TEXT OF CARTER'S SPEECH ACCEPTING RENOMINATION AT THE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION
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Approved For Release 2010/06/28: CIA-RDP90-00552R000101020074-8
THE NEW YORK TIMES, FRIDAY. AUGUST 15, 1980
emocrats 80
Text of Carter's Speech Accepting Renomination at the Democratic Convention
By United Press International
Following is the text of President Carter's speech to the Democratic National
Convention last night accepting its nomination for President:
- Fellow Democrats, fellow citizens:
, I thank you for the nomination you
ha.ire offered me. And I especially
ffianIE you for choosing as my running
mate' the best partner any President
has ever had ? our first and only
choice ? Fritz Mondale.
With gratitude and with determina-
ticiri) I accept your nomination.
' I am proud to run on a sound and pro-
..., ,
gre,ssive platform.
?Fritz and I will wage a campaign
that defines the real issues, a campaign
tiat'respects the intelligence of the
American people, a Campaign that
/Nis Sense ? and we are going to whip
the Republicans in November.
We will win because we are the party
of the great President who knew how to
get re-elected -- Franklin D. Roose-
velt.
,-,We are the party of a courageous
fighter who knew how to "give 'ern
*11' ? Harry Truman. As Truman
,sai.d he just told the truth and the Re-
publicans thought it was hell.
We are the party of a gallant man of
7,?spirit ? John F. Kennedy. And a leader
'of compassion ? Lyndon Johnson. And
a big-hearted man who should have
13een President and would have been
-the: of the greatest Presidents of all
'11Me.,? Hubert Humphrey. And we are
the party of Gov. Jerry Brown and Sell.
Edward M. Kennedy. "
Lei Me say a personal word to Sena-
* Kennedy.
I-Ted, you're a tough competitor and a
aiiPerb campaigner ? I can attest to
that., Your speech before this conVen-
port, was a magnificent statement of
. what the Democratic Party has meant
the people of our country ? and why
a Democratic victory is so impartant
this year. I reach out tonight to you and
to those who supported you in your val-
iant and passionate campaign.
,
concern for "what will happen to the
country we have known."
This is such a time ? and I tell you,
that the choice to be made this year can
transform both our personal lives and
the life at our country. ' - -- -
During the last Presidential cam-
paign, I criss-crossed our country and
listened to many people ? housewives
and farmers, teachers and small-busi-
ness leaders, workers and students, the
elderly and the poor ? people of every
race and background and walk of life.
It was a powerful experience? a total
immersion in the vast human reality of
America.
I have now had another kind of total
immersion ? being President of the
United States. Let me talk for a mo-
ment about what that job is like ? and
what I have learned from it.
I have learned that only the Most
complex and difficult tasks end up in
the Oval Office. No easy answers are
found there, because no easy questions
come there.
I have learned that for a President
experience is the best guide to right
decisions. I am wiser tonight than I was
four years ago.
I have learned that the Presidency is
a place of compassion. My own heart is
burdened for troubled Americans. The
poor, the jobless and the afflicted ?
they have become part of me. My
thoughts and prayers for our hostages
in Iran are as though they were my own
sons and daughters.
The life of every human being on
earth can depend on experience, judg-
ment and vigilance of the person in the
Oval Offfice. The President's power for
building and his power for destruction
? are awesome. And that power is great-
est exactly where the stakes are high-
est ? in matters of war and peace.
I , have learned something else ?
something that I have come to pee with
Ted, your party needs ? and I need extraordinary clarity. Above all, I
-?7, your idealism and dedication work- must look ahead ? because the Presi-
mg for us. There is no doubt that even dent of the United States is the steward
greater service lies ahead of you ? and of the nation's destiny.
we are grateful to have your strong He must protect our children ? and
?parMership now in the larger cause to the children they will have ? and the
which your own life has been, dedicat- children of generations to follow. He
ed. must speak and act for them. That is
We're Democrats. We have had our his burden? and his glory.
911.ffeiTences, but we share a bright vi- And that is why a President cannot
so n of 4merica's future ? a vision of yield to the short-sighted demands of
good life for all our people ? a vision of special interests, no matter how rich or
a
secure nation, a just society, a peace- powerful they are. That is why the
? ful ,world, a strong America ? confi- President cannot bend to the passions
'debt and proud and united. of the moment, no matter however
Forty years ago, President Franklin popular they may be. That is why the
Roosevelt Said that there are times in President must sometimes ask for sac-
'our history when concerns over our rifice when his listeners would rather
personal lives are overshadowed by our hear the promise of comfort.
The Election's Importance
The, President is the servant of today.
But his true constituency is the future.
Thal is whY thin election of 1980 is so
important
Some have said it makes no differ-
mice', what happens in this election.
r:They are wrong.
This election is a stark choice be-
-rtween two men, two parties, two
sharply different pictures of America
' the world. But is is more than that.,
e ?
it is a choice between two futures,
fyi-,be year 2000 is less than 20 years away
just four Presidential elections after
e this One. Children born this year will
cerne of age in the 21st century.
The time to shape the world of the
year, 2000 is now. The decision of the
.:?:peiit few years will steer our course--
erbaps an irreversible course ? and
the most important of all choices will
it, be made by the American people at the
palls less than three months, from to-
The choice could not be more clear ?
nor' the consequences more crucial.
