he wants to feed them, play with them, or fight with them. Foreign Policy Developments As I look back at my first term, I am grateful that we have had for our coun- try a full four years of peace. And that is what we want for the next four years ?peace. It is only common sense that if Amer- ica is to stay secure and at peace, we must encourage others to be peaceful as w11. We have helped in Zimbabwe, Rho- desia, where we stood firm for racial justice and democracy. And we have helped in the Middle East. Some have criticized the Camp David acccords and delays in the implementation of the Middle East peace treaty. Before I became president there was no Camp David accord and there was no peace treaty. Before, Israel and Egypt were poised across barbed wire, confronting each other with guns and tanks and planes. Afterward, they talked face to face with each other across a peace table, and now they also communicate through their own am- bassadors in Cairo and Tel Aviv. That is the kind of future we Demo- crats are working to bring to the Mid- dle East I am proud that fully half of the aid that our country has given Israel in the 32 years of her existence has come dur- ing my administration. Unlike our Republicn predecessors, we have never stopped or slowed that aid. And as long as I am president, we will not do so. Our commitment is clear: security and peace for Israel, peace for all the peo- ples of the Middle East. If the world is to have a future of peace as well as freedom, America must continue to defend human rights. The new Republicans leaders oppose our human rights policies. They want to scrap it. They seem to think it is naive for America to stand up for freedom and democracy. Just what do they think our country should stand for? Ask the former polictical prisoners who now live in freedom if we should abandon our stand on human rights. Ask the dissidents in the Soviet Union ? about our commitment to human rights. Ask the Hungarian-Americans, the Polish-Americans. Listen to Pope John Paul II. Ask those who are suffering for the sake of justice and liberty around the world. Ask the millions who have fled tyr- anny if America should stop speaking out for American principles. Ask the American people. As long as I am President, we will hold high the banner of human rights. Here at home, the choice between the two futures is equally important. In the long run, nothing is more cru- cial to our future than energy ? and nothing was so disastrously neglected in the past. , Long after the 1973 Arab oil embar- go, the Republicans in the White House had still done nothing to meet this threat to our nation's security. Then, as now, their policy was dictated by the big oil companies. We Democrats fought bard to rally our nation behind a comprehensive energy program, a new foundation for challenging and exciting progress. ? Now,Ifter three yeari-of siruggle we have that program. The battle to secure America's energy future has been fully and finally joined. Americans have cooperated with dramatic results. We have reversed decades of dangerous and growing dependence on foreign oil. We are now importing 20 percent less oil. That is 1.5 million barrels less every day than when I first took office. And now with our new energy policy fi- nally in place, we can discover more, produce more, create more, and con- serve more energy ? and we will use American resources, American tech- nology and millions of American work- ers to do it. What do the Republicans propose? Basically their energy program has two parts. The first part is to get rid of almost everything we have accomplished for the American public over the last three years. They want to reduce or abolish the synthetic-fuels progrm. They want to slash the solar energy incentives, the conservation programs, aid to mass transit, and aid to the elderly to help pay fuel bills. They want to eliminate the 55-mile speed limit, and while they are at it, the Republicans would like to gut the Clean Air Act. They never liked it to begin With. That's one part to their program. The other part is worse. To replace what we have built, here is what they propose: to destroy the windfall profits tax, and to "unleash" the oil companies and let them solve the energy probem for us. That's it. That is their whole pro- gram. There isn't any more. Can this nation accept such an outra- geous program? No! We Democrats will fight it every step of the way. When I took office, I inherited a heavy load of serious economic prob- lems besides energy ? and we have met them head-on. We have slashed government regulation and put free en- terprise back into the airline, trucking and financial systems of our country, and we are now doing the same for the railroads. This is the greatest change in the relationship between business and gov- ernment since the New Deal. We have increased our nation's exports dramat- ically. We reversed the decline in basic research and development. We have created more than eight million new jobs, the biggest three-year increase in history. But the road has been bumpy, and last year's skyrocketing OPEC oil prices helped to trigger a worldwide inflation crisis. We took forceful action, and interest rates have now fallen, the dollars is stable and, although we still have a bat- tle on our