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nitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 NONUAI - Ig83 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Directorate of Intelligence Countries, 1982 and 1983 Soviet and East European Economic Assistance Programs in Non-Communist Less Developed Seeret GI 84-10182 November 1984 Copy 4 3 6 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Directorate of Secret Intelligence Countries, 1982 and 1983 Soviet and East European Economic Assistance Programs in Non-Communist Less Developed Development This paper was prepared by Office of Global Issues. This paper has been coordinated with the Department of State, the Defense Intelligence Agency, and the Agency for International Instability and Insurgency Center, OGI~ Comments and queries are welcome and may be directed to the Chief, Subversion Analysis Branch, Secret GI 84-10182 November 1984 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Secret Soviet and East European Economic Assistance Programs in Non-Communist Less Developed Summary Information available as of 14 September 1984 was used in this report. Countries, 1982 and 1983 In the past three decades, the USSR and Eastern Europe have provided nearly $40 billion in economic credits and grants to non-Communist less developed countries. In tandem with military assistance, the USSR and its allies have used their economic aid programs to try to replace Western influence in LDCs, to expand Soviet trade, and to gain access to strategic raw materials. Initially, the USSR gave preference to emerging states that were following a noncapitalist path of development. In the 1960s the program was broadened to include almost any country willing to accept aid. Today more than 70 countries have accepted economic aid from the USSR or its allies. Soviet economic aid since 1954 has never had the dramatic impact of the military program. It has been far more modest-totaling about $27 billion, as compared with $83 billion for the military. Moreover, the Soviet economic program has been small by international standards. Moscow's disbursements to LDCs over the past few years have accounted for less than 3 percent of all international aid, compared with a US share of nearly 25 percent. Despite the large number of countries which have received Communist economic aid, the program is focused on a few countries along the Soviet border and in the Middle East; Arab and South Asian countries account for two-thirds of Soviet pledges. East European countries, follow- ing a similar pattern in their programs, also have concentrated on Arab and Asian recipients. Since the start of the 1980s, most Soviet and East European economic credits have carried somewhat harder terms. This reflects Communist attempts to minimize the costs associated with the program. The agree- ments increasingly, for example, call for repayment in hard currency, oil, and other strategic materials. Grants now go almost exclusively to Marxist LDCs such as Afghanistan and Ethiopia. Consequently, the spread between liberal official Western development aid and Communist aid terms has increased. Still, the new Communist credits provide cheaper funds than Western market financing and have enabled Communist countries to compete successfully with Western bidders on lucrative LDC development contracts. Moreover, the Soviets have been more willing than other aid donors to build the large industrial establishments demanded by LDCs, sometimes with little economic justification. 111 Secret GI 84-10181 November 1984 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 During the past few years, personnel exchanges have become an increas- ingly important part of Warsaw Pact relations with LDCs, and have provided good financial and political returns. Nearly 125,000 Soviet and East European economic project specialists and professionals were in LDCs in 1983, and nearly 15,000 LDC students departed for academic training in Warsaw Pact institutions. The technical services and academic training programs have been broadly based, and Communist countries have person- nel agreements with 110 countries, 34 of which have not accepted other forms of Communist aid. At present, the LDCs employ more than 40,000 Soviet project specialists and professionals. Originally, LDCs financed the services of Soviet person- nel under aid agreements. Now, aside from a few doctors and teachers provided on a grant basis, the USSR charges $40,000 to $70,000 a year for each of its specialists. Most are located in oil-producing LDCs, which can pay in hard currency. Because of a skilled labor shortage at home, Moscow is very reluctant to send civilian personnel to LDCs unless they earn foreign exchange. The academic training program has the potential for significant political payoffs for the Kremlin. In some countries, mostly in Africa and Latin America, it is Moscow's only ongoing activity. Nearly 100,000 students from LDCs have attended Soviet universities and technical schools since the mid-1950s. In Soviet-oriented LDCs, including Afghanistan and Ethiopia, the USSR has available 15,000 local graduates of Soviet military or academic programs who can at least speak Russian even if they do not sympathize with Soviet goals. 25X1 J Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret Economic Technical Services: A Growth Industry 6 The Caribbean and Central America: The Newest Assistance Program 17 South America: Pursuing New Opportunities 20 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Figure 1 Warsaw Pact: LDC Economic Aid Programs Economic Aid in Billions of US $ USSR Extensions 4.0 Aid credits Trade credits 3.S Grants 3A Thousands of Persons Economic technicians in LDCs USSR 120 EastEuropean 100 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret Soviet and East European Economic Assistance Programs in Non-Communist Less Developed Countries, 1982 and 1983 I: Trends in Soviet and East European Economic Assistance' Economic assistance has been an important element in Soviet foreign policy in LDCs since Moscow pro- vided its first aid to a few Asian neighbors in the mid- 1950s. The USSR has used its aid program to: ? Create and maintain stable ties with LDCs. ? Demonstrate a continuing commitment to countries that have a chosen socialist path to development. ? Secure resources for its own and East European economies. The Soviet economic aid program has been successful in gaining increased access to the LDCs for Moscow through placement of Communist personnel in key countries, expanded access to strategic commodities, growing hard currency earnings, and, in some cases, increased trade dependency. In addition, economic aid ' The data on economic agreements reflect the latest information available and supersede information in our previous publications. They are derived from a variety of sources For the purpose of this report, the term ommunist countries refers to the USSR and the following countries of Eastern Europe: Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Hungary, Poland, and Romania. We have also included data on Cuban economic aid extensions to LDCs, because Cuba frequently acts in concert with Warsaw Pact countries and generally supports their political goals through its aid program. The term less develope ic s includes all countries of Africa except the Republic of South Africa; all countries of East Asia except Hong Kong and Japan; Malta, Portugal, Greece, and Spain in Europe; all countries in Latin America except Cuba; and all countries in the Middle East except Israel. Data include about $50 million in aid to Kampuchea and Laos, which became Commu- nist in 1975 and are reported on for prior years for historical reasons. The term Marxist clients refers to countries that consider themselves Marxist and that rely primarily or entirely on Commu- nist military support to maintain their power. They are Afghani- stan, Angola, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Nicaragua, and South Ye- men. i m e aid context, the terms agreements, commitments, and extensions refer to pledges to provide goods and services, either on deferred payment terms or as grants. Assistance is considered to have been extended when accords are initialed and constitute a formal declaration of intent. For economic aid, credits with repay- ment terms of five years or more are included. These credits are designated as "trade credits" if amortization is less than 10 years. The terms drawings and disbursements refer to the delivery of has sometimes led to other relations, including mili- tary assistance; access to ports, repair facilities, and airfields in LDCs; and an expanded political presence in some countries through the provision of high-level advisers to ministries responsible for economic affairs. The Record on Commitments Since the start of the 1980s, the Soviet Union has pledged almost $6.5 billion of economic aid to non- Communist LDCs. After a severe dropoff in 1981 and 1982, the program recovered in 1983 when total new 25X1 commitments approached $2.3 billion. The earlier decline may have reflected a retrenchment made necessary because of increasing demands from all of Moscow's aid recipients. Along with the resumption of the historic level of commitments in 1983, a distinct tier system for countries receiving Soviet aid has materialized. Key elements are: ? Larger amounts of grant aid and commodity sup- port for Marxist clients. ? Occasional lenient long-term credits for a few tradi- tional partners. ? Expanding use of trade credits for the majority of LDC recipients Support to Marxist Clients. Moscow made nearly $1.6 billion in new economic commitments during 25X1 1982 and 1983 to the Marxist LDCs, bringing total Soviet economic pledges to this group of countries to nearly $5.6 billion over the past three decades (table 1). In 1982, almost all new Soviet commitments went to them. For Afghanistan, Ethiopia, and South Ye- men, the USSR and its allies have almost completely 25X1 displaced bilateral Western aid donors, although sig- nificant multilateral funds continue to flow to all but Afghanistan. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Table 1 USSR: Economic Aid Extended to Non-Communist LDCs a Total M S arxist Non-M tates States arxist Total 26,699 5 ,557 21,142 1954-77 13,501 1 ,988 11,513 1978 3,002 94 2,908 1979 3,749 530 3,219 1980 2,588 1 ,168 1,420 1981 580 218 362 1982 965 890 75 1983 2,314 668 1,646 Of which: Algeria Ethiopia Syria Afghanistan India 140 Pakistan 275 Recent Soviet economic aid agreements with client states have contained some unusual features: ? A $400 million credit to Angola in 1982 for a hydropower project (extended under a 1982 frame- work agreement that could eventually provide $2 billion in financing) calls for Brazil's participation in construction of the Capanda dam and powerplant, the first instance of a Soviet joint venture with an LDC in a third country. ? The $170 million in aid to Ethiopia financed oil purchases from the USSR for 1983. Moscow has never before underwritten oil purchases by a non- Communist country. ? The $165 million credit extension to Nicaragua provided some $50 million for technical services and project studies, for which Moscow usually requires hard currency on a cash basis. These agreements were politically and strategically motivated and will provide few economic returns in the form of raw materials or foreign exchange, which the USSR usually seeks in its aid agreements. Only the Angolan agreement offers Moscow the prospect of breaking even financially. Such aid, however, deepens LDC ties with the USSR and opens opportunities for Moscow to extract concessions such as port and air facilities in Ethiopia and access to petroleum and strategic materials in Angola and Mozambique. In the case of Nicaragua, Moscow is supporting the first viable Latin American Marxist regime since Cuba changed governments in 1959. This aid also repre- sents the price Moscow must pay to retain its influ- ence in these states. Commitments to Non-Marxist LDCs. Aid to this group consists principally of long-term credits used to finance major development projects and trade credits to facilitate the purchase of Soviet goods. Trade credits are the most vigorous and fastest growing element of the Soviet economic program in these countries (table 2). Both categories essentially dried up in 1982 as extensive project studies and contract negotiations dragged on with a number of recipients; in 1983, of the $1.6 billion of total Soviet economic aid commitments to non-Marxist LDCs, $1.1 billion represented trade credits to recipients with long- established political, military, or business ties with the Kremlin.' Among the major allocations were: ? $325 million to Syria for thermal power plant construction and commercial aircraft acquisition. ? $200-400 million to Greece for an alumina plant. ? $275 million to Pakistan for a thermal power plant. ? An estimated $250 million to Algeria for railroad construction. The actual value of these. credits could be much higher. ? Credits in the $70-80 million range to Argentina, Bangladesh, and Bolivia for equipment purchases. ' Our figure for Soviet trade credits in 1983 is probably understated because we have been unable to ascertain the scope of Soviet credits J 25X1 25X1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Secret Table 2 USSR: Trade Credits to a In addition to tightening credit terms, Moscow also has moved to broaden its participation in the imple- mentation of projects undertaken in non-Marxist Non-Communist LDCs states. Moscow is 25X1 getting more extensively involve in turnkey projects, Total Extended Trade Credits Total 26,699 4,975 1954-73 9,275 980 1974 815 5 1975 1,970 205 1976 1,005 290 1977 435 1978 3,002 225 1979 3,749 1,200 1980 2,588 640 1981 580 285 1982 965 50 1983 2,314 1,095 The allocations in 1983 underlined the near-commer- cial nature of Soviet development activities in this group of countries. About $1.1 billion of the new credits carried 10-year repayments with interest rang- ing from 4 to 6 percent. These terms, assuming a grace period, barely meet standards for aid as defined by the international community.' Although Western donors also expand exports by tying some aid funds to procurement from the donor country, the USSR is devoting almost all of its financing for non-Marxist LDCs to promote sales of Soviet equipment. The proportion of these export-type credits in new Soviet pledges has grown steadily in the 1980s. Moreover, many of the agreements that Moscow concludes with non-Marxist states call for payback in raw materials: the 1983 credit to Greece for an alumina plant will be paid for in alumina. Others are payable in hard currency. ' Western aid donors use a "grant element" as a common basis for comparing the concessional nature of aid programs under different terms of repayment. A 100-percent grant element is an outright gift, while a 12-year, 2.5-percent loan with a 25-percent grant element qualifies as official development assistance under mini- under which the USSR manages all phases of project implementation, including letting subcontracts, hiring local labor, arranging for local materials supply, and the provision of equipment and supervisory technical services. Turnkey construction generally is more effi- cient in LDCs than Moscow's more traditional tech- nique of supplying only equipment and technicians to supervise installation and startup operations. It also requires a far more extensive technical presence. According to the Soviet magazine Foreign Trade, turnkey activity accounted for 45 percent of the volume of Soviet assistance in 1982, compared with only 15 percent in 1975 The East European Program Our information about East European contracts with LDCs is extremely fragmentary. In many instances 25X1 we cannot determine whether a contract is a straight commercial deal or one involving East European aid to the Third World country involved in the transac- tion. In 1982 and 1983, some $3.5 billion in East European-LDC contracts fell into this uncertain area. These contracts include: ? A $185 million Bulgarian contract with Syria for petroleum gas development. ? A $130 million Czechoslovak credit to Syria for a gas treatment plant and pipeline. ? A $100 million Czechoslovak agreement with Iraq to reclaim 13,000 hectares of desert land. ? A $1.5 billion Romanian contract to build houses in Algeria. ? A $1 billion Bulgarian contract with Syria for further gas development. ? A Romanian agreement to assist Turkey with a $500 million power plant.F__1 25X1 At least some of these deals may in fact have provided some aid. So far, however, we are able to identify only about $950 million in new East European deals with Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Moscow has become more concerned about its inter- national image as an aid donor. For the first time in 1982, the USSR responded to criticism by Western countries and LDCs of its meager aid performance. At the July 1982 meeting of the UN Economic and Social Council, the Soviet Ambassador to the United Nations announced that net Soviet aid disbursements to LDCs in the period 1976-80 amounted to 30 billion rubles ($40-45 billion at average annual exchange rates), and accounted for 1.3 percent of Soviet GNP in 1980. According to our estimates, Soviet gross disburse- ments could have reached at least half of the claimed level if, in addition to some $3 billion in aid to non- Communist LDCs, Moscow also included the follow- ing components: ? More than $13 billion of aid to Cuba (most of it in the form of subsidies that do not conform to international definitions of aid). ? $3.4 billion of aid to Vietnam. ? $4.0 billion to other Asian Communist LDCs. ? Up to $1 billion for academic assistance to all Third World countries. LDCs in 1982/83 that clearly constitute aid pledges (table 3). Although most East European countries have preferred to provide the bulk of their assistance to wealthier LDCs to promote hard currency exports, two-thirds of East European 1983 aid commitments went to Marxist states. These countries have rarely accounted for more than 25 percent of annual East European pledges, and overall they account for just over 10 percent of total pledges. East Germany, whose aid program has traditionally been driven by its own political interests-especially the desire to establish its worldwide status and legiti- macy vis-a-vis West Germany-made the best show- ing in 1982 and 1983 with more than $300 million in ? Several billion dollars in grant technical assistance subsidies (the difference between what the USSR charges and what Western technicians performing similar services would receive) to Communist and non-Communist LDCs. It is probable that the Soviets placed an unreasonably high value on their technical services and included unsettled trade deficits and possibly even military debt rollovers in their claimed aid totals. Our esti- mates show that the aid the USSR claims for 1980 would account for about 1.4 percent of national income or about 1 percent of GNP, as measured by the West. We believe, however, that net aid is sub- stantially lower than the Soviet estimate. In addition to carrying hard terms for most non- Communist recipients, the USSR's aid is narrowly focused. Of the estimated $23.6 billion in Soviet economic aid disbursements between 1976-80, 85 percent went to the USSR's Communist allies outside the Warsaw Pact, and another 4 percent went to Marxist LDCs such as Angola, Ethiopia, Mozam- bique, and South