In one of the futures we can choose?
the' future we have been building to-
gether ? I see security, justice and
-f4.1'peace.
I see a future of economic security
security that will come from tapping
1-;Ciitir OW/1 great resources of oil and gas,
e, Mal and sunlight ? and from building
tools, technology and factories for a'
revitalized economy based on jobs and
stable prices for all.
I see a future of justice ? the justice
of good jobs, decent health care and
quality education, and the full oppor-
tunity of all people regardless of color
or language or religion; the simple
human justice of human rights for all
men ? and for all women, guaranteed
equal rights at last ? in the Constitu-
tion of the United States.
I see a future of peace ? a peace born
of wisdom and based on fairness to-
ward all the countries of the world ? a
peace guaranteed both by American
military strength and by American
moral strength.
That is the future I want for all peo-
ple ? a future of confidence and hope
and a good life. It is the future America
must choose ? and with your help and
your commitment it is the future Amer-
ica will choose.
But there is another possible future.
In that other future, I see despair ?
the despair of millions who would have
to struggle for equal opportunity and a
better life? and struggle alone.
I see surrender ? the surrender of
our energy future to the merchants of
oil; the surrender of our economic fu-
ttu-e to a bizarre program of massive
tax cuts for the rich; massive service
cuts for the poor; and maSsive inflation
for everyone.
I see risk ? the risk of international
After Mixups and Missed Cues,
:: Carey Vows to Help Carter Win
Continued From Page Al
offered a statement on this fall's election
,:that did not need additional interpreta-
pon.
:F's-Despite the tensions that have existed
between the Democratic Governor and
-*?: President, Mr. Carey said he would
be on the podium at the convention to
Arm his support when Mr. Carter ac-
'4,Pted his party's nomination.
-I'Myan s are going to be sore," the
h d '
vernor told reporters after the midaft-
,,,prItoon Meeting, which was held at Presi-
dent Carter's request. "I'm going to be
applauding at every appropriate point in
this speech."
Earlier in the day Mr. Carey sent his
regrets to a fund-raising luncheon at the
Plaza Hotel, where president Carter was
the featured speaker, and his absence led
some speculation that he was continu-
ing to distance himself from the Presi-
dent. many politicians believe Mr. Carey
Do long harbored his own Presidential
,ambitions, the Governor went so far as to
meet last fall with financial and political
advieks to assess hia chances.
?But Mr. Carey's press secretary, Mi-
0140 Patterson, insisted that at the time
or Yesterday's luncheon, held to raise
money for Democratic candidates for
qongress, Mr. Carey was at his summer
hbine on Shelter Island, L.I., and no slight
fkthe President was intended.
Nevertheless, the Governor's absence
inade cormicuous by Mayor Koch,
he' asked that the Governor stand and
"Where are you, Hugh?" the Mayor
dsked, then wisecracked: "Maybe he's
looking for a car." He was referring to an
incident on Wednesday when the Gover-
nor missed traveling from the West 30th
Street Heliport to the Sheraton Centre in
President Carter's limousine. Some aides
speculated that Governor Carey was
s,nubbing President Carter, others that
Mr. Carter was snubbing Mr. Carey, and
others that it was simply a mixup.
Mayor Koch, who is known for his imp-
ish ways, said later that he had been un-
aware of the absence of Mr. Carey from
the luncheon, and was not trying to em-
barrass him.
A Carey aide said Mr. Carter had tele-
phoned Mr. Carey on Shelter Island on
Wednesday night and invited him to yes-
terday's meeting at the Sheraton Centre,
where the President is staying. The
President was said also to have smoothed
over any misunderstanding over the heli-
port limousine incident.
The Governor said he did not view the
efforts for an open convention or the chal-
lenges to the President's economic plat-
form as having been detrimental to the
Democratic Party.
"It was a good, rousing Democratic
battle on the issues," Mr. Carey said.
"Out of this is going to come a party that
knows it has a fight ahead."
Asked whether he thought that would
be a problem, given the unity shown by
the Republicans in Detroit, Mr. Carey re-
plied: `Why shouldn't they be united?
They all belong to the same country
clubs."
He said that in his efforts for Mr. Car-
ter, he expected Senator Edward M. Ken-
nedy to work with him, "as we have since
1960."
Business Day helps you stay ahead
Associated Press
President Carter with his wife, Rosalynn, at a delicatessen in New York
confrontation; the risk of an uncontrol-
lable, unaffordable and unwinnable nu-
clear arms race.
No. one, Democrat or Republican,
consciously seeks such a future: I do
not claim that my opponent does. But I
do question the disturbing comitnients
and policies already made by him and
by those with him Who have already
captured control of the Republican:
Party.
The consequences of those commit-
ments and policies would drive az down
the wrong road. It is up to all of us tci
make sure America rejects this alarm-
ing, even perilous, destiny.
The only way to build a better future
is to- start with the realities of the
present But while we Democrats grap-
ple with the real challenge of a real
world, there is talk about a world of tin-
sel and make-believe.
Let's look for a moment at theft;
make-believe world.
In their fantasy America, inner city
people, farm workers and laborers are
forgotten. Women, like children, are tO
be seen but not heard. The problem's of
working women simply do not exist.