hands, we are struggling to bring inflation under control. We are now at a critical turning point in our economic history. Because we made the hard decisions, because we guided our eonomy through a rough but essential period of transition, we have laid the groundwork for a new eco- nomic age. Our economic renewal program for the 1980's will meet our immediate need for jobs by attacking the very same long-term problems that caused unemployment and inflation in the first place. It will move America simulta- neously towards our five great eco- nomic goals ? lower inflation, better productivity, revitalization of Ameri- can industry, energy security, and jobs. It is time to put all America back to work ? not in make-work, but in real work. . There is real work in modernizing American industry and creating new industries for America. Here are just a few things we will build together: 4INew industries to turn our coal and shale and farm products into fuel for our cars and trucks, and to turn the light of the sun into heat and electricity, for our homes. qA modern transportation system of railbeds and ports to make American coal into a powerful rival of OPEC oil. IlIndustries that will provide the con- venience of communications and futur- istic computer technology to serve mil- lions of American homes, offices and factories. gJob training for workers displaced by economic changes. 411New investment pinpointed in re- gions and neighborhoods where jobs are needed most. cl Better mass transit in our cities and between them. ClAnd a whole new generation of American homes and vehicles and buildings that will house us and move us in comfort ?on a lot less energy. I have no doubt that the ingenuity and dedication of the American people can make every single one of these things happen. We are talking about the United States of America ? and those who count this country out as an econornic superpower are going to find out how wrong they are. We will share in the exciting enter- prise of making the 1980's a time of growth for America. The Republican alternative is the biggest tax giveaway in An his- tory. They call it Reagan-Kemp-Roth. I call it a free lunch Americans cannot afford. ? The Republican tax program offers rebates to the rich, deprivation to the poor and fierce inflation to the rest of us. Their party's own Vice-Presidential nominee said that Reagan-Kemp-Roth would mean an inflation rate of more than 30 percent. He called it "voodoo economics." He suddenly changed his mind toward the end of the Republican convention, but he was right' the first time. Along with this gigantic tax cut, the new Republican leaders promise to protect retirement and health pro- grams and to make massive increases in defense spending. If they are serious about these prom- ises ? and they say they are ? then a close analysis shows that the entire rest of the government would have to be abolished -- everything from educa- tion to farm programs to the G.I. Bill to the night watchman at the Lincoln Me- morial. And the Federal budget would still be in the red. Approved For Release 2010/06/28: CIA-RDP90-00552R000101020074-8 - The only alternative would be to build more printing presses to print cheap money. Either way the Ameri- can people lose. But the American peo- ple won't stand for it. The Democratic Party has always embodied the hope of our people for jus- tice, oportunity, and a better life. We have worked in every way Sq,, strengthen the American family, to ed- courage self-reliance, and to follow the:: Old Testament admonition: "Defen-d the poor and fatherles: do justice to the afflicted and needy." (Psalms 82: 3.).'s We have struggled to assure that no child in America goes to bed hungry?, * that no elderly couple lives in a Pub:, standard home, and that no young per- son is excluded from college becaupt - the family is poor. ? ' What have the Republicans pro,: posed? Just an attack on almost ever- achievement in social justice and de: - - cency we have won in the last 50 years, ? since Franklin Roosevelt's ? first: terin. They would make Social Security voluntary. They would reverse our, progress on the minimum wage, fuj employment laws, safety in the wor place and a healthy environment. Lately the Republicans have been; quoting Democratic Presidents ? but ? who can blame them? Whom would yon, rather quote ? Herbert Hoover ay , F.D.R.? Richard Nixon or John F. Ken r, nedy? The Republicans have always been, the party of , privilege, but this yeas *their new leaders have gone even fur-, ther. In their platform, they have re-. pudiated the best traditions of their,; own party. ?; s Where is the conscience of Lincoln fa':, the party of Lincoln? What has become of the traditional Republican belief ib fiscal responsibility? What has hap, pened to their commitment to safe an sane arms control? ? ? foi I do not claim perfection for tli Democratic Party. I do not claim that' every decision we have made has beeri right or popular. Certainly they have not all been easy. But I will say this: We have been tested under fire. We:- have neither ducked nor hidden. We have tackled the great, central issties- in our nation, the historic challenges of,. energy and peace which had been nored for years. We have made tough,: decision and we have taken the heat for:. them. We have made mistakes, and we have learned from them. Now we have. built the foundation for a better futur,, We have done something else -At,- something perhaps even more imporp., tant. In good times and bad, in the val- leys and on the peaks, we have told the?, people the truth ? the hard truth that truth that sometimes hurts. ? The truth is that we Americans have; earned our dream of progress and peace. Look at What our land has been through just within our own memory 3-- a great Depression, a World War, a technological explosion, the civil right-S.