Yemen. Since 1981, more than 90 percent of the USSR's estimated $16.4 billion of aid to both Communist and non-Communist developing nations has gone to Communist LDCs and other Soviet client states. new commitments (table 4). More than 70 percent ($220 million) of its new aid pledges were directed to countries targeted for special attention by the War- saw Pact-Grenada, Mozambique, and Nicaragua. Because of its longstanding policy of aiding "frater- nal" states, East Germany has responded more will- ingly than other East European states to Moscow's call for both political and material support to Marxist clients; it accounts for more than half of East Europe- an pledges to them-chiefly to Ethiopia, Nicaragua, and Mozambique. Furthermore, Bulgaria devoted 0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret Table 3 Eastern Europe: Economic Aid Extended to LDCs a Total Marxist States 13,120 1,567 1954-77 7,883 239 1978 1,598 417 1979 646 95 1980 1,322 192 1981 723 173 1982 1983 nearly 60 percent ($87 million) of its new aid to Marxist states in 1982 and 1983; Czechoslovakia directed about 70 percent ($48 million) to these countries. Among the East European allocations to other LDCs, Romania made the largest single commitment-$250 million to Bangladesh as a second tranche of a $500 million credit to finance projects in virtually every area of Dhaka's public sector. Always sensitive to the question of maximizing benefits to its own economy, Romania has consistently refused to devote aid re- sources to Marxist clients who cannot afford repay- ment. Other East European donors made allocations in the $50 million range to traditional clients. Poland did not conclude any new development agreements with LDCs; potential recipients are concerned that Warsaw cannot meet contract obligations because of domestic political and economic problems. The Record on Disbursements Soviet and East European aid disbursements reached a record $1.8 billion in 1983, driven by Soviet deliver- ies of nearly $1.3 billion (table 5). Major recipients of Soviet aid in 1983 included: ? Ethiopia, with $235 million of oil and project assistance. ? Afghanistan, with more than $200 million in com- modities and other assistance. Table 4 Eastern Europe: Economic Aid Extended to Non-Communist LDCs, 1982 and 1983 a 560 388 52 95 21 47 101 205 125 10 261 30 ? Nigeria, which received an estimated $150 million of steelmaking equipment for the Ajaokuta project. ? Pakistan, whose Karachi steel plant absorbed $110 million of equipment. The high level of Soviet disbursements reflects Mos- cow's unprecedented volume of grant commodity sup- port to Marxist states-over $300 million in 1983. This type of aid is delivered very quickly, compared with project assistance that may be disbursed over a decade or more. Afghanistan has been the largest beneficiary, receiving commodity shipments to help stabilize the regime. Ethiopia also has required petro- leum subsidies and shipments under credit because of foreign exchange shortages. It is likely that Soviet support is even more extensive than we know. For example, we do not include possible budgetary sup- port to South Yemen, whose annual trade deficit with Moscow has been in the $100 million range for the past three years. Moscow may be deferring (or possi- bly excusing) Aden's annual trade settlements. Recent East European disbursements of close to $500 million in 1983 regained the levels of the mid-1970s after three sluggish years that generally coincided with the outbreak of the war between Iran and Iraq 25X1 25X1 25X1 25X1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP9O-00596RO01100020001-0 Table 5 USSR and Eastern Europe: Economic Aid Deliveries to Non-Communist LDCs Million US $ Table 6 Economic Technicians in Non-Communist LDCs, 1983 a USSR Eastern Europe Total Deliveries Of which: Grants 1979 574 30 305 1980 812 306 298 1981 853 198 384 1982 1,162 152 485 Total USSR Eastern Europe 124,470 41,085 83,385 69,155 11,625 57,530 17,870 11,315 6,555 40 15 25 1,365 515 850 28,125 10,465 17,660 7,840 7,150 690 (where major East European development programs were in progress) and the troubles in Poland. The acceleration of Bulgarian and East German deliveries to Nicaragua and Mozambique under recent agree- ments were responsible for much of the increase. Economic Technical Services: A Growth Industry A key feature of Soviet and East European economic aid to LDCs continues to be extensive technical support. A record 124,500 Warsaw Pact economic technicians were posted to 74 LDCs in 1983-50 percent more than in 1980. The programs are focused on a few clients-particularly Algeria, Iraq, and Libya-with more than three-fourths of all techni- cians working in Middle Eastern and North African oil-producing states that pay hard currency or oil for services (table 6). About 15,000 were in countries that have received large amounts of Soviet development aid, such as India, Syria, and Turkey. Another 15,000 were in Marxist states and were employed under a mix of terms that ranged from hard currency pay- ments for Angola and Mozambique to deferred charges under development credits to Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Nicaragua, and South Yemen. We estimate that Soviet and East European hard currency earnings from their economic technical serv- ices programs have been close to $2 billion annually in the past few years-as much as $500 million for USSR and $1.5 billion for Eastern Europe. Even the poorest African states, such as Guinea and Mali, must remit half of the charges for Soviet services in hard currency from their very limited foreign exchange reserves; the requirement causes considerable friction in their relationships with Moscow. The balance is paid in local currency or goods. The Soviets charge $40,000 to $70,000 annually for technicians, based on their skills and seniority, while East European coun- tries charge up to $80,000 a year. Communist coun- tries, which originally provided services at bargain rates, recently have brought technicians' salaries clos- er to Western levels. Academic Programs: Showing Continued Dynamism The number of students from non-Communist LDCs being trained in Soviet and East European academic institutions grew to more than 90,000 in 1983 (table 7). Nearly 15,000 of these students were enter- ing Communist universities for the first time. Afghan- istan, whose educational system is being revamped along Marxist lines by Communist educational plan- ners, had 11,000 nationals in the USSR and Eastern Europe under agreements signed in 1980. Jordanians 0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP9O-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret Table 7 Academic Students From LDCs in Training, December 1983 a USSR Eastern Europe Total 56,070 34,785 North Africa 3,355 1,940 Sub-Saharan Africa 17,915 12,645 East Asia 60 35 Europe 15 20 Latin America 7,590 2,975 As a payoff, they hope to establish ties to persons who may eventually obtain influential positions in their home countries. East 25X1 European countries also hope to establish lasting relationships with LDC nationals who they can use to promote business relations. The Soviet program has been showing some success. One of the members of the ruling Directorate in Nicaragua is a Soviet graduate, according to the US Embassy in Managua. Other Soviet-trained LDC officials include four cabinet ministers, three sub- cabinet directors, several ambassadors, and thousands of government bureaucrats, professors, and doctors. Some are willing to serve Soviet ends. For example, the new Soviet-trained geology minister in Zambia is trying to introduce Soviet technicians into the copper industry, an area Moscow has been trying to pene- 25X1 trate for years. made up the second-largest national grouping (8,500) under a large-scale training program that began about five years ago. Some 40 percent of the LDC students in Communist countries were from Africa, dominated by contingents from Marxist nations such as Ethiopia (5,000), Madagascar (2,325), Mozambique (2,775), Algeria (2,350), Congo (1,800), and Angola (1,900). Nigeria was the only moderate African state with a large student population in Communist coun- tries (2,500). The continued popularity of European Communist scholarships stems from the dearth of educational opportunities in most LDCs, as well as from the fact that the Warsaw Pact states cover most expenses, (transportation, room and board, tuition, medical ex- penses, and pocket money) and sometimes accept dubious academic credentials. These scholarships are valued at about $5,000 annually Academic and technical training have long been the most concessional feature of Soviet and East Europe- an aid programs and often represent the only assist- ance provided to some LDCs. We estimate that the Warsaw Pact countries spend the equivalent of $400- 500 million a year to maintain these educational ties. The Program Ahead The Soviet economic aid program seems to be on a dual track. A core effort is devoted to providing financial support for Marxist LDCs. We see no decline in the need for such assistance in the years immediately ahead. Most of these countries have weak economies, and frail linkages to the Western economic system. Consequently, they are becoming increasingly dependent on Soviet largesse. Moscow, however, will not be willing to provide much more funding than it has during the recent peak years. Although the Kremlin would like to minimize the financial drain these countries impose, it does not want to give the impression that it is letting its Marxist allies down. For example, Moscow is study- ing a large hydropower project in Nicaragua, an oil refinery in Angola, and an aluminum plant and 25X1 railroad construction in Mozambique. Some of these contracts could carry 10-year repayment terms The more dynamic element of the Soviet economic aid program will involve Moscow's efforts in non-Marxist LDCs. These countries will receive expanded Soviet credits for their ambitious development plans, as Moscow moves to enhance or protect its presence. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Figure 2 Major Soviet Offers of Aid for Projects in Less Developed Countries (LDCs), 1983 Type of project 0 Nuclear power plant D Heavy industry North Atlantic Ocean Moscow also sees the program as a way to boost hard currency revenues. Indeed, Kremlin officials have recently shown greater interest in export-type devel- opment financing for both old and new non-Commu- nist recipients. In 1982 and 1983 Moscow was negoti- ating 10-year repayment terms for: ? $500 million for electrification and transportation projects in Argentina. ? A $500 million hydropower plant in Mexico. ? A $250 million cement plant in the Philippines. ? A multipurpose dam and power plant in Pakistan that will cost $3.7 billion. The USSR also has recently begun a push to sell nuclear power plant equipment to LDCs. India, Iraq, Morocco, Pakistan, Syria, and Turkey have received Soviet offers for nuclear plants, and Libya may already have concluded a contract. Moscow probably will have to provide substantial financing to clinch these deals, since price tags on this equipment range from $1.7 to $3.5 billion. Because of cast advantages, nuclear power development seems a most promising ? Transportation and communications Boundary representation is not race ..arily authoritative area of the LDC market for the USSR to exploit, if it can convince LDCs that Soviet-made equipment is as reliable and safe as that from Western suppliers. We expect Moscow to bring many of these contract offers to a successful conclusion. They would keep annual Soviet extensions well over the billion-dollar level through the end of the decade. Through these contracts, Moscow will gain: ? Expanded equipment markets, particularly in the Middle East and Latin America. ? Increased hard currency repayments as it phases out amortization in many traditional local agricultural products. ? Strategic raw materials that will alleviate shortages in CEMA countries through aid repayments and associated buyback arrangements. ? Expanded hard currency payments for technical services that accompany development programs. J 25X1 0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret Soviet Credits Still Popular For their part, developing countries continue to seek Soviet development credits for several reasons: ? The USSR still quotes terms that are below market rates for construction financing and that are cheap- er than most Western construction loans. For exam- ple, recent World Bank loans extended for similar projects were repayable over 10 to 15 years at 7.5- to 8.5-percent interest. ? The USSR is willing to finance extensive infrastruc- tural projects in the public sector (completely owned by the state), an area that many of Moscow's recipients are trying to develop. Most loans from the World Bank and associated agencies and the US Eximbank go to the private sector. ? The USSR is willing to accept goods, such as strategic raw materials, in repayment for its loans. Western financial institutions will not do so. ? The USSR has been helped by the debt-related problem in a number of LDCs of securing Western funds for development. East European commitments will probably remain low unless promotion efforts in Arab countries begin to pay off. East European countries are fighting their own poor reputations for product reliability, spare parts supply, and service, as well as a general prefer- ence for traditional suppliers in their attempts to break into Arab (particularly Gulf) markets. One bright note: East European countries stand to gain when the Iran-Iraq hostilities end because both sides have indicated that they will favor supplier bids by East European countries that supported them in the war. Given the deterioration in some East European economies, we do not foresee any more major alloca- tions to Marxist states in the next few years II. Communist Economic Programs: A Regional Analysis Middle East and North Africa: Moscow's Largest Economic Stake Since 1980, the USSR's support of Marxist LDCs has diverted some of its energies away from its important traditional clients in the Middle East and North Table 8 Middle East and North Africa: Economic Agreements With Non-Communist LDCs a Turkey 9 1983 600 50 Algeria 250 Africa (table 8). Nonetheless, Communist economic activities in the area accelerated in 1982 and 1983 with the conclusion of several large new development contracts, including: ? Some $325 million in Soviet credits to Syria for civil aircraft purchases and power development: ? A $1.2 billion ? Soviet contract with Iraq to develop the West Qurnah Oilfields. The Iraqi deal probably involves Soviet credits because of Baghdad's strained finances. ? Multibillion-dollar infrastructure development con- tracts with Algeria and Libya and more than $250 million in financing for Algiers. ? New East European credits-85 million to Egypt from East Germany and Hungary for equipment purchases and $9 million to Turkey from Romania for power equipment. According to the press, the USSR also began prelimi- nary construction work on the joint Khoda Aferin dam on the Soviet-Iranian border and turned over designs for expensive industrial complexes promised to the Shah. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Figure 3 Middle East and North Africa: Economic Credits and Grants Extended by the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, 1954-83 Boundary representation is not necessarily authoritative. More than $1 billion $500 million-1 billion $100-500 million Less than $100 million P.D.R.Y.-PEOPLES DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF YEMEN U.A.E. -UNITED ARAB EMIRATES Y.A.R. -YEMEN ARAB REPUBLIC J Nearly 100,000 Communist economic personnel were employed in the Middle East and North Africa by the end of 1983, almost 80 percent of all Warsaw Pact economic technicians in non-Communist LDCs. Nearly 55,000 technicians were in Libya, which has employed large numbers of East Europeans on devel- opment projects since the early 1970s, nearly 18,000 were in Iran and Iraq, and more than 11,000 were in Algeria. Several conservative governments in the Persian Gulf have appeared more receptive to overtures by Com- munist states in the past two years, possibly because of Kuwait's support for relations with Communist countries. The Saudi Foreign Minister paid a visit to Moscow in February 1982 as a member of an Arab delegation but denied to US officials that the visit moved Riyadh closer to the establishment of diplo- matic ties with Moscow. The smaller Gulf states have received bids from East European countries to partici- pate in development projects, most of which are still pending. Algeria. There has been little discernible change in Algeria's relations with the USSR and Eastern Eu- rope over the past two years. The five-year-old Benje- did government, with its insistence on a neutral political stance and an economic development strategy that emphasizes sophisticated Western technology, has continued to distance itself somewhat from the USSR. Still, relations have been good, and Commu- nist countries were able to close several billion dollars worth of contracts for housing and other projects under Algeria's $100 billion 1980-84 development plan. The USSR provided at least $250 million in new credits to finance construction of the High Plateaus railway. We have no firm information on the terms of other contracts, but open sources report that the USSR is offering 10-year repayment terms on agree- ments that probably run into several hundred million dollars. Projects to be constructed under Soviet con- tracts signed in 1982 and 1983 include: ? Three-fourths of the 1,000-k?llOf Alrar-Hassi R'Mel gas pipeline, for which the USSR is acting as general contractor. ? Four major dams. ? A 500,000-ton-per-year cement plant. Some 6,000 Soviet personnel supported Soviet proj- ects in Algeria in 1983 (the largest Soviet economic contingent in any LDC), and about 1,600 Algerians were being trained in the USSR 0 25X1 25X1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Secret East European countries also emerged as substantial participants in Algerian development, with large agreements in 1982-83 to support Algeria's building boom: ? Bulgaria negotiated a contract to construct a $50 million forklift plant and to send more agricultural experts to work in several provinces. ? East Germany, Algeria's largest East European donor with $375 million in pledges, agreed to build 32 vocational training centers, a teacher training institute, 280 training workshops to accommodate 20,000 students, a cement plant, 30 opthalmology centers, 5,000 housing units, and several more un- identified industrial projects. East Germany also completed an industrial complex at Berrouaghia under a $95 million credit agreement. ? Hungary began work on 4,000 apartment units, 10 poultry farms, and four plants for animal feed, and agreed to supply 8,000 buses, under contracts val- ued at more than $300 million. units, valued at $1.5 billion. Iran. Despite the Ayatollah's continuing suspicions about Soviet intentions toward Iran, the expulsion of 18 Soviet diplomats, and the arrest and public trial of leading Iranian Communists, Tehran's economic rela- tions with the USSR and East European countries improved in 1983. Iran increased oil exports to 160,000 b/d in payment for Communist-supplied commodities and technical support, employed 2,600 Communist technicians at development projects, and