The elderly do not need Medicare. The
young do not need more help for a bet-
ter education. Workers do not require
the guarantee of a healthy and safe
place to work.
In their fantasy wbrld, all the com-
plex global changes since World War II
have never happened. In their fantasy
America, all their problems have sim-
ple solutions. Simple? and wrong.
It is a make-believe world of good
guys and bad guys, where some politi-
cians shoot first and ask questions
later.
No hard choices. No sacrifice. No
tough deciosns. It sounds too good to be
true ? and it is.
The path of fantasy leads to irrespon-
sibility. The path of reality leads to
hope and peace. The two paths could
not be more different. Nor could the
futues to which they lead. Let's take a
hard look at the consequences of our
choice.
Adrninistration'-s Military Record
You and I have been working toward
a secure future by rebuilding our mili-
tary strength ? steadily, carefullly
and reponsibly. The Republicans talk
about military strength, but they were
in office for eight out of the last 11 years
and in the face of a growing Soviet
threat they steadily cut real defense by
more than a third.
We have reversed the Republican de-
cline in defense. Every year since I
have been President we have made
real increases in our commitment to a
stronger defense ? increases which
are prudent and rational.
There is no doubt that the United
States can meet any threat fom the
Soviet Union. Our modernized strate-
gic forces, a revitalized NATO, the Tri-
dent submarine, the Cruise missile, the
Rapid Deployment Force ? all these
guarantee that we will never be second
to any nation. Deeds, not words ? fact,
not fiction.
We must and will continue to build
our own defenses. We must and will
continue to seek balanced reductions in
nuclear arms.
The new leaders of the Republican
Party, in order to close the gap between
their rhetoric and their record, have
now promised to launch an all-out nu-
clear arms race. This would negate any
further chance for a mutual and bal-
anced reduction in nuclear weapons.
There can be no winners in such an
arms race ? and all the people on earth
could be the losers.
The Republican nominee advocates
abandoning arms control policie%
which have ben supported by every
Democratic President since Truman
and every Republican President since
Eisenhower. This radical and irrespon-
sible course would threaten our se-
curity and could put the world in peril.
You and I must never let this come to
pass.
It is simple to call for a new arms
race. But when armed aggression
threatens world peace, tough-sounding
talk is not enough. A president must act
?responsibly.
When Soviet troops invaded Afghani-
stan, we moved quickly to take action. I
suspended some grain sales to the
Soviet Union, called for a draft regis-
tration and, joined whole-heartedly by
the Congress and the U.S. Olympic
Committee, led more than 60 other na-
tions in boycotting the big Soviet propo-
ganda show ? the Moscow Olympics.
? The Republican , leader opposed two
of these forceful but peaceful actions
and waffled on the third. But when
asked what he would do about aggres-
sion in Southwest Asia, he suggested
blockading Cuba. Even his running
mate could not go along with that.
He does not seem to know what to do
with the Russians. He is not sure if he
wants to feed them, play with them, or
fight with them.
Foreign Policy Developments
As I look back at my first term, I am
grateful that we have had for our coun-
try a full four years of peace. And that
is what we want for the next four years
?peace.
It is only common sense that if Amer-
ica is to stay secure and at peace, we
must encourage others to be peaceful
as w11.
We have helped in Zimbabwe, Rho-
desia, where we stood firm for racial
justice and democracy. And we have
helped in the Middle East. Some have
criticized the Camp David acccords
and delays in the implementation of the
Middle East peace treaty.
Before I became president there was
no Camp David accord and there was
no peace treaty. Before, Israel and
Egypt were poised across barbed wire,
confronting each other with guns and
tanks and planes. Afterward, they
talked face to face with each other
across a peace table, and now they also
communicate through their own am-
bassadors in Cairo and Tel Aviv.
That is the kind of future we Demo-
crats are working to bring to the Mid-
dle East
I am proud that fully half of the aid
that our country has given Israel in the
32 years of her existence has come dur-
ing my administration. Unlike our
Republicn predecessors, we have never
stopped or slowed that aid. And as long
as I am president, we will not do so.
Our commitment is clear: security and
peace for Israel, peace for all the peo-
ples of the Middle East.
If the world is to have a future of
peace as well as freedom, America
must continue to defend human rights.
The new Republicans leaders oppose
our human rights policies. They want
to scrap it.
They seem to think it is naive for
America to stand up for freedom and
democracy. Just what do they think our
country should stand for?
Ask the former polictical prisoners
who now live in freedom if we should
abandon our stand on human rights.
Ask the dissidents in the Soviet Union
? about our commitment to human
rights.
Ask the Hungarian-Americans, the
Polish-Americans. Listen to Pope John
Paul II.
Ask those who are suffering for the
sake of justice and liberty around the
world.
Ask the millions who have fled tyr-
anny if America should stop speaking
out for American principles.
Ask the American people. As long as
I am President, we will hold high the
banner of human rights.
Here at home, the choice between the
two futures is equally important.
In the long run, nothing is more cru-
cial to our future than energy ? and
nothing was so disastrously neglected
in the past. ,
Long after the 1973 Arab oil embar-
go, the Republicans in the White House
had still done nothing to meet this
threat to our nation's security. Then, as
now, their policy was dictated by the
big oil companies.
We Democrats fought bard to rally
our nation behind a comprehensive
energy program, a new foundation for
challenging and exciting progress.