-, revolution, the bitterness of Vietnam, the shame of Watergate, the twiligit -'peace of nuclear terror. ? - - Through each of these momento` experiences we have learned some., - thing about the world and about onn.7 selves. We have matured and grown stronger as a nation. We have learned the uses and the limits of power. We have learned tha, beauty and the responsibility of free, dom. We have learned the value ant: the obligation of justice ? and we have learned the necessity of peace. Some would argue that to master these lessons is somehow to limit oilt potential. That is not so. A nation which knows its true strengths, sees its ti-tie challenges, understands legitimate constraints ? that nation ? our natiOA' ? is far stronger than one which takes refuge in wishful thinking or nostalgi4, The DemocKatic Party ? and the American people ? have understood these fundamental truths. All of us can sympathize with the de, sire for easy answers. There is often the temptation to substitute icilC ? dreams for hard reality. The new Republican leaders are hop, ing that this year America will give in to that temptation. But they profoundly misunderstand the character of the American people. Three weeks after Pearl Harbor) Winston Churchill came to Norib America ? and said: "We have not journeyed all this way across the centuries, across the oceans) across the mountains, across the prairies because we are made of sugar candy." We Americans have courage. - Americans have always been on the cutting edge of change. We have if- ways looked forward with anticipation, and confidence. I still want what all of you want ? self-reliant neighborhoods and strong families; Work for the able- bodied and good medical care for the sick; opportunity for our youth and dig- nity for the old; equal rights and justice for all our people. I went teachers eager to explain what a civilization really is ? and stu- dents to understand their own needs and their own aims, but also the needs and yearnings of their neighbors. I want women free to pursue without limit the full life they want for them- selves. I want our farmers groWing crops to feed the nation and the world, secure,in the knowledge that the family farm will thrive and with a fair return on the work they do for all of us. I want work- ers to see meaning in the labor they perform ? and work enough to guaran- tee a job for every worker. I want peo- ple in business to be bold and free to pursue new ideas. I want minority citi- zens fully to join the mainstream of American life, and I want the blight. of discrimination forever wiped away from our land. Join me in the fulfilling of that vision. The choice ? the choice between two paths to the future -- could not :be more clear. If we succumb to a worldnf fantasy we will wake up to a night- mare. But if we start with reality and fight to make our dream a reality ?,11 Americans will have a good life, a life of meaning and purpose in a natton strong and secure. Above all, I want us to be what Ale founders of our nation meant us to De- come ? the land of freedom, the land of - peace, the land of hope. Approved For Release 2010/06/28: CIA-RDP90-00552R000101020074-8 g CW'Utt!iti.MVO FWIDAY, AUGUST 1.5, 1980 - Coigbtf5 1981:1The New York Times Democrats '80 e President Steps Out partake of New York While Aides Worry About the Big Speech, Carter Jogs and Eats a Deli Breakfast BY TERENCE SMITH At 6:30 yesterday Morning a sandy- haired man in a T-shirt and running shorts stepped out of a limousine near Columbus Circle and set off with two companions on a gentle jog through 'Central Park. two women out for an ' early morning run .did a double take and convulsed into giggles as the Presi- ' dent of the United States passed by with a wave. ? Six hours after his renomination at the ,.13erriocratic convention, Jimmy Carter was taking some time to enjoy Ne* York as a tourist. He had break- fast at the, Stage Delicatessen, ad- dressed a glittering lunch gathering at the Plaza Hotel and reluctantly passed up a planned visit to the Picasso exhibi- tion at the Museum of Modern Art to piit the finishing touches on his accept- ance speech. Before going to bed the night before, Mr. Carter received a phone call in his blue-carpeted, 21st-floor suite at the Sheraton Centre Hotel from the man he , will confront on the campaign trail this fall, Ronald Reagan. "They had a nice conversation," re- called Robert S. Strauss, the Carter campaign chairman, who was with the President at the time. "I heard the President say: 'Thanks, you were great to call and I appreciate it very much. I hope we'll be able to fake the campaign to the country on an issue basis so the people can make up their minds about us.'" Mr. Strauss