exchanged a record $1.3 billion of goods with the USSR. Moscow's heightened project activity was largely re- sponsible for the record $750-800 million in annual Soviet exports to Iran over the past two years. The USSR: ? Accelerated work on the Esfahan power plant. ? Completed a second blast furnace and a rolling mill at the Esfahan steel complex. ? Finished repairs on the war-damaged Ramin power plant. Soviet personnel also worked on grain silos and flour mills, coal mines, and prefabricated housing plants, and began construction of the Khoda Afarin dam and power plant on the Iranian-Soviet border. Moscow presented plans for mining machinery and metal casting plants in Kerman, first agreed to under a billion-dollar prerevolutionary agreement to develop industrial zones in the northern provinces. In contrast, the triangular deal with the Shah to sell Soviet gas to Western Europe in return for Iranian gas shipments to the USSR-in limbo since the Khomeini take- over-died quietly as Iran planned construction of a gas pipeline to Western Europe through Turkey. The USSR remained instrumental in transporting Communist and Western goods overland to Iran. The USSR also instituted tanker service to Baku from the Iranian port of Now Shahr (an arrangement that could also serve West European oil customers) and began the study of possible new transit routes through the USSR to carry cargo to Iran. Tehran's depen- dence on Soviet road and rail links because of Iraqi attacks on Iranian shipping in the Persian Gulf emphasized the weakness of Iran's transportation networks and may result in speedier implementation of Soviet agreements to construct additional rail 25X1 capacity at several border crossing points. According to the press, the Soviets still are periodically forced to turn away cargo for Iran because of severe congestion at the border. The Iranian-East European relationship is still cen- tered on the exchange of Iranian oil for commodities and technical services. Tehran has become heavily dependent on Eastern Europe for medical equipment, supplies, and services to support the war with Iraq. Iraq. Communist participation in Iraq's economy has continued in spite of Iraqi financial strains caused by the four-year-old war with Iran (estimated to cost $700 million a month), and the near cessation of oil shipments to traditional East European importers. Under a $1.2 billion contract signed in 1983 to develop the West Qurnah Oilfields, the USSR is to Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 drill 100 producing wells to shore up Iraq's declining production capacity. We believe the USSR may have provided some credits for this project because of Iraq's deteriorating finances, but press reports have not mentioned financial terms. Some 5,000 Soviet civilian technicians in Iraq worked on several petro- leum transport and storage projects and power and irrigation schemes, the largest of which is the Haditha dam in northern Iraq, designed to produce 570 mega- watts of power. Bulgaria, East Germany, and Romania signed wide- ranging, long-term economic cooperation agreements with Iraq in 1982 and 1983 that call for participation in all economic sectors: ? Czechoslovakia signed a $100 million pact to re- claim 13,000 hectares of land over the next four years and agreed to repair the war-damaged Sala- huddin refinery. ? Hungary, together with a West German firm, will build a $165 million poultry complex, housing for agricultural workers, and a new bus assembly plant. ? Poland, with 9,000 specialists in Iraq, signed a $50 million contract for a ground water survey and began work on 80 transformer stations. ? Romania was awarded a $450 million contract to build a lubricating oil plant and was approached to build a multibillion-dollar oil pipeline through Tur- key to service East European customers. Romania would have to fund the project. The East European development effort in Iraq was supported by more than 10,000 technicians in 1983. Iraq has indicated that it expects to award more and larger contracts to Eastern Europe in appreciation for its support during the war. Libya. Difficulties in meeting hard currency pay- ments for Soviet arms and other Communist debts have dominated Tripoli's economic relations with Communist countries over the past two years. Libya's massive $1.5-2 billion scheduled annual debt payment to the USSR for weapons has been a source of friction between the two countries for several years. Moscow has tried to hold out for hard currency payments as specified in most of Libya's military contracts, but in 1982 it was forced to begin accepting several million tons of Libyan oil annually to prevent a default. The USSR ships most of the oil to West European custom- ers for hard currency, a move Tripoli has protested because it undercuts Libyan sales. Diplomatic sources report that, in spite of the difficulties, the two coun- tries may have agreed in principle in 1983 to sign a long-term friendship treaty that could further formal- ize economic, technical, and military relations. The USSR has also maintained a fairly rapid pace on development projects, with more than 5,000 Soviet technicians in Libya, and was preparing to undertake several new projects, including: ? New power transmission lines. ? An extension of the $3.8 billion Soviet-built Brega- Misratah gas pipeline to al Khums. ? A nitrogen fertilizer plant. ? A chemical complex at Maradah. ? A hospital. Soviet personnel put the finishing touches on the billion-dollar nuclear research laboratory at Tajura, and the USSR, as general contractor for a nuclear power plant at Surt, began to solicit equipment bids from West European and Japanese suppliers. A final contract on the power plant reportedly was expected in mid-1984. Among East European countries, Bulgaria and Roma- nia signed new long-term friendship and cooperation agreements. Libya also used oil shipments to resolve payment problems with Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, and Romania. Libyan obligations to East European countries stem from nearly 50,000 technicians work- ing on development contracts worth several billion dollars. East European countries are active in road and housing construction, agricultural development, and the oil industry. New contracts have been signed with East Germany to construct agricultural and training facilities and with Hungary for railroad design. 25X1 25X1 0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret Morocco. Morocco's relations with Communist coun- tries, always concentrated in the economic sector, remain low key. In spite of the chill over the Polisario issue that has permeated exchanges for the past several years, economic relations with the USSR proceeded at a normal pace. Rabat continued to buy Soviet oil, and the Moroccans awarded the USSR a contract under negotiation since 1978 to build an experimental power station fueled by oil shale. The USSR also completed surveys for the Meskala phos- phate development project, which will be financed with $2 billion in Soviet credits extended earlier, and reportedly contracted to build a superphosphoric acid plant at Jorf Lasfar to supply the Soviet market. In addition, the Soviets agreed in principle in 1983 to begin a feasibility report on a fish processing plant to be supplied under a joint fishing agreement. Moscow's reluctance to move ahead with fisheries development under a 1978 accord has generated considerable acrimony in the relationship between the two coun- tries. Recent East European relations with Morocco were highlighted by Romania's plans for a 1.1-million-ton steel complex at Nador, including blast and oxygen furnaces, a steel bar casting facility, rolling mills, a thermal power plant, and a coke facility. Bulgaria has agreed to finance development of a magnesite mine at Boudkek (probably under a 1979 credit of $45 mil- lion), and Rabat requested $40 million in aid projects from Poland to develop water purification and supply systems in several cities. More than 2,300 East Euro- pean economic personnel were in Morocco in 1983 in connection with an extensive technical services pro- gram that has spanned two decades. Syria. The upgrading of the Syrian-Soviet military relationship in 1983 has been paralleled by new directions in the economic program. The USSR pro- vided $325 million in new financing for several pro- jects and by yearend had begun engineering studies on a 600-megawatt nuclear power plant and on Syria's first nuclear research center. Several hundred million dollars of new financing would be required for these nuclear projects if they reach the implementa- tion stage, which could double Moscow's $1.1 billion in standing economic assistance pledges. The more traditional allocations under the 1983 agreements were: ? A $150 million credit for a thermal power plant. ? A $130 million credit for gas treatment plant and pipeline. ? A $46.5 million credit for civilian aircraft. ? A contract to increase the storage capacity of Lake Asad and the power output of the Soviet-built Euphrates hydropower project. The USSR also completed the 108-kilometer Hims- Damascus railroad, and continued work on the expan- sion of the Latakia port and the al-Kebir dam and power ect downstream from the Euphrates Dam. Eastern Europe, which has provided nearly $1.2 bil- lion in aid to Syria over the past two decades, won several contracts by offering below-market financing: ? Bulgaria signed a $200 million contract to drill as many as 150 gas wells and develop a gas-gathering system. ? Czechoslovakia agreed to build a $130 million sour gas treatment plant and associated pipeline. The new agreements will maintain the pervasive presence of the USSR and Eastern Europe in the Syrian development program. More than 3,500 Soviet and East European nonmilitary technicians were in Syria in 1982, and the US Embassy in Damascus reports that all East Bloc countries except Poland are involved in large-scale, multiyear, turnkey projects. Egypt. Under President Mubarak, Cairo's relations with Communist countries have recovered from the near break in the Egyptian-Soviet relationship 25X1 brought about by Sadat. Egypt received almost all of the known East European economic aid to the Middle East in 1982 and 1983. The new economic commit- ments-$50 million from Hungary and $35 million from East Germany-were bank credits designed to finance Egyptian imports of capital goods from the two countries. Hungary will provide power, agricul- tural, and light industrial equipment, while East Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 J Germany will increase its participation in Egyptian power development by rebuilding a power grid. Ro- mania allocated $100 million of an old $300 million credit for electrification projects in the Sinai and agreed to send technicians to correct problems at a phosphate plant (built under an earlier aid agree- ment), whose products are of such poor quality that even Bucharest refuses to buy them. The USSR signed new economic contracts in 1982 and 1983 and returned some Soviet specialists to Egypt in response to President Mubarak's invitation to install equipment (ordered several years ago) at the Helwan steel plant, the cement plant at Asyut, and a generator at the Cairo power station. Some 200 Soviet personnel were in Egypt at the end of 1983 under the new contracts. Egypt also agreed to sell about $6 million worth of cotton to the USSR in 1982, the first such sale since 1978.5 South Yemen. Economic realities strained South Ye- men's relations with the USSR and its East European allies in 1982-83. Dismayed by the lack of economic progress made since the revolution in the late 1960s, President al Hasani has begun to seek economic investment from the West and Saudi Arabia. Even though the USSR and its allies have promised nearly $1 billion in economic aid to Aden, Communist- sponsored projects have suffered compared to the limited Western effort in South Yemen. For example, in 1982 an Italian firm discovered oil in Aden's territorial waters; long-term Soviet and Romanian land-based efforts have turned up nothing. In addi- tion, the USSR has not built long-awaited power and cement production facilities; the cost of the power plant has increased three- fold since the original agreement was signed. Still, in 1982 and 1983 the USSR signed pacts to improve Aden port and construct a satellite receiving station as part of the Intersputnik network. Work continued on a fishing port, irrigation projects, a hospital, and the power plant, while Moscow promised action soon on the cement plant. Table 9 South Asia: Economic Credits and Grants, 1982 and 1983 a Million US $ USSR Eastern Europe 1982 93 252 Afghanistan 90 Bangladesh .. 252 Nepal 1983 Afghanistan Bangladesh India 860 371 73 140 South Asia: Deepening Communist Involvement The Soviet occupation of Afghanistan has dominated Communist relations with South Asia since 1981. The USSR's commitment to shore up Kabul's Marxist government and its desire to maintain friendly rela- tions with South Asian countries have moved them into the limelight among Moscow's aid recipients. In 1982 and 1983, the USSR provided nearly a billion dollars in assistance on very liberal terms to South Asian recipients; this was about 30 percent of its total program in those years (table 9). India, still a major Russian customer despite frictions over the Afghan invasion, received $140 million in Soviet financing for a steel plant, and Pakistan took up some of the $2 billion in credits offered by the Kremlin to mend the rift caused by the Soviet presence in Afghanistan. F- Afghanistan. Since the Marxist takeover in 1977, Afghanistan has become one of the USSR's largest economic aid beneficiaries (after India and Turkey) in the non-Communist world. The USSR provided $460 25X1 25X1 25X1 25X1 25X1 25X1 25X1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret Figure 4 South and Southeast Asia: Economic Credits and Grants Extended by the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, 1954-83 More than $1 billion $500 million-1 billion $100-500 million Less than $100 million Boundary representation is not necessarily authoritative. million in new assistance to Afghanistan in 1982 and 1983; most of it was grant aid to finance the delivery of commodities. More than $800 million of Moscow's $1.1 billion in economic aid deliveries to the Marxist government have been in the form of grants, generally to cover the delivery of food and other basic commod- ities. The USSR reportedly also has been forced to provide $75-100 million in hard currency loans to procure consumer goods from third countries. Through 1983 disbursements have averaged nearly $300 million per year since the December 1979 Soviet invasion. In addition to its fairly generous commodity support, the USSR has permitted Afghanistan to defer payments on the services of Soviet technicians, for which the USSR usually demands cash payments. Deliveries to projects also have continued at about $75-100 million annually as the Soviets expedited work on transport and military-related projects that will facilitate logistics for Soviet troops. For example, the Afghan press reported that Soviet personnel com- pleted a bridge across the Amu Darya river at the border well ahead of schedule. Moscow also has: ? Built two oil-products pipelines to service Soviet units in Afghanistan. ? Recently agreed to build Afghanistan's first rail- road, linking Pul-i-Khumri and Kabul with the Soviet border and possibly extending to Iran and Pakistan. ? Agreed to finance expansion of the Kabul airport. In contrast, the war has impeded Soviet efforts to move forward with other major development projects such as the Ainak copper complex, the Hajigak iron ore scheme, and natural gas exploration in the north. The only major development contract announced be- tween Moscow and Kabul in the past two years was a $200 million project to link Afghanistan to the USSR's power grid, to be financed under old agree- ments. Moscow also signed protocols in 1983 to continue oil and gas exploration and exploitation, to complete the Mazar-i-Sharif thermal power plant, and to reconstruct the Torgundi railway station. The Soviet program in 1983 was supported by 5,000 technicians in Afghanistan and a burgeoning training effort that saw nearly 9,000 Afghans in Soviet educa- tional institutions at yearend. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Until the invasion, Moscow's economic program in Afghanistan was self-sustaining. Commercial deliver- ies and aid flows were nearly balanced by Afghan exports of three billion cubic meters of natural gas annually through a pipeline built by the Soviets in the mid-1960s. With gas deliveries, Kabul financed a Soviet program that over the past 25 years has accounted for two-thirds of Afghanistan's 21,000 kilometers of roads, nearly all of its major airfields, two-thirds of its electric generating capacity and an extensive transmission network, 40,000 hectares of land cultivable through irrigation and reclamation, and the entire natural gas industry, which produces about 3.5 billion cubic meters of gas per year. Since the invasion, however, the Soviets have been providing about $200 million in aid annually that will not be reimbursed. In addition, rebels have blown up the gas pipeline several times in the last two years, interrupt- ing gas supplies to the USSR. India. Complementing the large new military cooper- ation agreements signed in the past two years, the USSR and India announced significant progress in bilateral economic relations. In addition to $140 million in 17-year loans to finance expansion of the Vishakapatnam steel plant, Moscow apparently has offered to provide financing for several other projects, including: ? A nuclear power plant. ? Onshore oil exploration and secondary recovery technology. ? An oil refinery. ? Modernization of the Soviet-built antibiotics plant at Rishikesh. ? Upgrading the Soviet-built Neyveli and Patratu thermal power plants, and equipping the Kalgaon power plant. ? Cooperation in building high-technology oil and coal extraction equipment at Indian plants for use by both countries. ? Joint ventures in third countries. Protocols for oil development and the antibiotics plant were signed in early 1983. Some of these undertakings could be funded with the $1 billion of Soviet aid in the pipeline, but massive new credits would be required to cover costs for such ambitious projects as the nuclear power plant. The USSR also hinted that it would finance some equipment for the 600,000-ton Orissa Alumina Plant, a project held up by Indian budgetary problems. The USSR also has deepened its involvement in India's ongoing project development with major deals that will fall under earlier aid arrangements, including: ? A $400 million contract to set up the Vindhyachal superthermal plant in Madhya Pradesh. ? Protocols to proceed with development of the Jhanjra coal mine. ? Agreements to assist a synthetic rubber plant and a hydrogen peroxide facility. ? A protocol to improve the Korba aluminum smelter. Last year Moscow also concluded a protocol to ex- change $3.6 billion of goods in 1984, a 6-percent increase over 1983 that will keep India in first place among the USSR's LDC trading partners. The new protocol includes 6 million tons of petroleum and products from the USSR. Pakistan. Pakistan's economic relations with the USSR have improved somewhat (in spite of political strains over the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan) on the strength of $275 