?
Now,Ifter three yeari-of siruggle we
have that program.
The battle to secure America's
energy future has been fully and finally
joined. Americans have cooperated
with dramatic results. We have
reversed decades of dangerous and
growing dependence on foreign oil.
We are now importing 20 percent less
oil. That is 1.5 million barrels less
every day than when I first took office.
And now with our new energy policy fi-
nally in place, we can discover more,
produce more, create more, and con-
serve more energy ? and we will use
American resources, American tech-
nology and millions of American work-
ers to do it.
What do the Republicans propose?
Basically their energy program has
two parts.
The first part is to get rid of almost
everything we have accomplished for
the American public over the last three
years. They want to reduce or abolish
the synthetic-fuels progrm. They want
to slash the solar energy incentives, the
conservation programs, aid to mass
transit, and aid to the elderly to help
pay fuel bills.
They want to eliminate the 55-mile
speed limit, and while they are at it, the
Republicans would like to gut the Clean
Air Act. They never liked it to begin
With.
That's one part to their program. The
other part is worse.
To replace what we have built, here
is what they propose: to destroy the
windfall profits tax, and to "unleash"
the oil companies and let them solve
the energy probem for us.
That's it. That is their whole pro-
gram. There isn't any more.
Can this nation accept such an outra-
geous program? No! We Democrats
will fight it every step of the way.
When I took office, I inherited a
heavy load of serious economic prob-
lems besides energy ? and we have
met them head-on. We have slashed
government regulation and put free en-
terprise back into the airline, trucking
and financial systems of our country,
and we are now doing the same for the
railroads.
This is the greatest change in the
relationship between business and gov-
ernment since the New Deal. We have
increased our nation's exports dramat-
ically. We reversed the decline in basic
research and development. We have
created more than eight million new
jobs, the biggest three-year increase in
history.
But the road has been bumpy, and
last year's skyrocketing OPEC oil
prices helped to trigger a worldwide
inflation crisis.
We took forceful action, and interest
rates have now fallen, the dollars is
stable and, although we still have a bat-
tle on our hands, we are struggling to
bring inflation under control.
We are now at a critical turning point
in our economic history. Because we
made the hard decisions, because we
guided our eonomy through a rough but
essential period of transition, we have
laid the groundwork for a new eco-
nomic age.
Our economic renewal program for
the 1980's will meet our immediate
need for jobs by attacking the very
same long-term problems that caused
unemployment and inflation in the first
place. It will move America simulta-
neously towards our five great eco-
nomic goals ? lower inflation, better
productivity, revitalization of Ameri-
can industry, energy security, and
jobs.
It is time to put all America back to
work ? not in make-work, but in real
work.
. There is real work in modernizing
American industry and creating new
industries for America.
Here are just a few things we will
build together:
4INew industries to turn our coal and
shale and farm products into fuel for
our cars and trucks, and to turn the
light of the sun into heat and electricity,
for our homes.
qA modern transportation system of
railbeds and ports to make American
coal into a powerful rival of OPEC oil.
IlIndustries that will provide the con-
venience of communications and futur-
istic computer technology to serve mil-
lions of American homes, offices and
factories.
gJob training for workers displaced
by economic changes.
411New investment pinpointed in re-
gions and neighborhoods where jobs
are needed most.
cl Better mass transit in our cities and
between them.
ClAnd a whole new generation of
American homes and vehicles and
buildings that will house us and move
us in comfort ?on a lot less energy.
I have no doubt that the ingenuity
and dedication of the American people
can make every single one of these
things happen. We are talking about
the United States of America ? and
those who count this country out as an
econornic superpower are going to find
out how wrong they are.
We will share in the exciting enter-
prise of making the 1980's a time of
growth for America.
The Republican alternative is the
biggest tax giveaway in An his-
tory. They call it Reagan-Kemp-Roth. I
call it a free lunch Americans cannot
afford. ?
The Republican tax program offers
rebates to the rich, deprivation to the
poor and fierce inflation to the rest of
us. Their party's own Vice-Presidential
nominee said that Reagan-Kemp-Roth
would mean an inflation rate of more
than 30 percent. He called it "voodoo
economics." He suddenly changed his
mind toward the end of the Republican
convention, but he was right' the first
time.
Along with this gigantic tax cut, the
new Republican leaders promise to
protect retirement and health pro-
grams and to make massive increases
in defense spending.
If they are serious about these prom-
ises ? and they say they are ? then a
close analysis shows that the entire
rest of the government would have to
be abolished -- everything from educa-
tion to farm programs to the G.I. Bill to
the night watchman at the Lincoln Me-
morial. And the Federal budget would
still be in the red.
Approved For Release 2010/06/28: CIA-RDP90-00552R000101020074-8
-
The only alternative would be to
build more printing presses to print
cheap money. Either way the Ameri-
can people lose. But the American peo-
ple won't stand for it.