added that "both men want very much M conduct a campaign on the issues rather than personalities." Tension Among Aides ' -Although the President had some - free time yesterday, there was almost - palpable tension building among his top aide? as he prepared for his accept- , ?awe speech. - Its5"4 a Very important speech for ?TliiirtiY?' Carter a senior aide said. He wants to set the tone for the cam- paign lay out his rationale for a second term and put the primary season be- hind him.' ' The President's aides were also keenly aware of Senator Edward M. Kennedy's rousing reception at the con- vention Tuesday night. "That's a tpugb act to follow," one White House official observed. "But that often brings out the best in Jimmy Carter." ? The drafting and 'preparation for the speech began slit weeks ago when a memorandum soliciting ideas was cir- culated to the senior White House staff. Several planning sessions involving top aides followed, but the process of "composition by committee," as one aide described it today, Was arrested by the sudden disclosures of Billy Car- ter's connections with Libya. "The Billy thing stopped the speech- drafting cold," one White House offi- cial said. The President and his senior advisers turned to the chore of sifting their phone logs and records to prepare the long statement issued 10 days ago. The drafting then resumed and Mr. Carter spent much of last weekend at Camp David editing a version written by Hendrick Herzberg, his chief speech writer. The President continued mak- ing changes in the text until late yester- day afternoon. .- ? After his 30-minute jog yesterday, Mr. Carter and his wife, Rosalyn, strolled to the Stage Delicatessen for a breakfast of scrambled eggs, bagels and cream cheese. "The bagels Were good," Mr. Carter said with a grin as be emerged shortly after 10 A.M. ? At midday, he addressed some 800 people at a $500a-plate luncheon in the Grand Ballroom of the Plaza for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee. Obviously in a good mood, Mr. Car- ter used the opportunity to take a few swipes at his Republican opponent. "We're going to have some problems with actors this year, but I don't think too much," he said. "They're quick to learn and they need to learn new lines. I noticed some of the posters in the con- vention that said, 'What is parity? and Who Is Giscard d'Estaing?'" Asked- later if the joke about Mr. Reagan's acting background wasn't a bit vicious for someone who had prom- ised to conduct an "issue-based" cam- paign, Mr. Strauss told reporters: "The President calling Ronald Reagan an actor is no more vicious than other people calling the President a peanut farmer." The New York Times/Marilynn IC. Yee Members of the Minnesota delegation celebrating last night after Vice Presi- dent Mondale's name was placed in nomination. Bi ennedy Was Prepared Days Ago to Back Carter But He Held Out, Aides Report, to Pursue Platform Issues and Nomination Hopes ? By B. DRUMIVIOND AYRES Jr. extensive give-and-take on the jobs issue in meetings between the camps on Wednesday. AS recounted by the' aides, the meetings ? there were three ? were mostly for an exchange of view, with no talkI of compromise. # Senator Edward M. Kennedy appar- ently was prepared before arriving at the Democratic convention to support President Carter in the likely event the President won renomination, Kennedy aides saidyesterday. But the Massachusetts challenger was determined to press his candidacy, the aides reported, as long as possible in the hope of winning platform conces- sions, if not the nomination. The aides, who asked not to be identi- fied, said Mr. Kennedy had never flatly told them his ultimate strategy. "But," one added, "there was a cer- tain inevitability of support for the President, a sense of it, knowing the Senator and given the fact of Ronald Reagan, the fact that the Senator's brother Jack had led the party and the fact that the Senator and his family 1,1 been involved in the party for so long. "He used his leverage," the aide said. "Once that was done, that ,was it. Then you had another responsibility." Perhaps the biggest question left unanswered after last night was how much campaigning Mr. Kennedy might do for Mr. Carter and how hard he might go at it. Top Kennedy and Carter aides said late yesterday that the mat- ter had not been discussed. But a Ken- nedy confidant said there was a possi- bility the two men might meet and 'ap- pear together as early as next Thurs- day, when Mr. Carter is to address the American Legion's national convention in Boston. Mr. Kennedy first toned down his Criticism of the President last week- end, after arriving in New York on Friday and delivering a harsh anti-Car- ter blast. By Wednesday, when he had lost a crucial rules fight and withdrawn his candidacy but was still fighting for platform concessions on Federal jobs programs, he was assuring the Presi- dent that he would not harshly criticize the ultimate shape of the platform. "He sent word that he thought the President was making a mistake that would hurt in Novemher," a Kennedy aide reported. "But word also was sent that the Senator would not be 'strongly negative' about the platform, whatever 'the outcome of the fight." Aides for both sides said there was no Paul Kirk; the Senator's top political strategist, was said to have informed Hainliton Jordan, Mr. Carter's top 'political strategist, that the Senator was convinced that the delegates would feel slighted if the President disavowed or did not fully support the jobs plank' passed by the convention. Mr. Jordan was said to have replied with position papers 'outlining the President's eon; cern about heavy Federal spending in times of economic distress. Midway thniugh the negotiatioAs, representatives of organized labor, - eluding Lane Kirkland, president et the. A.F.L.