million in new credits for a thermal power plant at Multan. The new credit was part of as much as $2 billion in financing the USSR offered in 1982 for Pakistani projects, including: ? Downstream industries related to the Soviet-built Karachi steel plant. ? Additional power capacity. ? Oil and gas development. In March 1983 the first stage of the Soviet-sponsored Karachi steel plant, the largest industrial construction project in Pakistan's history, was officially commis- sioned. The second stage, to be completed in 1984, includes a second blast furnace, a hot strip mill, and a cold rolling mill. The USSR also began construction of a plant to assemble 51,000 Belarus tractors a year under an $18 million credit agreement. East Asia: Suspicious of Soviet Initiatives Because of evidence of the area's lingering suspicions about the Soviet military presence in Vietnam, ongo- ing contention over the Kampuchea issue, and the general unwillingness of East Asian governments to J 25X1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret Table 10 East Asia: Economic Credits and Grants, 1982 and 1983 become involved in a power struggle between Moscow and Beijing, Moscow has failed to improve its political fortunes in most of East Asia over the past few years (table 10): ? Soviet relations with Indonesia were strained by the exposure of espionage activities by Soviet diplomats and Aeroflot officials in 1982. The Aeroflot office was closed, but plans to eliminate the Soviet Consul- ates in Medan and Surabaya and disband the press and trade sections of the Jakarta Embassy have not been implemented. While remaining cool toward Moscow, Jakarta has sent trade representatives to the USSR to prevent a further deterioration in relations because of its interest in expanded trade with the USSR and Eastern Europe and a desire to promote Indonesia's nonaligned image. ? The USSR made some progress in the Philippines. First Lady Imelda Marcos caused a furor in con- servative quarters in Manila in 1982 by accepting a Soviet offer of a 1-million-metric-ton cement plant during a July trip to Moscow. If carried out, the project would provide the USSR with a long-sought means to increase its presence in the Philippines. Soviet technicians already have gathered initial data for the cement project, together with a related coal development scheme and power plant. The $200- 250 million cement project may run into trouble, however, over Manila's request for full Soviet fi- nancing over 20 years. Moscow also has offered aid to power development and food processing. ? Singapore's largest shipyard won a $110 million contract in 1982 to repair and convert two Soviet whalers to fish-factory ships-the largest single such contract ever undertaken in Singapore. None- theless, Prime Minister Lee remains suspicious of the large Soviet commercial presence in Singapore, and political relations deteriorated after the expo- sure last year of Soviet espionage activity in Singa- pore. East European countries continued to offer trade credits to expand commercial dealings in the area. East Germany discussed reviving its aid program in Indonesia-dormant for 20 years-while Romania signed an economic cooperation agreement that estab- lished a joint commission for cooperation. Romania and Indonesia agreed to accelerate negotiations on agricultural, livestock, and forestry projects. The Phil- ippines accepted $10 million in trade credits from Czechoslovakia, and Thailand turned down a $22 million Polish bid to build an aluminum sulfate plant because of its high cost and fears that instability in Poland could cause a contract default. No decision was announced on a Romanian offer to provide equipment and technical assistance to a Thai fertilizer complex and help for other development projects The Caribbean and Central America: The Newest Assistance Program During 1982 and 1983, Communist countries re- sponded to opportunities created by the Marxist re- gime in Nicaragua and continuing turmoil in the Caribbean and Central America with more than $735 million in new economic agreements. Nicaragua re- ceived most of the aid as Cuba, the USSR, and East European donors signed $700 million in agreements to finance commodities, equipment, and technical serv- ices. The Communist commitment to Nicaragua was further demonstrated by Managua's acceptance as an associate member of CEMA in 1983. Before the US intervention, Grenada also received its first significant Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Figure 5 Latin America and the Caribbean: Economic Credits and Grants Extended by the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, 1954-83 .. p' ,THE BAHAMAS CUB HAITI R OMINICAN EPUBLIC .ist. CHRISTOPHER AND NEVIS $100-500 million Value of agreements none More than $1 billion 39 $500 million-1 billion Less than $100 million aid from the USSR, $10 million in credits for commu- nications and other projects, and an additional $10 million from Eastern Europe (table 11) Grenada. In 1983, Grenada was the site of one of the most dramatic failures for Soviet policy in Latin America. Prior to the US-Caribbean intervention, Communist countries had deepened their economic relationships with the leftist government of Prime Boundary representation I. not necessarily authoritative Minister Bishop with more than $50 million in eco- nomic commitments that included: ? Soviet pledges of more than $10 million in credits and grants to finance a deepwater port at Grenville, a satellite receiving station, agricultural supplies and services, and commodities. Moscow also partici- pated in Grenadian economic planning under an agreement signed in December 1982, and Soviet technicians had arrived in 1983 in connection with these projects. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 25X1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret Table 11 Western Hemisphere: Communist Economic Credits and Grants, 1982 and 1983 USSR Eastern Europe Cuba Grenada 10 9 NEGL Nicaragua 163 84 130 1983 26 255 60 Grenada ? East German promises of $10 million in credits for a new telephone system, a cocoa processing plant, and other agricultural and communications equipment. ? Cuban pledges of $30 million for an airport at Point Salines, fishing trawlers, television equipment, and 40 tractors. More than 700 Cubans, the largest foreign contingent in Grenada, were associated with the construction projects. Nicaragua. Communist countries continued their un- precedented level of economic support to Nicaragua in 1982/83 with more than $700 million in economic pledges. Cuba was the largest donor with $190 million in commitments designated for a sugar plant, agricul- tural equipment, medical supplies, consumer goods, and services. Most of the Cuban program consists of technical services rather than financial aid. The USSR ran a close second with $180 million in new agreements, which included, among other projects: ? Studies for hydropower stations in Matagalpa and Majolka, for which Nicaragua eventually expects several hundred million dollars in construction loans. ? Port construction at San Juan del Sur. ? Five training schools in agriculture, energy, fishing, and mining. ? A 400-bed hospital. ? Mineral prospecting, gold mine rehabilitation, and topographical mapping. Some $30 million of the new aid is allocated to develop the mining industry; another $50 million is for technical assistance and feasibility studies, items for which the USSR generally demands cash pay- ments. In addition, Moscow is allowing Nicaragua $30 million in commodity credits-usually reserved for favored clients. East European countries pledged almost $350 million in new aid to Nicaragua. Among these countries' new agreements (which brought their total pledges since 1979 to $465 million) were: ? $85 million from Bulgaria for hydropower, mining, and agricultural projects. ? $200 million from East Germany for projects and commodities, consolidating East Germany's position as Nicaragua's major East European donor. Larger Communist economic programs were accom- panied by an expanded technical presence. The num- ber of Communist economic personnel assigned to Nicaragua rose to nearly 7,000 in 1983, more than 90 percent of them Cubans The USSR and Eastern Europe delivered an estimat- ed $250 million in aid to Nicaragua in 1982/83,6 but only about $45 million served as balance-of-payments assistance compared to Nicaraguan receipts of $500 million in aid annually from non-Communist sources. 6 A January 1984 Soviet agreement to deliver oil in exchange for Nicaraguan products will mean a greater Soviet contribution to Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 The rest of the assistance was in the form of machin- ery and equipment and technical assistance. Soviet officials reportedly have expressed concern over Nica- raguan expectations of a "bailout" and have voiced reservations to Western officials over the Sandinistas' ability to manage the economy. According to the US Embassy, Moscow has advised Nicaragua to pursue some policies that will allay the concerns of Western donors and increase Western aid flows. Guyana. Guyana's relations with Communist coun- tries have been generally friendly in spite of George- town's differences with the USSR over aid and trade issues. Ties to the USSR cooled because of Moscow's unwillingness to provide development assistance on easy terms. The Soviet Ambassador to Guyana pub- licly stated that Moscow has offered assistance under a 1977 agreement for bauxite, gold, and aluminum development as well as "unlimited" credit for equip- ment purchases such as aircraft, helicopters, bulldoz- ers, and other machinery. Guyana turned down these offers because of harsh terms. The USSR required hard currency payment for a feasibility study on a proposed aluminum plant and for Soviet technical services-both standard Soviet practice. Moscow re- cently renewed its offer to rehabilitate a bauxite processing facility at Linden in return for bauxite deliveries. Jamaica. In spite of the Seaga government's intention to reduce contacts with Communist countries, the USSR may have signed a construction contract for a 600,000-ton caustic soda plant (probably under the credit agreement signed in 1977) and reached an agreement to buy 1 million tons of bauxite annually beginning in 1984. The USSR also provided Jamaica a $10 million trade credit to purchase Lada automo- biles as part of the new trade agreement. Mexico. The USSR and Eastern Europe have contin- ued to pursue economic initiatives individually and within the framework of the Mexican-CEMA Joint Commission, established under an agreement signed in the mid-1970s. The USSR (in a consortium with Finland) bid on a contract for a joint newsprint factory in Mexico and has prepared offers on several power projects valued at half a billion dollars. Mos- cow also was negotiating for Mexican oil shipments to Cuba in return for Soviet oil deliveries to Mexican customers in Europe-a deal that could involve as much as 60 percent of Cuba's oil requirements. Mexico has been cool toward this arrangement. South America: Pursuing New Opportunities In contrast to expanding programs in parts of Central America and the Caribbean, longstanding efforts to increase the Communist economic presence in South America have had more limited success. This has prompted the Kremlin to assign high priority to the expansion of aid and trade relations with major South American countries to redress the annual $2-2.5 billion hard currency drain on the USSR from its purchases of South American grain and other com- modities. In 1982 and 1983, the USSR placed $155 million of credits at the disposal of South American suppliers to buy Soviet machinery and equipment, only a fraction of the several hundred million dollars Moscow has offered for major power and minerals industry projects. However, Moscow was able to break new ground with a triangular agreement in 1982 under which Brazilian contractors will provide construction services for a Soviet-sponsored dam and hydropower project in Angola. Argentina and the USSR reportedly are undertaking a similar venture in Peru. Moscow hopes that these creative approaches to cooperation will help it break into South America's Western-dominated private-sector equipment mar- kets. Argentina. Moscow hopes that its political support for Argentina during the Falklands war, its position as Buenos Aires' major single trading partner (account- ing for 60 percent of all Argentine export earnings in 1982), and its willingness to offer financing for devel- opment projects will open opportunities for a more extensive role in Argentine development projects. Argentina's acceptance of $68 million in credits for the Piedra del Aguila power project may signal reduced Argentine reluctance to Soviet participation in local projects. Moscow also has threatened a cutback in agricultural purchases to prod Buenos Aires into accepting a larger Soviet role. As head of a multinational consortium, the USSR submitted a bid 25X1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Secret to construct the $10 billion Middle Parana power project, for which Moscow has completed feasibility studies and designs. Other projects under discussion include: ? The power complexes at Santa Cruz, San Juan, Parana Medio, and Bahia Blanca. ? A $100 million graphite electrode plant. ? Port construction and modernization at Bahia Blan- ca, Puerto Madryn, and Ushuaia. ? Electrification of a railroad from Buenos Aires to Rosario. ? A natural gas pipeline. ? A papermill. Moscow and Buenos Aires also discussed joint con- struction of a power project in Peru, and Argentina began shipping uranium to the USSR for enrichment under an agreement signed in 1981. In anticipation of increased business, the USSR renewed a 1980 agree- ment that provides open-ended trade credits. There were few significant developments in Argen- tine-East European relations during the year. East European countries tried to fill the void caused by the EC embargo of Argentina during the Falklands con- frontation. Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, and East Ger- many offered unspecified financial support, probably for commodities, and Sofia offered to provide com- modities affected by the Western embargo. Brazil. The USSR has tried to move toward a closer, more broadly based economic relationship with Brazil over the past two yeai in spite of Brazil's well- publicized suspicions about Moscow's aims in the Western Hemisphere. Fundamental to the growing relationship were: ? New Soviet agreements to participate in joint power projects with Brazil in Angola and Mozambique. ? Soviet offers to supply equipment to the Santa Isobel and Piedra do Cavala power projects. ? Soviet interest in the $900 million project to reclaim 1.5 million hectares of irrigable lowlands in the Varzeas region. ? Soviet offers to participate in the $650 million copper segment of the Carajas general development project. ? Startup on Soviet contracts to install 15 methanol plants in Brazil and negotiations to sell licenses for Soviet tin, steel, copper, and iron technologies. ? Soviet offers to enrich Brazilian uranium. Moscow's large trade deficit with Brazil was eased somewhat in the past two years by a drop in Brazilian agricultural commodity prices and by Soviet sales of oil valued at around $375 million. Deliveries of equipment, however, remained low in spite of high- powered Soviet sales efforts over the past two or three years. According to the US Embassy in Brasilia, the USSR was disappointed that plans to sell hydroelec- tric equipment for four or five medium-scale hydro- power projects under a 1981 agreement fell through, as did plans to exchange a Soviet roll-on/roll-off ship for Brazilian agricultural products. Moscow also ex- pressed interest in Brazilian bauxite and copper in exchange for Soviet machinery and equipment and signed a contract for Brazilian sugar valued at $160 million. The activities of most East European countries contin- ue to focus on easing their growing trade deficits with Brazil: ? Bulgaria held talks on possible construction in Bra- zil of facilities for dehydrating vegetables and man- ufacturing pharmaceuticals. ? Czechoslovakia agreed to construct two thermal power plants (including $25 million worth of equip- ment to the Jorge Lacerda plant) and three cement 25X1 factories, which are to be repaid with iron ore. ? East Germany signed contracts under a 1978 credit agreement to install $150 million worth of cranes and to provide technology for Brazil to produce more. Berlin also offered $20 million in credits for laboratory equipment. ? Brazil and Hungary established reciprocal trade credits in the $200 million range and agreed to cooperate in agriculture, livestock breeding, culture, and science. In a turnabout, Brazil sought participa- tion in World Bank-financed projects in Hungary. ? Romania proposed several projects under outstand- ing credits worth some $150 million, including the sale of drilling rigs, agricultural and mining equip- ment, and the construction of an iron ore processing plant. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Most East European countries explored prospects for joining with Brazil to construct projects in third countries, and Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Hun- gary, and Romania also requested credits to reduce their commercial settlements burden. Warsaw's nego- tiations to reschedule its $1.6 billion debt to Brazil have dominated relations between the two countries over the past several years. Bolivia. The major development in Bolivia's economic relations with Communist countries was $72 million of Soviet credits for a second tin volatilization plant (at Marchamarca) in spite of problems and cost overruns encountered during the construction of a similar plant at La Palca. The two plants together will absorb $150 million in Soviet credits, repayable in nonferrous metals. The La Palca plant, the largest of its type in the world, was turned over to Bolivia several years behind schedule in 1982. The Bolivians hope to buy another $160 million worth of machinery and equipment from the USSR and Eastern Europe over the next year or so for the mining industry. According to the US Embassy in La Paz, this will tie the strategic tin industry to the USSR for the next decade. The USSR also is considering assistance for trolley bus systems for Cochabamba and Santa Cruz, a prefabricated housing plant, four hydropower plants, geological prospecting, a tractor plant, and a cement plant under an open-ended 1976 line of credit. Bolivian relations with Eastern Europe were high- lighted by a Romanian offer of as much as $100 million in credits to finance purchases of agricultural equipment and fertilizer. La Paz also signed an agreement with Hungary to exchange tin for pharma- ceutical products. Table 12 Sub-Saharan Africa: Economic Credits and Grants, 1982 and 1983 a USSR Eastern Europe 1982 696 113 Angola 400 Equatorial Guinea 1 Ethiopia 232 Ghana 10 NEGL Guinea 20 Tanzania 5 10 Zimbabwe 2 1983 308 72 Ethiopia 266 2 million worth of oil, and also agreed to provide $250 Sub-Saharan Africa: Heightened Economic Support million in new aid for an irrigation project. Moscow Soviet and East European economic agreements in also was studying the feasibility of several hundred Sub-Saharan Africa rose to more than $1 billion in million dollars worth of projects for Mozambique 1982 and 1983 as the USSR provided expanded (table 12). balance-of-payments and development aid to client states. Angola signed an agreement with the USSR in There has not been a similar increase in assistance for January 1982 that eventually could provide $2 billion politically moderate countries in the region with the in credits; $400 million in contracts already have been exception of Nigeria, which pays for Soviet assistance signed for a dam project the USSR will construct jointly with Brazil. The USSR agreed to let Ethiopia defer payments for 12 years on an estimated $150 0 25X1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret Figure 6 Sub-Saharan Africa: Economic Credits and Grants Extended by the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, 1954-83 More than $1 billion $500 million-1 billion $100-500 million Less than $100 million Boundary representation is not necessarily authoritative. in hard currency. Until the 1980s, African states had absorbed only about 10 percent of Soviet assistance, as Moscow pursued more lucrative interests among wealthier LDCs. Now that the USSR is supporting some balance-of-payments needs in African client states (especially Ethiopia), Soviet aid to Africa in the 1980s has risen to 15 percent of total pledges. Angola. The USSR moved quickly to implement a 10- year agreement signed in January 1982 that eventual- ly could provide as much as $2 billion in economic development aid. The USSR signed a contract to provide $400 million in equipment credits for the Kapanda hydroelectric dam and power plant-an undertaking that will be Angola's largest construction project. In an unusual move, the USSR will join with Brazil to execute this contract. It is part of a compre- hensive Soviet-formulated development plan under which Moscow will also construct a 400,000-hectare irrigation system, bridges, and other projects in Ma- lanje Province. Angola and the USSR also are dis- cussing the construction of an oil refinery. The new Soviet agreement has not appreciably re- duced the growing tension in relations caused by the Soviet and East European failure to help reverse the decline in Angola's economy. there is a widespread belief among Angolan officials that nearly 10 years of Soviet economic aid has been a failure. More than 9,500 Communist economic technicians were present in Angola in 1983, but industrial production lagged far behind prewar levels, and only the Western-run oil industry operated at a profit. Food and consumer goods shortages have become more pronounced. Mos- cow has flatly refused to provide emergency food assistance for war-torn southern Angola. Meanwhile, Angolan officials are watching the growing Soviet debt burden with dismay; Angola may have agreed to settle some of its obligations to Communist countries by repaying in oil. 25X1 25X1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Ethiopia. As a result of lengthy economic negotia- tions, Moscow made substantial new credits available in 1982 and 1983 to Ethiopia for oil-its first such concession to a non-Communist LDC-and for devel- opment projects. The USSR agreed to provide 500,000 tons of crude oil in 1983 (all of Ethiopia's requirements) on credit at prices 10 percent below the world market. The USSR also moved forward on Chairman Mengistu's repeated requests for project aid with a $250 million credit for an irrigation project and for further oil exploration. The Soviets continued work on: ? A cement plant. ? A farm machinery assembly complex. ? A caustic soda plant. ? Ninety grain and fodder warehouses. ? Oil, gas, and mineral prospecting projects. Although publicly reaffirming his political commit- ment to Moscow, Mengistu continues to rely on the West for economic. assistance. Ethiopia is trying to increase Western aid for Ethiopian development pro- jects above the $250 million it now receives annually. Mozambique. Mozambique's expanding economic ties with Western powers have not affected its economic relations with the USSR and its East European allies, who deepened their economic involvement in Mozam- bique during 1982 and 1983 with nearly 2,400 War- saw Pact technicians and $30 million in new aid. The USSR, already the largest Communist donor with $140 million in outstanding development credits, pur- sued several initiatives: ? Participation in a railroad from the Moatize coal- fields to the port of Beira, using Brazilian firms as civil works contractors. ? The supply of $150 million worth of equipment for the second stage of the Cabora Bassa hydropower project. ? Acceleration of work on mining and agricultural projects, an aluminum smelting plant at Caia, and coal exploration. The USSR also donated $20 million worth of grain, food, other commodities and seed grain to Mozam- bique. Other Communist donors concentrated on implement- ing projects agreed to earlier. East Germany, under a new agreement, provided $10 million in grant aid for commodity purchases. The East Germans also dis- cussed a 120,000-hectare grain-growing project, ac- cepted several thousand new students into a program developed in 1981 to train Mozambicans at home and in East Germany, sent more agricultural advisers and equipment, and donated educational materials. Ro- mania prepared to begin work on a $16 million steel plant for which it is providing some financing. Some 1,400 East European economic personnel were sta- tioned in Mozambique during 1983, commanding hard currency payments estimated at $25 million annually for their home governments. In addition, about 1,000 Cubans worked in Mozambique on agri- cultural, medical, and educational projects, governed by a series of agreements signed in the mid-1970s. Ghana. Under Rawlings's leadership, Ghana has stressed state investment in all economic areas, and encouraged the USSR and East European countries to revive aid programs abandoned in the mid-1960s. Highlights of new commitments are: ? Bulgarian participation in construction of a truck plant and development of agriculture and transportation. ? Czechoslovak rehabilitation of a sugar refinery, tire factory, tannery, and ceramic facilities as well as construction of a tractor plant and irrigation dams, probably with credits under earlier agreements. ? Hungarian construction of two brick and tile works and expansion of a pharmaceutical factory. ? Soviet reactivation of a prefabricated construction materials plant, construction of a machine-building and power-engineering center, and rehabilitation of a gold refinery, with nearly $10 million in credits, possibly under old agreements. 25X1 25X1 25X1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret In addition, Bulgaria, East Germany, and Hungary have provided emergency assistance valued at less than $1 million, and Cuba has established a joint commission to study development projects. Guinea. The USSR's relations with Guinea, its first African aid client, have deteriorated sharply in the 1980s as former President Toure intensified his search for Western trade and investment to revive Guinea's economy. The low level of economic aid and argu- ments over the price the USSR pays for Guinean bauxite continued to plague the Soviet-Guinean eco- nomic relationship. To underline its disappointment with the Soviet program, Guinea expelled 30 Soviet technicians from the Kindia Bauxite Plant in 1982, charging them with inferior performance and smug- gling, and cut back on the number of students travel- ing to the USSR. At present, Guinea's reliance on the Soviets for arms provides the major momentum for the relationship. Nigeria. Lagos became the USSR's largest single economic aid recipient in Sub-Saharan Africa in 1979 with a $1.2 billion credit for the Ajaokuta Steel Plant. About 5,300 Soviets were at the project site at the end of 1982, working to complete the first stage of the plant by 1985. Hungary has been the most important East European donor: in 1982, Budapest pledged another $70 million in credits for medical, education- al, and agricultural equipment, which brought its credits to Nigeria to more than $190 million. Buda- pest also offered $150 million for additional projects, but no agreement has been signed. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 0 Secret Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 SECRET USSR and Eastern Europe: Economic Penetration Pro rams in Non-Communist Less Developed Countries ~ 25X1 10 September 1984 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 SECRET USSR and Eastern Europe: Economic Penetration Programs in Non-Communist Less Developed Countries Summary Communist economic programs in the Third World in the 1980s reflect decisions by the USSR and its allies to maximize poli- tical and economic returns with limited aid resources. In particular, Moscow's program has been refined to target almost exclusively countries that serve Moscow's political or economic interests in the Third World. Key elements of the Soviet program for the 1980s include: o- Very generous support for Marxist client states, such as Afghanistan and Ethiopia, whose economies are in shambles. This group receives large amounts of grant aid and long-term credits for a variety of uses not usually financed by Moscow--commodities and fuel, technical services, and project studies. o Credits on easy terms to a few favored countries, such as India, where Moscow is attempting to protect or project its political and economic influence. o A growing use of trade credits for most recipients to promote equipment sales, to earn hard currency, and to increase the Soviet presence in Third World economies. In 1983, Conmunist economic credits and grants totaled $2.7 billion, a billion dollar increase from a two-year slump. The revitalization of the Soviet program was entirely responsible for the recovery; East European credits sank to a 13-year low--a downtrend that mirrors the poor economic health of some East European donors in the 1980s. Other indicators that the Soviet economic program is on the- upswing include: o More than $1 billion annually in disbursements under Soviet economic assistance agreements in 1982/83, a 50 percent growth over 1980 and more than double disbursement levels of the 1970s. The record $1.3 billion in 1983 deliveries was heavily weighted by commodity and other aid to Afghanistan, Ethiopia, and Nicaragua. o A strong demand for Soviet technical services: the number of Soviets-employed in LDCs climbed to a record 41,000 in 1983. Through this program, Moscow not only increases its presence in LDCs but also earns up to $500 million in hard currency annually. SECRET i Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 LUA 1' East European programs have also shown some resilience in these areas. Deliveries under old agreements totaled nearly a billion dollars in 1982 and 1983, and East European technicians posted abroad--many working under commercial agreements--jumped by 15 percent to 83,000 in 1983. Both political and economic criteria were evident in the Kremlin's economic aid program in 1982 and 1983. o In 1982, in a show of political solidarity, Moscow directed most of its $890 million in new aid to several Marxist states--Afghanistan, Angola, Ethiopia, and Nicaragua--whose economies have been impoverished by continuing insurgencies, as well as their forced transition to a socialist style economic structure. Aid included oil credits to Ethiopia that cover all of Addis Ababa's requirements and wheat shipments to Afghanistan and Nicaragua to replace grain from Western sources. Such aid makes the USSR more essential as an economic partner and enhances its political standing in these countries. o In 1983, Moscow's business interests were paramount. The USSR allocated three-fourths of its $2.3 billion in new funding to traditional partners such as Algeria, Pakistan, and Syria. Most of these credits are repayable over 10 years in hard currency or their equivalent. While these credits still qualify as aid because they carry low interest rates, they also are profitable for the Soviets because they allow the USSR to: (a) stimulate equipment sales, (b) gain entree into major LDC development projects at little cost, and (c) increase hard currency returns through LDC repayments and associated technical services. Soviet attempts to penetrate LDC economies with development financing and commodity assistance almost certainly will not slow in the future. Over the 30 years of its existence, Moscow's economic program has proven an effective and low-cost tool for furthering political and economic aims. Through a sliding scale of repayment terms for various recipients, Moscow probably has nearly reached an equilibrium, where repayments from loans to non-Marxist countries finance grant aid outlays to the USSR's Marxist recipients. The resurgence in the Soviet program has depended on the willingness of Third World countries to accept Moscow's development offers. Developing countries appear more eager than before to consider Soviet funding for their development plans, especially for late-model power equipment. A new (and poten- tially lucrative) area for Moscow is the nuclear power industry in LDCs. Over the past two years, the USSR has offered nuclear power facilities to India, Iraq, Morocco, Pakistan, Syria, and Turkey. The construction of such facilities would not only SECRET ii Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 J r;UKr l' contribute several billion dollars to Moscow's foreign exchange earnings, but because of the complexity of the projects would entail a much higher level of dependence on the USSR for follow- on support than other development projects. The USSR also is discussing several billion dollars worth of conventional projects--such as hydro and thermal power plants, and metals industry development--with several key LDCs. For the purpose of this report, the term Communist countries refers to the USSR and the following countries of Eastern Europe: Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Hungary, Poland, and Roman i a. In this paper, the term less developed countries includes all countries of Africa except the Republic of South Africa; all countries of East Asia except Hong Kong and Japan; Malta, Portugal, and Spain in Europe; all countries in Latin America except Cuba; and all countries in the Middle East and Africa except Israel. Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam, which became Communist countries in 1974, are reported on for prior years for historical reasons. The term Marxist clients refers to countries which have consider themselves Marxists and which rely primarily or entirely on Communist military support to maintain their power. They are Afghanistan, Angola, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Nicaragua, and South Yemen. Within the aid context, the terms agreements, commitments, and extensions refer to pledges to provide goods and services, either on deferred payment terms or as grants. Assistance is considered to have been extended when accords are initialed and constitute a formal declaration of intent. For economic aid, credits with repayment terms of five years or more are included. These credits are designated as "trade credits" if amortization is less than 10 years. The terms drawings and disbursements refer to the delivery of goods or the use of services. SECRET i i i Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 USSR and Eastern Europe: Economic Penetration Programs in Non-Communist Less Developed Countries Communist Economic Programs in Perspective In the past three decades, the USSR and Eastern Europe have provided nearly $40 billion in economic credits and grants to non-Communist less developed countries. In tandem with military assistance, the USSR and its allies have used their economic aid programs to try to replace Western influence in LDCs, to-expand Soviet trade, and to gain access to strategic raw materials. Initially, the USSR gave preference to emerging states who were following a non-capitalist path of development. In the 1960s, the program was broadened to include nearly any country willing to accept aid. Today, more than 70 countries have accepted economic aid from the USSR or its allies. Despite the large number of countries which have received Communist economic aid, the program is focused on a narrow range of countries along the Soviet border and in the Middle East. Arab and South Asian countries account for two-thirds of Soviet pledges. East European countries have followed a similar pattern in their programs. Soviet economic aid has never had the dramatic impact of the military program: it has been far more modest--totaling about $26 billion (compared to $83 billion for the military) and much harder to implement. In the early years of the program, when some LDCs were reluctant to accept military aid, economic and military pledges were roughly equal. The gap widened in the mid- 1960s and now, for every dollar disbursed in economic aid, Moscow has delivered $5 worth of military equipment. The Soviet economic program also has been small by international standards. For example, Moscow's disbursements to LDCs over the past few years have accounted for less than three percent of all international aid. Still, the USSR has been a major donor to a few countries--Afghanistan, Egypt, South Yemen, Syria, and Turkey--and aid ties have endured despite shifts in political relations. Recently, Soviet and East European economic credits have carried somewhat harder terms, as Communist countries attempt to maximize returns to their own economies through accelerated repayments in hard currency, oil, and other strategic materials. Grants have gone almost exclusively to Marxist LDCs (such as Afghanistan and Ethiopia), and the spread between Western and Communist aid repayment terms has increased. Still, the new Communist credits provide cheaper funds than Western market financing and have enabled Communist countries to compete successfully with Western bidders on lucrative Lt)C development SECRET 1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 SECRET With economic aid, the Soviets have been more willing than other donors to build industrial establishments demanded by LDCs, sometimes with little economic justification. Characteristics of Moscow's programs that set it apart from other international aid include: o A focus on large projects in the public sector, particularly in mineral and metal exploitation and processing, o The tying of all commitments to the purchase of Soviet goods and services, and o- Repayments in local currency or the output of Soviet plants. Personnel exchanges have become an increasingly important part of Warsaw Pact relations with LDCs, and have provided good financial and political returns. The technical services and academic training programs have been broadly based, and Communist countries have personnel agreements with 106 countries, 34 of which have not accepted other forms of Communist aid. At present, the LDCs employ more than 40,000 Soviet project specialists and professionals. Originally, LDCs financed the services of Soviet technicians under aid agreements. Now, aside from a few doctors and teachers provided on a grant basis, the USSR charges $50,000 to $70,000 a year for its specialists. Most are located in oil-producing LDCs, which can pay in hard currency. Because of a skilled labor shortage at home, Moscow is very reluctant to send civilian peronnel to LDCs unless it earns foreign exchange. The academic training program has the potential for great political payoffs for the Kremlin. In some countries, mostly in Africa and Latin America, it is Moscow's only ongoing activity. Nearly 100,000 LDC