The Democratic Party has always
embodied the hope of our people for jus-
tice, oportunity, and a better life. We
have worked in every way Sq,,
strengthen the American family, to ed-
courage self-reliance, and to follow the::
Old Testament admonition: "Defen-d
the poor and fatherles: do justice to the
afflicted and needy." (Psalms 82: 3.).'s
We have struggled to assure that no
child in America goes to bed hungry?,
* that no elderly couple lives in a Pub:,
standard home, and that no young per-
son is excluded from college becaupt -
the family is poor. ? '
What have the Republicans pro,:
posed? Just an attack on almost ever-
achievement in social justice and de: - -
cency we have won in the last 50 years,
? since Franklin Roosevelt's ? first:
terin. They would make Social Security
voluntary. They would reverse our,
progress on the minimum wage, fuj
employment laws, safety in the wor
place and a healthy environment.
Lately the Republicans have been;
quoting Democratic Presidents ? but ?
who can blame them? Whom would yon,
rather quote ? Herbert Hoover ay ,
F.D.R.? Richard Nixon or John F. Ken r,
nedy?
The Republicans have always been,
the party of , privilege, but this yeas
*their new leaders have gone even fur-,
ther. In their platform, they have re-.
pudiated the best traditions of their,;
own party. ?;
s
Where is the conscience of Lincoln fa':,
the party of Lincoln? What has become
of the traditional Republican belief ib
fiscal responsibility? What has hap,
pened to their commitment to safe an
sane arms control? ?
? foi
I do not claim perfection for tli
Democratic Party. I do not claim that'
every decision we have made has beeri
right or popular. Certainly they have
not all been easy. But I will say this:
We have been tested under fire. We:-
have neither ducked nor hidden. We
have tackled the great, central issties-
in our nation, the historic challenges of,.
energy and peace which had been
nored for years. We have made tough,:
decision and we have taken the heat for:.
them. We have made mistakes, and we
have learned from them. Now we have.
built the foundation for a better futur,,
We have done something else -At,-
something perhaps even more imporp.,
tant. In good times and bad, in the val-
leys and on the peaks, we have told the?,
people the truth ? the hard truth
that truth that sometimes hurts. ?
The truth is that we Americans have;
earned our dream of progress and
peace. Look at What our land has been
through just within our own memory 3--
a great Depression, a World War, a
technological explosion, the civil right-S.-,
revolution, the bitterness of Vietnam,
the shame of Watergate, the twiligit
-'peace of nuclear terror. ? - -
Through each of these momento`
experiences we have learned some., -
thing about the world and about onn.7
selves. We have matured and grown
stronger as a nation.
We have learned the uses and the
limits of power. We have learned tha,
beauty and the responsibility of free,
dom. We have learned the value ant:
the obligation of justice ? and we have
learned the necessity of peace.
Some would argue that to master
these lessons is somehow to limit oilt
potential. That is not so. A nation which
knows its true strengths, sees its ti-tie
challenges, understands legitimate
constraints ? that nation ? our natiOA'
? is far stronger than one which takes
refuge in wishful thinking or nostalgi4,
The DemocKatic Party ? and the
American people ? have understood
these fundamental truths.
All of us can sympathize with the de,
sire for easy answers. There is often
the temptation to substitute icilC
? dreams for hard reality.
The new Republican leaders are hop,
ing that this year America will give in
to that temptation. But they profoundly
misunderstand the character of the
American people.
Three weeks after Pearl Harbor)
Winston Churchill came to Norib
America ? and said:
"We have not journeyed all this way
across the centuries, across the oceans)
across the mountains, across the
prairies because we are made of sugar
candy."
We Americans have courage. -
Americans have always been on the
cutting edge of change. We have if-
ways looked forward with anticipation,
and confidence. I still want what all of
you want ? self-reliant neighborhoods
and strong families; Work for the able-
bodied and good medical care for the
sick; opportunity for our youth and dig-
nity for the old; equal rights and justice
for all our people.
I went teachers eager to explain
what a civilization really is ? and stu-
dents to understand their own needs
and their own aims, but also the needs
and yearnings of their neighbors. I
want women free to pursue without
limit the full life they want for them-
selves.
I want our farmers groWing crops to
feed the nation and the world, secure,in
the knowledge that the family farm
will thrive and with a fair return on the
work they do for all of us. I want work-
ers to see meaning in the labor they
perform ? and work enough to guaran-
tee a job for every worker. I want peo-
ple in business to be bold and free to
pursue new ideas. I want minority citi-
zens fully to join the mainstream of
American life, and I want the blight. of
discrimination forever wiped away
from our land.
Join me in the fulfilling of that vision.
The choice ? the choice between
two paths to the future -- could not :be
more clear. If we succumb to a worldnf
fantasy we will wake up to a night-
mare. But if we start with reality and
fight to make our dream a reality ?,11
Americans will have a good life, a life
of meaning and purpose in a natton
strong and secure.
Above all, I want us to be what Ale
founders of our nation meant us to
De-
come ? the land of freedom, the land of
- peace, the land of hope.
Approved For Release 2010/06/28: CIA-RDP90-00552R000101020074-8
g CW'Utt!iti.MVO
FWIDAY, AUGUST 1.5, 1980
-
Coigbtf5 1981:1The New York Times
Democrats '80
e President Steps Out
partake of New York
While Aides Worry About the Big Speech,
Carter Jogs and Eats a Deli Breakfast
BY TERENCE SMITH
At 6:30 yesterday Morning a sandy-
haired man in a T-shirt and running
shorts stepped out of a limousine near
Columbus Circle and set off with two
companions on a gentle jog through
'Central Park. two women out for an
' early morning run .did a double take
and convulsed into giggles as the Presi-
' dent of the United States passed by
with a wave.