-C.I.O., and Douglas A. Fraser', president of the United Auto Workers, p for the concern to both sides airortit possible watering down of suppo the jobs plank. The Carter Position wap then modified, but not enough to keep the Senator from sending final Wor that he was "at best, disappointed,'!' A Sense of Trouble Brewing Early Wednesday, as the conven on worked toward ending its platten* deliberations, Mr. Kennedy ordered, his speech writers to draft two statements ? one Outlining concern about the jobs, , issue and leaving open the question of Mr. Kennedy's support for Mr. Carter in the fall, and another statement, much more cryptic than the first,:cOn- gratidating the President on renomina, tion, endorsing the platform and term- ing defeat of Ronald Reagan, the Re- publican nominee, "imperative." ' An hour or so later, with the nornma- ; don process under way, the SenatoOr- dered release of the seccind stateraent and sent word to the convention thatpe wanted one of his representatives, to move that Mr. Carter be renominaTd by acclamation. His aides said later that he had acted when he sensed that some of his delegates were becoming fractious and might cause trouble end headlines proclaiming that the Ken-; nedy campaign had been divisive pd - obstructionist to the very end. The New York Tines/ Teresa Zabala President Carter being congratulated Wednesday night by Esther Peterson, consumer adviser. With them were from left Margaret and Charles H Kirbo Robert S Strauss campaign head, and Mayor Thomas Bradley of Los Angeles. P Insider at the White House Walter Frederick Mondale By STEVEN R. WEISMAN Special to The New York Times WASHINGTON, Aug. 14 -- Since the Presidential campaign began last Sep- tember, he has visited 36 states, trav- eled 125,000 miles, given 210 speeches, attended 150 receptions and meetings and held more than 225 news confer- ences, interviews and edi- _ , :Man tonal sessions ? all in be- in the half of President Carter. , ?News paign speeches, he tells voters that if they "do what I know you're going to do ? re- nominate Jimmy Carter?just to show you how much we appreciate what ? you've done for him, your party and your country, we're going to give you a gift: We're going to throw Walter F. Mpndale in free! No charge!" With this sort of exuberance, Vice President Mondale has toiled this year for Mr. Carter while making clear that he is also working for himself. Asa politician who once counted him- self among the band of openhearted liberals in the Senate and as a close ally and friend of Senator Edward M. Ken- nedy of Massachusetts, Mr. Mondale ? this year found himself preaching President Carter's gospel of fiscal re- straint and military preparedness. , He has played a key role helping to sell, Mr. Carter's policies to disen- chanted colleagues and pushing for lib- eral approaches within the White House. In the process he has achieved greater influence in the Administration than perhaps any other Vice President in recent history. Mr. Carter has proclaimed Mr. Mon- dale his full partner in many policy At the end of the cam- areas, and so have more neutral ob- servers, including many in Congress and labor unions. ? It was Mr. Mondale who worked with Douglas A. Fraser, president of the United Automobile Workers, to fashion a package to save the Chrysler Corpo- ration and aid the automobile inchistry. It was Mr. Mondale who advised Mr. Carter last spring to oppose a budget compromise worked out in Congress that would have contained sharp in- creases in military spending. And he was the first member of the Adminis- tration to call for a boycott of the Olym- pic Games in Moscow this summer. In 1976, when he was a Senator, from Minnesota, Mr. Mondale withdrew as a Presidential candidate because, he said, he did not have the "overwhelm- ing desire to be President which is es- sential for the kind of campaign that is required." 'You Could Have It Both Ways' More recently, as Mr. Mondale was selling the Carter Administration to disaffected Democrats, the President's tumble in public opinion polls contin- ued and some Democrats suggested Mr. Mondale as an alternative. Indeed, a New York Times/CBS News Poll found last week that Mr. Mondale trailed Ronald Reagan by 12 percentage points, while Mr. Carter trailed by 20 i)oints, a finding that seemed to bear out the feelings of these party professionals. "I think if the Carter ship goes down, Mondale may survive," Representa- tive Morris K. Udall, the liberal pemo- crat from Arizona, said la".year. "He's 'a figure arougd whom 'people ? could rally. You could have it both ways ? not turn your back on the Car- ter-Mondale Administration. But here's a guy in good with labor, blacks, educators." As recently as a couple