students have attended Soviet universities anal technical schools since the mid-1950s. In the Soviet-oriented LDCs such as Afghanistan and Ethiopia, the USSR has available 15,000 local graduates of Soviet military or academic programs who can at least speak Russian even if they do not sympathize with Soviet goals. The Changing Soviet Economic Program in LDCs Economic assistance has been an important element in Soviet folteign policy in LDCs since Moscow provided its first aid to a few Asian neighbors in the mid-1950s. The USSR has used its aid program to: o Create and maintain stable ties with LDCs. o Demonstrate a continuing commitment to Marxist LDCs. SECRET 2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 v uviti: J. o Secure resources for its own and Eastern Europe's economies. In the 1980s, we have seen an acceleration of trends in the aid program that first, appeared in the mid-1970s: Moscow began to harden credit terms for countries that could afford to pay and attempted to conclude long-term agreements with major clients that would tie their development planning more closely to the USSR's. In the 1980s, Moscow's aid allocations disclose'a distinct tier system for countries receiving its aid. Key elements are: o Grant aid and commodity support for Marxist clients. o Occasional lenient long term credits for a few favored recipients. o Expanding use of trade credits for the majority of LDC recipients. Support to Marxist Clients. Most of Moscow's grant aid in the 1980s has gone to Marxist allies such as Afghanistan, Ethiopia, and South Yemen and other aid has been provided on the most generous terms ever seen in the Soviet program. Marxist countries began to absorb a growing proportion of Moscow's aide resources with the installation of the Karmal regions in Afghanistan and the Nicaraguan revolution in 1979. New aid in 1982 and 1983 brought total Soviet pledges to this group of countries to nearly $5.6 billion, one-fifth of total Soviet aid to all non-Communist LDCs over the past 25 years (table 1). For Afghanistan, Ethiopia, and South Yemen, the USSR and its allies have displaced bilateral Western aid donors, although multilateral funds continue to flow to all but Afghanistan. Table 1 USSR: Economic Aid Extended to non-Communist LDCs Million US $ Total Marxist States Total 26,698 5,557 1954-77 13,501 1,591 1978 3,002 94 1979 3,749 928 1980 2,588 1,168 1981 580 218 1982 965 890 1983 2,314 668 SECRET 3 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 0t' n.n1 In 1982, for the first time, the USSR devoted almost all of its economic aid to Marxist states. The necessity to bolster the faltering economies of Afghanistan, Ethiopia and Nicaragua with food and, (in the case of Ethiopia) petroleum drove the program. Soviet pledges of $890 million in 1982 represented a substantial recovery from the previous year's low, but remained well below averages in the late seventies, when a few billion dollar credits to a few recipients (such as Morocco and Nigeria) raised extensions to record levels. The new agreements with client states in 1982 contained some unusual features: o A $400 million credit to Angola in 1982 for a hydropower _ project (extended under a 1982 framework agreement that could eventually provide $2 billion in financing) calls for Brazil's participation in construction of the Kapanda dam and powerhouse, the first instance of a Soviet joint venture with an LDC in a third country. o The $170 million in aid to Ethiopia financed oil purchases from the USSR for 1983. Moscow has never before underwritten oil purchases by a non-Communist country. o The $165 million credit extension to Nicaragua provided some $50 million for technical services and project studies, for which Moscow is usually requires hard currency on a cash basis. These agreements were largely politically and strategically motivated and will provide few economic returns in the form of raw materials or foreign exchange that the USSR usually seeks in its aid agreements. Only the Angolan agreement offers Moscow the prospect of breaking even financially. In fact, this aid represents part of the price Moscow must pay to retain its influence in this group of countries. Long-Term Credits. For a very few recipients (such as India and Morocco) where political or economic stakes are high, the USSR has provided credits on unusually lenient terms in the past five years. India and Morocco have received a total of $3 billion of credits repayable over 17 years at low interest rates, compared with 10 to 12-year repayments on most Soviet intergovernmental loans. With its stress on public sector development, New Delhi has been one of Moscow's showcase recipients (more than $3 billion in pledges) since it accepted its first credits 27 years ago. In Morocco, the USSR provided $2 billion in credits to break into the strategic phosphate production industry, both to increase the Soviet presence in the Moroccan economy and to insure long-term phosphate supplies. Trade Credits. Trade credits are the most vigorous and fastest growing element of the Soviet economic aid program in non-Communist LDCs. They have been well received and have SECRET 4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 SECRET facilitated Moscow's penetration of non-traditional markets in Africa and Latin America. Interest charges on these loans are below international market rates, and Moscow offers large-scale infrastructural projects such as steel plants and large powerplants that may not be financially acceptable to the inter- national banking community. The best terms the Soviets offer under these trade-type credits are 10 years at 4 percent interest with repayments in hard currency; Moscow charges cash for technical services. These credits resemble the export credits of Western countries. For example, the United States Export-Import Bank offers similar credits to projects in LDCs on 13-year repayment terms at eight percent-interest. In 1983, nearly $1.7 billion' of this export funding went to a number of traditional Soviet recipients with long-established political, military, or business ties with the Kremlin. Among the major allocations were: o A total of $325 million in mixed credits to Syria for thermal powerplant construction and commercial aircraft acquisition. o $275 million to Pakistan for a thermal powerplant o An estimated $250 million to Algeria for railroad construction. The actual value of these credits could be much higher. o Credits in the $70 to $80 million range to Argentina, Bangladesh, and Bolivia for equipment purchases. The new allocations in 1983 underlined the commercial nature of Soviet development activities in this group of countries. About $1.1 billion of the new credits carried 10-year repayments with interest ranging from 4 to 6 percent. These terms, assuming a grace period, just met standards for aid as defined by the international community . Although Western donors also expand 1Our figure for Soviet financing to non-Marxist states in 1983 is understated, because we have been unable to ascertain the scope of Soviet credits to Iraq to develop the West Qurnah oilfield. 2Western aid donors use a "grant element" as a common basis for comparing the concessionality under different terms of repay- ment. For example, a 100 percent grant element is an outright gift, while a loan repayable over 12 years at 2.5% has a 25 percent grant element and qualifies as official development assistance under minimum criteria adopted by the OECD. 25X1 25X1 SECRET 5 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 SECRET exports by tying some aid funds to procurement within the donor country, the USSR is devotes almost all of its financing for non- Marxist LDCs to promote sales of Soviet equipment. The proportion of these export-type credits in new Soviet pledges has grown steadily in the 1980s. Many of the agreements that Moscow concludes with non-Marxist states call for payback in raw materials: such as alumina, phosphates and oil; many of the rest are payable in hard currency. USSR: Trade Credits to Non-Communist LDCs Million US $ The USSR is now using trade credits to penetrate more deeply the economies of countries it has targeted for the past twenty years. For example, by providing trade-type credits the USSR has been able to increase its presence in development programs in countries such as Algeria, Iran, Iraq, and Syria, even though its liberal aid to most of them has almost disappeared. Soviet Credits Still Popular Developing countries continue to seek Soviet development credits (in spite of hardening terms) for several reasons: Total Extended Trade Credits Total 26,700 4,975 1954-73 9,275 980 1974 815 5 1975 1,970 205 1976 1,005 290 1977 435 1978 3,000 225 1979 3,750 1,200 1980 2,585 640 1981 580 285 1982 965 50 1983 2,315 1,095 o The USSR still quotes terms that are below commercial bank rates for construction financing and that are cheaper than many official Western construction loans. For example, recent World Bank loans extended for similar projects were repayable over 10-15 years at 7.5-8.5 percent interest. SECRET 6 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 SECRET o The USSR is the only bilateral donor willing to finance extensive infrastructural projects in the public sector (completely owned by the state), an area that many of Moscow's recipients are trying to develop. Most loans from the World Bank and associated agencies and the US Eximbank go to the private sector. o The USSR is willing to accept goods, such as strategic raw materials, in repayment for its loans. Western financial institutions will not do so. A Mature Program Two decades of experience in LDCs have shaped the Soviet program of the 1980s. Moscow's program in the 1980s is an outgrowth of its original policy of offering large intergovern- mental loans for state-owned undertakings. These earlier loans were offered on 12-year repayment terms at 2.5 percent interest, but in some cases, the equipment provided was somewhat outdated compared to Western models. Now, Moscow is pushing its contracts in areas such as power engineering and metals processing where Soviet equipment meets world standards at competitive prices. It has hardened repayment terms and increased prices as the quality of its equipment has improved. The huge projects that Moscow offers to promote Soviet equipment sales still tie the recipient closely to Soviet suppliers. Because activity in the more affluent non-Marxist countries offers much better economic payoffs, as well as possible political gains, Moscow is reserving its large project credits for this group of states. The USSR has avoided committing itself to large outlays to develop industry in such countries as Ethiopia and South Yemen because of their limited resources and precarious political positions. We believe that the USSR will continue to expand its development offers to non-Marxist states, and that this effort will sustain Soviet outlays to Marxist clients. The USSR's efforts have been helped by the growth in the economies of a number of LDCs that are willing to accept Soviet projects. As countries reach a more advanced stage of development, they are more capable of providing infrastructure to serve the large manufacturing facilities that are a Soviet speciality. Brazil and Mexico, two of the six "newly industrializing countries" in the Third World, are discussing Soviet development contracts. Eastern Europe: A Troubled Program The East European aid program in non-Communist LDCs continued its downward drift in 1983 with only $388 million in new pledges--a 13-year low (table 3). Although most East European countries have preferred to provide the bulk of their assistance to wealthier LDCs to promote exports against hard currency payments, in 1983 aid to Marxist states dominated the SECRET Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 SECRET program. In a most years, East European allocations to Marxist states have rarely exceeded 25 percent of the total; overall they account for just over 10 percent of East European aid over the past 30 years. Table 3 Eastern Europe: Economic Aid Extended to Non-Communist LDCs Million US $ Marxist Total States Total 13,120 1,468 1954-77 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 7,883 239 1,598 417 646 195 1,322 192 723 173 560 94 388 257 Because of rounding, components may not add to totals shown. SECRET 8 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 SECRET East Germany, whose aid program has traditionally been driven by political interests, made more than $300 million in new commitments in 1982 and 1983 (table 4). Nearly 70 percent ($210 million) of its new aid pledges were directed to countries targeted for special attention by the Warsaw Pact--Grenada, Mozambique, and Nicaragua. Because of its long-standing policy of aiding "fraternal" states, East Germany has responded more willingly than other East European states to Moscow's call for both political and material support to Marxist clients; it accounts for more than half of overall East European pledges to Marxist clients, chiefly Ethiopia, Nicaragua, and Mozambique. Nevertheless, Bulgaria devoted nearly 60% ($87 million) of its new aid to Marxist states in 1982 and 1983; Czechoslovakia directed about 70% ($48 million) to this group of countries. Table 4 Eastern Europe: Economic Aid Extended to LDCs, 1982 and 1983 Million US $ 1982 1983 Total 560 388 Bulgaria 52 95 Czechoslovakia 21 47 East Germany 101 205 Hungary 125 10 Romania 261 30 Because rounding, components may not add to totals shown. Among the East European allocations?to other LDCs, Romania made the largest single commitment--$280 million to Bangladesh as a second tranche of a $500 million credit to finance projects in virtually every area of Dacca's public sector. Other East European donors made allocations in the $50 million range to traditional clients. Poland did not conclude any new development agreements with LDCs; potential recipients are concerned that - Warsaw cannot meet contract obligations because of domestic political and economic problems. East European credits are similar to Soviet trade credits, but they often carry harder terms. In 1982 and 1983, Eastern Europe provided only about $35 million in grants, mostly to Marxist states. As in the Soviet case, new East European aid conitments may be understated because we do not know the terms of several major agreements concluded in 1982 and 1983 that may provide some aid. These include: o A $185 million Bulgarian contract with Syria for petroleum gas development. SECRET 9 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 SECRET o A Czech $130 million credit to Syria for a gas treatment plant and pipeline. o A Czech $100 million agreement with Iraq to reclaim 13,000 hectares of desert land. o A $1.5 billion Romanian contract to build houses in Algeria. o A $1 billion Bulgarian contract with Syria for further gas development. o A Romanian agreement to assist Turkey with a $500 million poWerplant. If some of these contracts provide credits, East European extensions would approach much higher levels in 1982 and 1983 and would reflect East Europe's normal practice of providing the bulk of its development financing to LDCs which maintain extensive commercial ties. the decline in East European economic aid in the 1980s stems from economic problems in Eastern Europe. These problems have caused Eastern Europe to try to increase relations with hard currency partners rather than poor LDCs. Always hardnosed in their business dealings with developing countries, East European countries have almost entirely cut off concessional aid for commodities and capital imports. Important negotiations with major clients have foundered over the issue of repayment terms. For example, in 1982 Syria rejected Romanian credits because of Bucharest's demand for near-market interest rates. With Western alternatives to choose from, most of the wealthier LICs are reluctant to accept East European project bids unless the terms are extremely favorable. None of the major East European credits in 1982 and 1983 carried the kind of economic benefits that these donors usually, seek. Still, commercial spinoffs from aid relationships were - beneficial to East European economies. For example, both Iran and Iraq (major aid recipients in the 1970s) have become lucrative markets for civilian as well as military goods from Eastern Europe. Conmunist Economic Disbursements Set New Records Soviet and East European aid disbursements reached a record $1:8 billion in 1983, driven by Soviet deliveries of nearly $1.3 billion against both previous and new pledges. Major recipients of Soviet assistance in 1983 included: o Ethiopia, with $235 million of oil and project assistance, 25X1 25X1 SECRET 10 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 o Afghanistan, with more than $200 million in commodities and other assistance, o Nigeria, which received an estimated $150 million of steel-making equipment for the Ajaokuta project, and o Pakistan, whose Karachi steel plant absorbed $110 million of equipment. Disbursements have been unusually high for the Soviet program in the 1980s because Moscow has provided unprecedented levels of grant commodity support to shore up shaky Communist regimes in Marxist states. This'type of aid is delivered very quickly, compared with project assistance that requires considerable local participation by recipients and that may be disbursed over a decade or more. We estimate that deliveries of grant aid jumped 10-fold in 1980 over the previous year, and have remained high ever since. Million US $ USSR Total Deliveries Of Which Grants Eastern Europe 1979 574 30 305 1980 812 306 298 1981 853 198 384 1982 1,162 152 485 1983 1,300 330 495 Afghanistan has been the largest beneficiary with commodity shipments to help stabilize the regime. Ethiopia also has required oil subsidies and petroleum shipments under credit because of foreign exchange shortages. It is likely that this Soviet support is even more extensive than we know. For example, we do not include possible budgetary support to South Yemen, whose annual trade deficit with Moscow has been in the $100 million range for the past three years. Moscow may be deferring (or possibly even excusing) Aden's annual trade settlements. . Recent East European disbursements of close to $500 million regained the levels of the mid-1970s after three sluggish years that generally coincided with the outbreak of the war in Iran and Iraq (where major East European development programs were in progress) and the troubles in Poland. The acceleration of deliveries to Ethiopia, Mozambique, Nicaragua, and Afghanistan were responsible for much of the increase. SECRET 11 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 SECRET Aid Terms Moscow's continued support of the basic needs of its poorer client states (such as Afghanistan and Ethiopia) on unusually easy terms has had a profound short-term impact on the Soviet program in the 1980s even though trade credits are again gaining on concessionary aid. Since 1980, the USSR's $540 million of grant aid to Marxist recipients to fund deliveries of food, consumer goods, and oil has (a) accounted for 20 percent?of Soviet aid deliveries, (b) diluted the effect of near-commercial terms for other recipients, and (c) raised the flow of Soviet aid resources above repayments made by LDCs for the first time since the mid-1970s. In addition, the Kremlin has been unusually flexible in rescheduling payment on the large military and economic debts run up by this group of countries. Afghanistan, Ethiopia, and South Yemen recently rescheduled some $3-4 billion of debt to the USSR. This more liberal aid policy is a product of the 1980s, and represents a dramatic turnaround for Moscow. Still, less than 10 percent of total Soviet aid has been in the form of grants, and for the majority of recipients in LDCs the Soviet program is characterized by: o Hard terms (most credits are repayable over 10 years at 4 percent interest or better), o Expensive technical services payable in hard currency (most Western donors provide free technicians to aid projects), o No hard currency or commodity aid; o No financing of local costs, and o Credit tied to procurement from Soviet suppliers. Economic Technical Services: A Growth Industry A key feature of Soviet and East European economic aid to LDCs continues to be extensive technical support. A record 124,500 Warsaw Pact economic technicians were posted to 74 LDCs in 1983--50 percent more than in 1980. The programs are focused on a few clients, with more than three-fourths of the technicians working in Middle Eastern and North African oil producing states (and Nigeria) that pay hard currency or oil for services (see table 6). A further 10 percent were in countries that have received large amounts of Soviet development aid, such as Afghanistan, India, Syria, and Turkey. Another 10 percent were in Marxist states and were employed under a mix of terms that ranged from hard currency payments for Angola and Mozambique to deferred charges under development credits to Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Nicaragua, and South Yemen. SECRET 12 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 SECRET Table 6 Economic Technicians in Non-Communist LDCs, 1983a Number of Persons Total USSR Eastern Europe Total 124,370 40,985 83,385 North Africa 69,115 11,625 57,530 Sub-Saharan Africa 17,820 11,315 6,555 East Asia 40 15 25 Europe 75 .. 