? Six hours after his renomination at
the ,.13erriocratic convention, Jimmy
Carter was taking some time to enjoy
Ne* York as a tourist. He had break-
fast at the, Stage Delicatessen, ad-
dressed a glittering lunch gathering at
the Plaza Hotel and reluctantly passed
up a planned visit to the Picasso exhibi-
tion at the Museum of Modern Art to
piit the finishing touches on his accept-
ance speech.
Before going to bed the night before,
Mr. Carter received a phone call in his
blue-carpeted, 21st-floor suite at the
Sheraton Centre Hotel from the man he
, will confront on the campaign trail this
fall, Ronald Reagan.
"They had a nice conversation," re-
called Robert S. Strauss, the Carter
campaign chairman, who was with the
President at the time.
"I heard the President say: 'Thanks,
you were great to call and I appreciate
it very much. I hope we'll be able to
fake the campaign to the country on an
issue basis so the people can make up
their minds about us.'" Mr. Strauss
added that "both men want very much
M conduct a campaign on the issues
rather than personalities."
Tension Among Aides
' -Although the President had some
- free time yesterday, there was almost
- palpable tension building among his
top aide? as he prepared for his accept-
, ?awe speech.
- Its5"4 a Very important speech for
?TliiirtiY?' Carter a senior aide said.
He wants to set the tone for the cam-
paign lay out his rationale for a second
term and put the primary season be-
hind him.'
' The President's aides were also
keenly aware of Senator Edward M.
Kennedy's rousing reception at the con-
vention Tuesday night. "That's a tpugb
act to follow," one White House official
observed. "But that often brings out
the best in Jimmy Carter." ?
The drafting and 'preparation for the
speech began slit weeks ago when a
memorandum soliciting ideas was cir-
culated to the senior White House staff.
Several planning sessions involving
top aides followed, but the process of
"composition by committee," as one
aide described it today, Was arrested
by the sudden disclosures of Billy Car-
ter's connections with Libya.
"The Billy thing stopped the speech-
drafting cold," one White House offi-
cial said. The President and his senior
advisers turned to the chore of sifting
their phone logs and records to prepare
the long statement issued 10 days ago.
The drafting then resumed and Mr.
Carter spent much of last weekend at
Camp David editing a version written
by Hendrick Herzberg, his chief speech
writer. The President continued mak-
ing changes in the text until late yester-
day afternoon. .- ?
After his 30-minute jog yesterday,
Mr. Carter and his wife, Rosalyn,
strolled to the Stage Delicatessen for a
breakfast of scrambled eggs, bagels
and cream cheese.
"The bagels Were good," Mr. Carter
said with a grin as be emerged shortly
after 10 A.M.
? At midday, he addressed some 800
people at a $500a-plate luncheon in the
Grand Ballroom of the Plaza for the
Democratic Congressional Campaign
Committee.
Obviously in a good mood, Mr. Car-
ter used the opportunity to take a few
swipes at his Republican opponent.
"We're going to have some problems
with actors this year, but I don't think
too much," he said. "They're quick to
learn and they need to learn new lines.
I noticed some of the posters in the con-
vention that said, 'What is parity? and
Who Is Giscard d'Estaing?'"
Asked- later if the joke about Mr.
Reagan's acting background wasn't a
bit vicious for someone who had prom-
ised to conduct an "issue-based" cam-
paign, Mr. Strauss told reporters:
"The President calling Ronald Reagan
an actor is no more vicious than other
people calling the President a peanut
farmer."
The New York Times/Marilynn IC. Yee
Members of the Minnesota delegation celebrating last night after Vice Presi-
dent Mondale's name was placed in nomination.
Bi
ennedy Was Prepared
Days Ago to Back Carter
But He Held Out, Aides Report, to Pursue
Platform Issues and Nomination Hopes
? By B. DRUMIVIOND AYRES Jr.
extensive give-and-take on the jobs
issue in meetings between the camps
on Wednesday. AS recounted by the'
aides, the meetings ? there were three
? were mostly for an exchange of
view, with no talkI of compromise.
#
Senator Edward M. Kennedy appar-
ently was prepared before arriving at
the Democratic convention to support
President Carter in the likely event the
President won renomination, Kennedy
aides saidyesterday.
But the Massachusetts challenger
was determined to press his candidacy,
the aides reported, as long as possible
in the hope of winning platform conces-
sions, if not the nomination.
The aides, who asked not to be identi-
fied, said Mr. Kennedy had never flatly
told them his ultimate strategy.
"But," one added, "there was a cer-
tain inevitability of support for the
President, a sense of it, knowing the
Senator and given the fact of Ronald
Reagan, the fact that the Senator's
brother Jack had led the party and the
fact that the Senator and his family 1,1
been involved in the party for so long.
"He used his leverage," the aide
said. "Once that was done, that ,was it.
Then you had another responsibility."
Perhaps the biggest question left
unanswered after last night was how
much campaigning Mr. Kennedy might
do for Mr. Carter and how hard he
might go at it. Top Kennedy and Carter
aides said late yesterday that the mat-
ter had not been discussed. But a Ken-
nedy confidant said there was a possi-
bility the two men might meet and 'ap-
pear together as early as next Thurs-
day, when Mr. Carter is to address the
American Legion's national convention
in Boston.