weeks ago, , Mr. Mondale found that he had to ask supporters to drop their effort to draft him for the nomination. If there was ever a Mondale boomlet in this political season, it seethe s to have had a genesis in the tension at the White House a year ago, when relations between the Vice President and the President ? and, more precisely, be- tween their staffs were at a low I point. This period followed President Car- ter's "domestic summit" a,t Camp David, Md., in which he conferred with a range of public figures and emerged to call for Americans to heave off their "crisis of confidence" and join in a cru- sade to conserve energy. Mr. Mondale was not in Vashington then and was indeed conspicuous by his absence. But it became clear in subse- quent weeks that he personally thought little of the idea of addressing the prob- lem of lines at gasoline stations by talk- ing of crisis of the American spirit. The internal tension that arose then dissipated, however, as Mr. Mondale began campaigning for Mr. Carter's renomination. "If anything, the role which I'm permitted to play in the Car- ter Adeinistration is broadening and deepening," he asserted last Decem- ber. ?- ? . As it had before, that role gives him unlimited access to every officiardocu- , Continued on Page B4 'all nity: Facing the Alternatives By STEVEN Rachel Fulton took a long time to give up. She voted for Senator Edward M. Kennedy Wednesday night, then argued for his cause yesterday morning at a meeting of, the, Iowa delegation. But when the meeting was Over, Mrs. Fulton was convinced. "I'm disappointed," said the _delegate from Water- ville, Iowa, "but we'll be a unified party in the fall. I will work for the Democratic Party, And now I'll vote for President Carter." Mrs. Fulton paused, her face Set in a sad smile. "I never thought I'd ever say that," she said. "It took a lot'of soul-searching." Many Kennedy partisans thought they would never support President Carter, and even now their backing is generally reluctant, lukewarm. Even the President's own supporters at this convention seldom describe him as a great, or even as a good, President. ? The Reagan Influence and Unity But as the Democratic convention drew to a close yesterday, it was clear that the single most important fig- ure in New York this week watched the proceedings on television at his home in California. Ronald Reagan, the Republican nominee, has done far more to unify the Democrats than anyone else. ' "I can't say I'm fanatically euphoric about Carter's track record," said Scott Bartlett, a Kennedy delegate from Eugene, Ore. "But we have no choice. We don't ? want a blood-letting that will give this country to Ronald Reagan." , , At the same time, many Kennedy delegates were al- ready looking ahead to 1984 and the expected battle against Vice President Mondale for the Presidential nomination that year. And they saw their support for the ticket this year as an investment in the future. "If the Kennedy people don't work their butts off this time," said Francis McQuade, an official of the Demo- cratic National Committee, "a lot of practical politicians ? will sit on their hands the next time." In fact, if Mt. Reagan dominated this convention, the forgotten man might be Vice President Mondale, whose V. ROBERTS name was barely mentioned all week before his renomi- nation last night. Senator Kennedy's speech Tuesday night stirred appreciation even from the Carter camp, and many of the President's delegates agreed with Thomas Carney of Pittsburgh, who said: "I can see Ken- nedy as the most powerful Democratic candidate in 1984. He walked out a gentleman." Some Kennedy delegates, of course, refused to recon- cile themselves. Many of them joined the nomination bat- tle because they thought Mr. Carter had been "a lousy President," as Ron Mershart of Wisconsin put it, and the week's events had not changed their minds. "Carter hasn't established any support among liber- als," groused Bill Kraus of San Francisco. "There's no emotional support for him at all. If people do end up vot- ing for him, it's only because they're afraid of Reagan" ? What's the alternative? "That's the problem," Mr. Kraus said. "I don't want Anderson because of his labor record, so I have nowhere to go. But I'm tired of having to support someone just because the alternative is worse. Carter has banked on the liberals having to do that, and I resent that." ? But yesterday was a time for swallowing resent- ment, and a little pride along with it. The delegates were not leaving here inspired or exalted, but they seemed ready for a grim, scrappy fight. t "Taken on balance, Carter's been a pretty go President, but it will be hard to sell him,' said Bru Hagen, a Carter delegate' from Devils Lake, N.D. "A -times, he's his own worst enemy. He doesn't promote or project the image lie should project." Senator George Mitchell of Maine, who was ap- pointed-to the Senate seat vacated by Edmund S. Muskie when he became Secretary of State, came up with what could be the motto of this convention when he said, "Life presents us with imperfect alternatives." Looking back on the Administration of the man theY had just renominated, most delegates at the convention Continued on Page B5 Approved For Release 2010/06/28: CIA-RDP90-00552R000101020074-8