75 Latin America 1,365 515 850 Middle East 28,025 10,365 17,660 South Asia 7,840 7,150 690 We estimate that Soviet and East European hard currency earnings from their services programs have been close to $2 billion--up to $500 million for USSR and $1.5 billion for Eastern Europe--annually in the past few years. Even the poorest African states, such as Ethiopia, Guinea, and Mali, must remit half of the charges for Soviet services in hard currency, a requirement that causes considerable friction in their economic relationships with Moscow. Conmunist countries, which originally provided services at bargain rates, recently have brought technicians' salaries closer to Western levels. The Soviets charge $40,000 to $55,000 annually for technicians, based on their skills and seniority, while East European countries charge up to $80,000 a year. Academic Programs: Showing Continued Dynamism The number of students from non-Communist LDCs being trained in Soviet and East European academic institutions grew to more than 90,000 in 1983 (table 7). Nearly 15,000 of these students were entering Communist universities for the first time. Afghanistan, whose educational system is being revamped along Marxist lines by Communist educational planners, had 11,000 nationals in the USSR and Eastern Europe under agreements signed in 1980. Jordanians made up the second largest national grouping (7;500) under a large-scale training program that began about five years ago. More than 40 percent of the LDC students in Communist countries were from Africa, dominated by contingents from Marxist nations such as Ethiopia (5,000), Madagascar (4,225), Mozambique (2,775), Congo (1,800), and Angola (1,900). Nigeria was the only moderate African state with a large student population in Communist countries (2,500). SECRET 13 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 SECRET The continued popularity of European Communist scholarships stems from the dearth of educational opportunities in most LDCs, as well as the fact that the Communist Warsaw Pact countries cover most expenses (transportation, room and board, tuition, medical expenses, and pocket money) and sometimes accept dubious academic credentials. These scholarships are valued at about $5,000 annually. Academic Students from Non-Communist LDCs in Training, December 1983a USSR Eastern Europe 56,560 34,780 North Africa 3,855 1,940 Sub-Saharan Africa 17,915 '12,640 East Asia 60 35 Europe 15 20 Latin America 7,580 2,975 Middle East 15,105 13,140 South Asia 12,030 4,030 Numbers are rounded to the nearest five. Academic and technical training have long been the most concessional feature of Soviet and East European aid programs and often represent the only assistance provided to some LDCs. We estimate that the European Communist countries spend the equivalent of $400-$500 million a year to maintain these educational ties. As a payoff, they hope to establish ties with personnel who could eventually obtain influential positions in their home countries. East European countries also hope to establish lasting relationships with LDC nationals which they can use to promote business relations. After two decades, the Soviet program is showing some success. One of the members of the ruling Directorate in Nicaragua is a Soviet graduate. Other Soviet-trained LDC officials include four cabinet ministers, three sub-cabinet directors, several ambassadors, and thousands of government bureaucrats, professors, and doctors. Some are willing to serve Soviet ends. For example, the new Soviet-trained geology minister in Zambia is trying to introduce Soviet technicians into the copper industry, an area Moscow has been trying to penetrate for years. SECRET 14 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 25X1 25X1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 SECRET Prospects Bright for Continued Growth In sum, the Soviet economic aid program continues to show vigor as Moscow uses it to support its allies, to bridge gaps in its own economy, and to create a more favorable climate for Soviet ventures in the non-Communist LDCs. Since the program does not entail significant foreign exchange expenditures (and actually brings in hard currency), it is virtually immune to budget cuts that may affect other foreign activities during Moscow's current economic slowdown. Furthermore, many of the projects offered use equipment from domestic industries (such as power equipment) which are not operating at capacity. We expect Moscow to continue its dual approach to LDC aid matters. Marxist client states will receive commodity support (even though Moscow appears reluctant to increase the burden), and they may even receive more development aid. concentrate on those with the infrastructure and Moscow will funds to support local costs. For example, Moscow is studying a large hydropower project in Nicaragua, an oil refinery in Angola, and an aluminum plant and railroad construction in Mozambique. Some of these contracts could carry 10-year repayment terms. Other LDCs will receive expanded Soviet credits for their ambitious development plans. Kremlin officials have recently shown greater interest in export-type financing for both old and new Free World recipients. In 1982/83, Moscow has been negotiating 10-year credits for: o $500 million for electrification and transportation projects in Argentina. o A $250 million cement plant in the Philippines. o A multipurpose dam and powerplant in Pakistan that will cost $3.7 billion. The USSR also has begun a recent push to sell nuclear powerplant equipment to LDCs. India, Iraq, Pakistan, Syria, and Turkey have received Soviet offers for nuclear plants, and Libya may already have concluded a contract for a plant at Surt. Moscow probably will have to provide substantial financing to clinch these deals since price tags on this equipment range from $1.7 to $3.5 billion. Moscow also must overcome its reputation for being technologically inferior to Western nuclear power equipment suppliers. In addition, Moscow would have to apply appropriate IAEA safeguards in agreements with countries such as India and Pakistan which are not parties to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. We expect Moscow to bring many of these contract offers to a successful conclusion. They would keep annual Soviet extensions well over the billion dollar level through the end of the decade. Through these contracts, Moscow will gain: SEC1ET 1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 hUKET o Expanded equipment markets, particularly in the Middle East and Latin America. o Increased hard currency repayments as it phases out amortization in traditional local goods. o Strategic raw materials that will alleviate shortages in CEMA countries through aid repayments and associated buyback arrangements. o Expanded hard currency payments for technical services that accompany development programs. the USSR received about $900 million worth of goods from LDCs in 1981 as a direct result of its aid program, and this figure probably is well over the $1 billion mark for 1983. SECRET 16 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 ?J L '.. l \ L 1 Communist Economic Programs: A Regional Analysis Middle East: Moscow's Largest Economic Stake Since 1980, the USSR's support of Marxist states in the Third World has diverted some of its energies away from its very important traditional clients in the Middle East (see figure). Nonetheless, Communist economic activities in the Middle East accelerated in 1982 and 1983 with the conclusion of large new development contracts with Iraq and Syria. Damascus received $365 million in Soviet credits for civil aircraft purchases and power development while Baghdad signed a $1.2 billion* contract with the USSR to develop the West Qurna oil fields. The Iraqi deal probably involves Soviet credits because of Baghdad's precarious finances. According to the press, the USSR began preliminary construction of the joint Khoda Aferin dam on the Soviet-Iranian border and turned over designs for expensive industrial complexes promised to the Shah. New East European credits went to Egypt--$85 million from East Germany and Hungary for equipment purchases--and $9 million to Turkey from Romania for power equipment. Some 18,000 Communist economic personnel were employed in Iran and Iraq by the end of 1983, raising the number of Soviet, East European, and Cuban personnel in the Middle East to nearly 30,000 persons. President Mubarak reinstated some 200 Soviet technicians in Egypt by the end of 1983 to install and service equipment ordered before Sadat's expulsion of most of the Soviet diplomatic and technical mission in 1981. *Middle East: Economic Credits and Grants, 1982 and 1983 1982 Egypt Turkey 19 83 Greece Iraq Syria Turkey Million US $ Eastern USSR Europe 686 360 NA 326 92 83 9 SECRET A-1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Iran. Despite the Ayatollah's continuing suspicions about Soviet intentions toward Iran, the expulsion of 18 Soviet diplomats, and the arrest and public trial of leading Iranian Communists, Tehran's economic relations with the USSR and East European countries improved in 1983. Iran increased oil exports to dose to more than 150,000 d/b in payment for Communist- supplied commodities and technical support, employed 2,600 Communist technicians at development projects, and exchanged a record $1.3 billion of goods with the USSR. Moscow's heightened project activity was largely responsible for the record $750-800 million in annual Soviet exports to Iran over the past two years. The USSR: o accelerated work on the Isfahan powerplant, o completed a second blast furnace and a rolling mill at the Isfahan steel complex, and o finished repairs on the war-damaged Ramin powerplant. Soviet personnel also worked on grain siloes and flour mills, coal mines, and prefabricated housing plants, and began preliminary construction of the Khoda Aferin dam and power plant at the Iran-Soviet border. Moscow presented plans for mining machinery and metal casting plants in Kerman, first agreed to under a billion-dollar pre-revolutionary agreement to develop industrial zones in the northern provinces. In contrast, the triangular deal with the Shah to sell Soviet gas to Western Europe insreturn for Iranian gas shipments to the USSR--in limbo since the' Khomeini takeover--died quietly as Iran planned construction of a gas pipeline to Western Europe through Turkey. The USSR remained instrumental in transporting Communist and Western goods overland to Iran. The USSR also instituted tanker service to Baku from the Iranian port of Nowshar (an arrangement that could also serve Western European oil customers) and began study of possible new transit routes through the USSR to carry cargo to Iran. Tehran's dependence on Soviet road and rail links because of Iraqi attacks on Iranian shipping in the Persian Gulf emphasized the weakness of Iran's transit systems and may result in speedier implementation of Soviet agreements to construct additional rail capacity at several cross border points. According to the press, the Soviets still are periodically forced to turn away cargo for Iran because of severe congestion at the The Iranian-East European relationship is still centered on the exchange of Iranian oil for commodities and technical services. Tehran has become heavily dependent on Eastern Europe for medical ecuipment, supplies, and services to support the war with Iraq. SECRET A-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 S1 L1 1 Iraq. Communist participation in Iraq's economy continued in spite of Iraqi budget difficulties caused by the four-year old war with Iran (estimated by press sources to cost $1 billion a month), and the near cessation of oil supplies to traditional East European importers. Under a $1.2 billion contract signed in 1983 to develop the West Qurnah oil fields, the USSR is to drill 100 producing wells to shore up Iraq's declining production capacity. We believe the USSR may have provided some credits for this project because of Iraq's deteriorating finances, but press reports have not mentioned financial terms. Some 5,000 Soviet civilian technicians in Iraq worked on several petroleum transport and storage projects and power and irrigation schemes, the largest of which is the Haditha dam in northern Iraq which is designed to produce 570mw of power. Moscow also discussed projects to overhaul the Najibiyah powerplant, and to increase output at the Rumaila oilfield. Syria. The upgrading of the Syrian-Soviet military relationship in 1983 has been paralleled by new directions in economic programs. By the end of 1983, Moscow had begun engineering studies on a 600 MW nuclear powerplant and on Syria's first nuclear research center. Several hundred million dollars of new financing will be required for these projects, which could double Moscow's $1.1 billion in standing economic assistance pledges. Among Moscow's more traditional offerings were: o A $150 million credit for a thermal powerplant. o A $130 million credit for gas treatment and transmission plants. o A $46.5 million credit for civilian aircraft. o A contract to increase the storage capacity of Lake Asad and the power output of the Soviet-built Euphrates hydropower project. The USSR also completed the 108-km Hims-Damascus railroad, and continued work on the expansion of the Latakia port and the al-Kebir dam and power project downstream from the Euphrates Eastern Europe, which has provided nearly $1.2 billion in aid to Syria over the past two decades, won several contracts by offering below market financing: o Bulgaria signed a $200 million contract to drill up to 150 gas wells and develop a gas gathering system, o Czechoslovakia agreed to build a $130 million sour gas treatment plant and associated pipeline for the gas production project. SECRET A-3 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 .7G__x I The new agreements will maintain the pervasive presence of the USSR and-Eastern Europe in the Syrian economy. More than 3,500 Soviet and East European non-military technicians were in Syria in 1982, and the US Embassy in Damascus reports that all East Bloc countries except Poland are involved in large-scale, multi-year, turnkey projects. Other Middle East Egypt. Cairo's relations with Communist countries under President Mubarak have recovered from the near break in Egyptian- Soviet relationship brought about by Sadat and Egypt received almost all of the known East European economic aid to the Middle East in 1982/83. The new economic commitments--$50 million from Hungary and $35 million from East Germany--were bank credits designed to finance Egyptian imports of capital goods from the two countries. Hungary will provide power, agricultural, and light industrial equipment, while East Germany will increase its participation in Egyptian power development by rebuilding a power grid. Romania allocated $100 million of an old $300 million credit for electrification projects in the Sinai and agreed to send technicians to correct problems at a phosphate plant (built under an early aid agreement), whose products are of such poor quality that even Bucharest refuses to buy them. There was little progress toward restoration of normal relations with the USSR, however, in spite of new economic contracts and the return of some Soviet specialists to Egypt. President Mubarak invited Soviet technicians to install equipment (ordered several years ago) at the Helwan steel plant, the cement plant at Asyut, and a generator at the Cairo power station. Some 200 Soviet personnel were in Egypt at the end of 1983 under the new contracts. Egypt also agreed to sell about $6 million worth of cotton to the USSR in 1982, the first such sale since 1978. South Yemen. Economic realities are threatening to damage South Yemen's relations with the USSR and its East European allies. Dismayed by the lack of economic progress made since the revolution in the late 1960s, President al Hasani has begun to seek economic investment from the West and Saudi Arabia. Even though the USSR and its allies have promised nearly $1 billion in economic aid to Aden, Communist-sponsored projects have suffered in comparison to the limited Western effort in South Yemen. In addition, the USSR has not built long-awaited power and cement production facilities; the cost of 25X1 the powerplant has increased threefold .since the original agreement was signed. Still, in 1982 and 1983 the USSR signed pacts to improve Aden port and construct a satellite receiving station as part of the Intersputnik network. Work continued on a fishing port, irrigation projects, a hospital, and the power- plant, while Moscow promised action soon on the cement plant. SECRET A-4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 SECRET North Africa: A Growing Communist Presence Communist countries further increased their presence in radical North African states in 1982 and 1983. New multibillion dollar contracts to develop infrastructure in both Algeria and Libya were signed, and more than $350 million in project financing was provided. North African countries employed nearly 70,000 technicians from the USSR and its allies in 1983, more than half of all such Communist technicians in LDCs during the year. More than 58,000 Communist technicians were in Libya, which has employed large numbers of East Europeans on development projects since the early 1970s. Some 6,000 Soviets were in Algeria, the largest Soviet economic contingent abroad. In Morocco, the USSR finished surveys on the $2 billion Meskala phosphate project (being financed with Soviet aid) and signed a new agreement to construct an experimental shale oil plant. North Africa: Economic Credits and Grants, 1982 and 1983 Million US $ Eastern USSR Europe 1982 Neg l Mauritania Negl 1983 278 50 Algeria 250 Mauritania 2 Negl Tunisia 26 50 Algeria. There has been little discernible change in Algeria's relations with the USSR and Eastern Europe over the past two years. The 5-year-old Benjedid government, with its insistence on a neutral political stance and an economic development strategy that emphasizes sophisticated Western technology, has distanced itself somewhat from the USSR. Still, relations have been good, and Communist countries were able to close several billion dollars in contracts for housing and other projects under Algeria's $100 billion 1980-84 development plan. 25X1 The USSR provided at least $250 million in new credits to finance construction of the High Plateaus railway. We have no information on the terms of other contracts, but the USSR is offering 10-year repayment terms on 25X1 agreements that probably run into several hundred million dollars. Projects to be constructed under Soviet contracts signed in 1982 and 1983 include: SECRET A-5 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 SECRET o Three-fourths of the 1,000 KW Alrar-Hassi R'Mel gas pipeline, for which the USSR is acting as general contractor. 