Mr. Kennedy first toned down his
Criticism of the President last week-
end, after arriving in New York on
Friday and delivering a harsh anti-Car-
ter blast. By Wednesday, when he had
lost a crucial rules fight and withdrawn
his candidacy but was still fighting for
platform concessions on Federal jobs
programs, he was assuring the Presi-
dent that he would not harshly criticize
the ultimate shape of the platform.
"He sent word that he thought the
President was making a mistake that
would hurt in Novemher," a Kennedy
aide reported. "But word also was sent
that the Senator would not be 'strongly
negative' about the platform, whatever
'the outcome of the fight."
Aides for both sides said there was no
Paul Kirk; the Senator's top political
strategist, was said to have informed
Hainliton Jordan, Mr. Carter's top
'political strategist, that the Senator
was convinced that the delegates would
feel slighted if the President disavowed
or did not fully support the jobs plank'
passed by the convention. Mr. Jordan
was said to have replied with position
papers 'outlining the President's eon;
cern about heavy Federal spending in
times of economic distress.
Midway thniugh the negotiatioAs,
representatives of organized labor, -
eluding Lane Kirkland, president et the.
A.F.L.-C.I.O., and Douglas A. Fraser',
president of the United Auto Workers,
p for
the
concern to both sides airortit
possible watering down of suppo
the jobs plank. The Carter Position wap
then modified, but not enough to keep
the Senator from sending final Wor
that he was "at best, disappointed,'!'
A Sense of Trouble Brewing
Early Wednesday, as the conven on
worked toward ending its platten*
deliberations, Mr. Kennedy ordered, his
speech writers to draft two statements
? one Outlining concern about the jobs,
,
issue and leaving open the question of
Mr. Kennedy's support for Mr. Carter
in the fall, and another statement,
much more cryptic than the first,:cOn-
gratidating the President on renomina,
tion, endorsing the platform and term-
ing defeat of Ronald Reagan, the Re-
publican nominee, "imperative." '
An hour or so later, with the nornma- ;
don process under way, the SenatoOr-
dered release of the seccind stateraent
and sent word to the convention thatpe
wanted one of his representatives, to
move that Mr. Carter be renominaTd
by acclamation. His aides said later
that he had acted when he sensed that
some of his delegates were becoming
fractious and might cause trouble end
headlines proclaiming that the Ken-;
nedy campaign had been divisive pd -
obstructionist to the very end.
The New York Tines/ Teresa Zabala
President Carter being congratulated Wednesday night by Esther Peterson, consumer adviser. With them were from left Margaret and Charles H Kirbo Robert S Strauss campaign head, and Mayor Thomas Bradley of Los Angeles.
P
Insider at the White House
Walter Frederick Mondale
By STEVEN R. WEISMAN
Special to The New York Times
WASHINGTON, Aug. 14 -- Since the
Presidential campaign began last Sep-
tember, he has visited 36 states, trav-
eled 125,000 miles, given 210 speeches,
attended 150 receptions and meetings
and held more than 225 news confer-
ences, interviews and edi-
_ ,
:Man tonal sessions ? all in be-
in the half of President Carter.
,
?News paign speeches, he tells
voters that if they "do
what I know you're going to do ? re-
nominate Jimmy Carter?just to show
you how much we appreciate what
? you've done for him, your party and
your country, we're going to give you a
gift: We're going to throw Walter F.
Mpndale in free! No charge!"
With this sort of exuberance, Vice
President Mondale has toiled this year
for Mr. Carter while making clear that
he is also working for himself.
Asa politician who once counted him-
self among the band of openhearted
liberals in the Senate and as a close ally
and friend of Senator Edward M. Ken-
nedy of Massachusetts, Mr. Mondale
? this year found himself preaching
President Carter's gospel of fiscal re-
straint and military preparedness. ,
He has played a key role helping to
sell, Mr. Carter's policies to disen-
chanted colleagues and pushing for lib-
eral approaches within the White
House. In the process he has achieved
greater influence in the Administration
than perhaps any other Vice President
in recent history.
Mr. Carter has proclaimed Mr. Mon-
dale his full partner in many policy
At the end of the cam-
areas, and so have more neutral ob-
servers, including many in Congress
and labor unions. ?
It was Mr. Mondale who worked with
Douglas A. Fraser, president of the
United Automobile Workers, to fashion
a package to save the Chrysler Corpo-
ration and aid the automobile inchistry.
It was Mr. Mondale who advised Mr.
Carter last spring to oppose a budget
compromise worked out in Congress
that would have contained sharp in-
creases in military spending. And he
was the first member of the Adminis-
tration to call for a boycott of the Olym-
pic Games in Moscow this summer.
In 1976, when he was a Senator, from
Minnesota, Mr. Mondale withdrew as a
Presidential candidate because, he
said, he did not have the "overwhelm-
ing desire to be President which is es-
sential for the kind of campaign that is
required."
'You Could Have It Both Ways'
More recently, as Mr. Mondale was
selling the Carter Administration to
disaffected Democrats, the President's
tumble in public opinion polls contin-
ued and some Democrats suggested
Mr. Mondale as an alternative.
Indeed, a New York Times/CBS
News Poll found last week that Mr.
Mondale trailed Ronald Reagan by 12
percentage points, while Mr. Carter
trailed by 20 i)oints, a finding that
seemed to bear out the feelings of these
party professionals.
"I think if the Carter ship goes down,
Mondale may survive," Representa-
tive Morris K. Udall, the liberal pemo-
crat from Arizona, said la".year.
"He's 'a figure arougd whom 'people
?
could rally. You could have it both
ways ? not turn your back on the Car-
ter-Mondale Administration. But
here's a guy in good with labor, blacks,
educators."
As recently as a couple weeks ago,
, Mr. Mondale found that he had to ask
supporters to drop their effort to draft
him for the nomination.
If there was ever a Mondale boomlet
in this political season, it seethe s to have
had a genesis in the tension at the
White House a year ago, when relations
between the Vice President and the
President ? and, more precisely, be-
tween their staffs were at a low I
point.
This period followed President Car-
ter's "domestic summit" a,t Camp
David, Md., in which he conferred with
a range of public figures and emerged
to call for Americans to heave off their
"crisis of confidence" and join in a cru-
sade to conserve energy.
Mr. Mondale was not in Vashington
then and was indeed conspicuous by his
absence. But it became clear in subse-
quent weeks that he personally thought
little of the idea of addressing the prob-
lem of lines at gasoline stations by talk-
ing of crisis of the American spirit.
The internal tension that arose then
dissipated, however, as Mr. Mondale
began campaigning for Mr. Carter's
renomination. "If anything, the role
which I'm permitted to play in the Car-
ter Adeinistration is broadening and
deepening," he asserted last Decem-
ber. ?- ? .
As it had before, that role gives him
unlimited access to every officiardocu-
,
Continued on Page B4
'all
nity: Facing the Alternatives
By STEVEN
Rachel Fulton took a long time to give up. She voted
for Senator Edward M. Kennedy Wednesday night, then
argued for his cause yesterday morning at a meeting of,
the, Iowa delegation. But when the meeting was Over,
Mrs. Fulton was convinced.
"I'm disappointed," said the _delegate from Water-
ville, Iowa, "but we'll be a unified party in the fall. I will
work for the Democratic Party, And now I'll vote for
President Carter."
Mrs. Fulton paused, her face Set in a sad smile. "I
never thought I'd ever say that," she said. "It took a lot'of
soul-searching."
Many Kennedy partisans thought they would never
support President Carter, and even now their backing is
generally reluctant, lukewarm. Even the President's
own supporters at this convention seldom describe him as
a great, or even as a good, President. ?
The Reagan Influence and Unity
But as the Democratic convention drew to a close
yesterday, it was clear that the single most important fig-
ure in New York this week watched the proceedings on
television at his home in California. Ronald Reagan, the
Republican nominee, has done far more to unify the
Democrats than anyone else. '
"I can't say I'm fanatically euphoric about Carter's
track record," said Scott Bartlett, a Kennedy delegate
from Eugene, Ore. "But we have no choice. We don't
? want a blood-letting that will give this country to Ronald
Reagan." , ,
At the same time, many Kennedy delegates were al-
ready looking ahead to 1984 and the expected battle
against Vice President Mondale for the Presidential
nomination that year. And they saw their support for the
ticket this year as an investment in the future.
"If the Kennedy people don't work their butts off this
time," said Francis McQuade, an official of the Demo-
cratic National Committee, "a lot of practical politicians
? will sit on their hands the next time."
In fact, if Mt. Reagan dominated this convention, the
forgotten man might be Vice President Mondale, whose
V. ROBERTS
name was barely mentioned all week before his renomi-
nation last night. Senator Kennedy's speech Tuesday
night stirred appreciation even from the Carter camp,
and many of the President's delegates agreed with
Thomas Carney of Pittsburgh, who said: "I can see Ken-
nedy as the most powerful Democratic candidate in 1984.
He walked out a gentleman."
Some Kennedy delegates, of course, refused to recon-
cile themselves. Many of them joined the nomination bat-
tle because they thought Mr. Carter had been "a lousy
President," as Ron Mershart of Wisconsin put it, and the
week's events had not changed their minds.
"Carter hasn't established any support among liber-
als," groused Bill Kraus of San Francisco. "There's no
emotional support for him at all. If people do end up vot-
ing for him, it's only because they're afraid of Reagan"
? What's the alternative? "That's the problem," Mr.
Kraus said. "I don't want Anderson because of his labor
record, so I have nowhere to go. But I'm tired of having to
support someone just because the alternative is worse.
Carter has banked on the liberals having to do that, and I
resent that."
? But yesterday was a time for swallowing resent-
ment, and a little pride along with it. The delegates were
not leaving here inspired or exalted, but they seemed
ready for a grim, scrappy fight.
t "Taken on balance, Carter's been a pretty go
President, but it will be hard to sell him,' said Bru
Hagen, a Carter delegate' from Devils Lake, N.D. "A
-times, he's his own worst enemy. He doesn't promote or
project the image lie should project."
Senator George Mitchell of Maine, who was ap-
pointed-to the Senate seat vacated by Edmund S. Muskie
when he became Secretary of State, came up with what
could be the motto of this convention when he said, "Life
presents us with imperfect alternatives."
Looking back on the Administration of the man theY
had just renominated, most delegates at the convention
Continued on Page B5
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