0 Four major dams. o A 500,000 ton a year cement plant. Some 6,000 Soviet personnel supported Soviet projects in Algeria in 1983 (the largest Soviet economic contingent in the Third World) and some 1,600 Algerians were being trained in the USSR. East European countries also emerged as substantial participants in Algerian development with large agreements to support Algeria's building boom: o Bulgaria negotiated a contract to construct a $50 million forklift plant and to send more agricultural experts to work in several provinces. o East Gemany, Algeria's largest East European donor with $375 million in pledges, agreed to build 32 vocational training centers, a teacher training institute, 280 training workshops to accommodate 20,000 students, a cement plant, 30 opthalmology centers, 5,000 housing units, and several more unidentified industrial projects. East Germany also completed an industrial canplex at Berrouagia under a $95 million credit agreement. o Hungary began work on 4,000 apartment units, lU poultry farms, four plants for animal feed, and the supply of 8,000 buses under contracts valued at more than $3UU million. o Romania won contracts to supply 20,000 housing units valued at $1.5 billion. Sparked by this dramatic increase in activity, Algerian trade with the USSR and Eastern Europe nearly doubled to $800 million in 1982 (the latest year for which we have data). Libya. Difficulties in meeting hard currency payments on Soviet arms and other Communist debts have dominated Tripoli's economic relations with Communist countries over the past two years. Libya's massive $2 billion scheduled annual debt payment to the USSR for weapons has been a source of friction between the two countries for several years. Moscow has tried to hold out for hard currency payments but in 1982 was forced to begin accepting several million tons of Libyan oil annually to prevent a default. The USSR ships most of the oil to West European SECRET A-6 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 customers for hard currency, a move Tripoli has protested because it undercuts Libyan sales. In spite of the difficulties, diplomatic sources report that the two countries may have agreed in principle in 1983 to sign a friendship treaty. The USSR also maintained a fairly rapid pace on development projects with more than 5,000 Soviet technicians in-country, and was preparing to undertake several new projects, including: o new power transmission lines, o an extension of the S3.8 billion Soviet-built Brega- Misurata gas pipeline to al Khums, o a nitrogen fertilizer plant, o a chemical complex at Marada, and o a hospital. Soviet personnel put the finishing touches on the billion-dollar nuclear research laboratory at Tajura, and the USSR began preliminary work on nuclear powerplant at Surt. A final contract on the powerplant reportedly was expected in 1984. Among East European countries, Bulgaria and Romania signed new long-term friendship and cooperation agreements. Libya also used oil shipments to resolve payment problems with Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, and Romania. Libyan obligations to East European countries stem from nearly 50,000 technicians working on several billion dollars in development contracts. East European countries are active in road and housing construction, agricultural development, and the oil industry. New contracts have been signed with East Germany to construct agricultural and training facilities and with Hungary for railroad design. Morocco. Morocco's relations with Communist countries, always concentrated in the economic sector, remain low key. In spite of the political chill over the Polisario issue that has permeated political exchanges for the past several years, economic relations with the USSR proceeded at a normal pace. Rabat continued to buy Soviet oil, and the Moroccans awarded the USSR a contract to build an experimental power station fueled by oil shale, under negotiation since 1978. The USSR also completed surveys for the Meskala phosphate development project that will be financed with S2 billion in Soviet credits extended earlier, and reportedly contracted to build a superphosphatic acid plant at Jorf Lasfar to supply the Soviet market. In addition, the Soviets agreed in principle in 1983 to begin a feasibility report on a fish processing plant to be supplied under a joint fishing agreement. Moscow's reluctance to move ahead with fisheries development under a 1978 accord has generated considerable acrimony in the relationship between the two countries. SECRET A-7 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 v u~.a~u i South Asia: Deepening Communist Involvement The USSR's occupation of Afghanistan has dominated Communist relations with South Asia since 1981. The USSR's commitment to shore up Kabul's Marxist government and its desire to maintain friendly relations with other regional powers have moved South Asia into the limelight among Moscow's aid recipients. In 1982 and 1983, the USSR provided....a billion dollars in assistance on very liberal terms to South Asian recipients, about 30% of its program in developing countries. India, still a major Russian customer despite frictions over the Afghan invasion, received $140 million in Soviet financing for a steel plant, while Pakistan took up some of the $2 billion in credits offered by the Kremlin to mend the rift caused by the Soviet presence in Afghanistan. South Asia: Economic Credits and Grants, 1982 and 1983 Million US $ Eastern USSR Europe 1982 93 2 52 Afghanistan 90 Bangladesh .. 2 52 Nepal 3 1983 Afghanistan Bangladesh India Pakistan 860 371 73 140 277 Afghanistan. Since the Marxist takeover, Afghanistan has become one of the USSR's largest economic aid beneficiaries in the non-Communist world. The USSR provided $46U million in new assistance to Afghanistan in 1982 and 1983, most of it grant aid to finance the delivery of commodities. More than $800 million of Moscow's $1.1 billion in economic aid deliveries to the Marxist government have been in the form of grants, generally to cover the delivery of food and other basic commodities. The USSR reportedly also has been forced to provide $75-100 million in hard currency loans to procure consumer goods from third countries. Disbursements have averaged nearly $300 million per year since the December 1979 Soviet invasion. In addition to its fairly generous commodity support, the USSR has permitted Afghanistan to defer payments on the services of Soviet technicians, for which the USSR usually demands cash payments. SECRET A-8 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Deliveries to projects also have continued at about $75-100 million annually as the Soviets expedited work on transport and military-related projects that will facilitate logistics for Soviet troops. For example, the Afghan press reported that Soviet personnel completed a bridge across the Amu Darya river at the border well ahead of schedule. Moscow also has: o Built two oil products pipelines to service Soviet units in Afghanistan. o Recently agreed to build Afghanistan's first railroad, linking Pul-i-Khumri and Kabul with the Soviet border, and possibly extending to Iran and Pakistan. o Agreed to finance expansion of Kabul airport.) 25X1 In contrast, the war has impeded Soviet efforts to move forward with other major development projects such as the Ainak. copper complex, the Hajigak iron ore scheme, and natural gas exploration in the north. The only major development contract announced 5etween Moscow and Kabul in the past two years was a $200 million project to link Afghanistan to the USSR's power grid, to ,be financed under old agreements. Moscow also signed protocols in 1983 to continue oil and gas exploration and exploitation, to complete the Mazar-i-Sharif thermal powe rplant, and to reconstruct the Torgundi railway station. The Soviet program in 1983 was supported by 5,000 technicians in Afghanistan, and a burgeoning training effort that saw nearly 9,000 Afghanis in Soviet educational institutions at year end. Until the invasion, Moscow's economic program in Afghanistan was self-sustaining. Commercial deliveries and aid flows were nearly balanced by Afghan exports of three billion cubic meters of natural gas annually through a pipeline built by the Soviets in the mid-196Us. With gas deliveries, Kabul financed a Soviet program that over the past 25 years has accounted for two-thirds of Afghanistan's 21,000km of roads, nearly all of its major airfields, two-thirds of its electric generating capacity and an extensive transmission network, 40,000 hectares of cultivable land through irrigation and reclamation, and the entire natural gas industry which produces about 3.5 billion cubic meters of gas per year. Since the invasion, however, the Soviets have been providing about $200 million in aid annually that will not be reimbursed. In addition, rebels blew up the gas pipeline close to the border at Jeraqduq in 1982, interrupting gas supplies to India. Complementing the large new military cooperation agreements signed in the past two years, the USSR and India announced significant progress in bilateral economic relations. In addition to $140 million in 17-year loans to finance expansion of the Vishakapatnam steel plant, Moscow apparently has offered to provide financing for several new projects, including: SECRET A-9 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 SEUKL'1' o A nuclear powerplant. o Indian on-shore oil exploration and secondary recovery technology. o An oil refinery. o Modernization of the Soviet-built antibiotics plant at Rishikesh. o Upgrading the Soviet-built Neyveli and Patratu thermal powerplants. o Cooperation in building high tech oil and coal extraction equipment at Indian plants for use by both countries. Protocols for oil development and the antibiotics plant were signed in karly 1983. Some of these undertakings could be funded with the ~l billion of Soviet aid in the pipeline, but massive new credi,;ks would be required to cover costs for such ambitious projects ;'as the nuclear powerplant. The USSR also hinted that it would finance some equipment for the 600,000-ton Orissa alumina plant, a project held up by Indian budgetary problems. The USSR also has deepened its involvement in India's ongoing project development with major deals that will fall under earlier aid arrangements, including: o A $400 million contract to set up the Vaiden superthermal plant in Madhya Pradesh. o Protocols to go ahead with development of the Jhanjra coal mine, the largest in India. o Agreements to assist a synthetic rubber plant and a hydrogen peroxide facility. o A protocol to improve the Korba aluminum smelter. I 125X1 Last year Moscow also concluded a protocol to exchange $3.6 billion of goods in 1984, a 15 percent increase over 1983 that will keep India in first place among Soviet-LDC trading partners. Pakistan. Pakistan's economic relations with the USSR have improved somewhat (in spite of political strains over the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan) on the strength of $275 million in new credits for a thermal powerplant at Multan. Moscow has offered up to $2 billion in financing for Pakistani development. Other plans under discussion include: SECRET A-10 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 J F, %_ i[ C. l o Downstream industries related to the Soviet-built Karachi steel plant. o Additional power capacity. o oil and gas development. In March 1983, the first stage of the Soviet-sponsored Karachi steel plant, the larest industrial construction project in Pakistan's history, was officially commissioned. The second stage, to be completed in 1984, includes a second blast furnace and a hot strip and cold rolling mill. The USSR also began construction of a plant to assemble 51,000 Belarus tractors a year under an $18 million credit agreement. East Asia: Indifferent to Soviet Initiatives Moscow has failed to improve its political fortunes in most of East Asia over the past few years, evidence of the area's lingering suspicions about the Soviet military presence in Vietnam, opgoing contention over the Kampuchea issue, and the general unwillingness of East Asian governments to become involved In a power struggle between Moscow and Beijing. o Soviet relations with Indonesia were strained by the exposure of espionage activities by Soviet diplomats and Aeroflot officials in 1982. The Aeroflot office was closed, but plans to elminate the Soviet consulates in Medan and Surabaya and disband the press and trade sections of the Jakarta Embassy have not been imple- mented. While remaining cool toward Moscow, Jakarta has sought to prevent a further deterioration in relations because of its interest in expanded trade with the USSR and Eastern bloc and a desire to promote Indonesia's non- aligned image. o The USSR made some progress in the Philippines. First Lady Imelda Marcos caused a furor in conservative quarters in Manila in 1982 by accepting a Soviet offer of a one million metric ton cement plant during a July trip to Moscow. If carried out, the project would provide the USSR with a long-sought means to increase its presence in the Philippines. Soviet technicians already have gathered initial data for the cement project, together with a related coal development scheme and power plant. The $200-250 million cement project may run into trouble, however, over Manila's request for full Soviet financing over 2 0 years. Moscow also has offered aid to power development and food processing. o Singapore's largest shipyard won a $110 million contract in 1982 to repair and convert two Soviet whalers to fish factory ships--the largest single such contract ever undertaken in Singapore. Nonetheless, Prime Minister Lee SECRET A-11 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 remains suspicious of the large Soviet commercial presence in Singapore, and political relations deteriorated over the exposure last year of Soviet espionage activity in Singapore. East Asia: Economic Credits and Grants, 1982 and 1983 1982 Indonesia Philippines Million US $ Eastern USSR Europe 10 NA 10 E uropean countries continued to offer trade credits to East, expand cortimercial dealings in the area. East Germany discussed reviving 'its aid program in Indonesia--dormant for 20 years--while Romania signed an economic cooperation agreement that established a joint commission for cooperation. Both sides agreed to accelerate negotiations on agricultural, livestock, and forestry projects. The Philippines accepted $10 million in trade credits from Czechoslovakia while Thailand turned down a $22 million Polish bid to build an aluminum sulfate plant because of its high cost and fears that instability in Poland could cause a contract default. No decision was announced on a Romanian offer to provide equipment and technical assistance to a Thai fertilizer complex and help for other development projects. Western Hemisphere The Caribbean and Central America: The Newest Penetration Program Over the past two years, Communist countries have responded to opportunities created by deteriorating US relations and continuing turmoil in the Caribbean and Central America with more than $735 million in new economic agreements, mostly to Marxist states. Nicaragua received most of the aid as Cuba, the USSR, and East European donors signed $700 million in agreements to finance commodities, equipment, and technical services. The Communist commitment to Nicaragua was further demonstrated by Managua's acceptance as an associate member of CEMA in 1983. Before the US intervention, Grenada had received its first significant aid from the USSR--~10 million in credits for communications and other projects--and an additional $10 million from Eastern Europe. SECRET A-12 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Western Hemisphere: Communist Economic Credits and Grants, 1982 and 1983 Million US $ USSR Eastern Europe Cuba Central America/ Caribbean 1982 173 93 131 Costa Rica .. .. 1 Grenada 10 9 Negl Nicaragua 163 84 130 19 83 255 60 /Grenada . Neg1 Negl Jamaica 10 .. .. Nicaragua 16 255 60 South America 1982 2 .. .. Bolivia 2 .. .. 19 83 156 10 Neg1 Argentina 68 .. .. Bolivia 72 10 Neg1 Brazil 15 .. .. Pe ru 1 .. .. Grenada. In 1983, Grenada was the site of one of the most dramatic failures for Communist policy in Latin America. Prior to the US-led intervention, Communist countries had deepened their economic relationships with the leftist government of Prime Minister Bishop with more than $30 million in economic commitments that included: o Soviet pledges of more than $10 million in credits and grants to finance a deepwater port at Grenville, a satellite receiving station, agriculture supplies and services, and commodities. Moscow also participated in Grenadian economic planning under an agreement signed in December 1982 and Soviet technicians had arrived in 1983 in connection with these projects. SECRET A-13 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 J 1J \, 1\1J 1 o East German promises of $lU million in credits for a new telephone system, a cocoa processing plant, and other agricultural and communications equipment. Cuban pledges of $30 million for an airport at Point Salines, fishing trawlers and television equipment, and 40 tractors. More than 70U Cubans, the largest foreign contingent in Grenada, were associated with the construction projects. Nicaragua. Communist countries continued their unprecedented level of economic support to Nicaragua in 1982/83 with more than $700 million in economic pledges. Cuba was the largest donor with a $190 million in commitments designated for a sugar plant, agricultural equipment, medical supplies, consumer goods, and services. Much of the Cuban program consists of technical services. The USSR ran a close second with $180 million in new agreements, which included, among other projects: o Studies for hydropower stations in Matagalpa and Mpjolka, for which Nicaragua eventually expects several hundred million dollars in construction loans. o ,'Port construction at San Juan del Sur. o Five training schools in agriculture, energy, fishing, and mining. o A 400-bed hospital. o Mineral prospecting, gold mine rehabilitation, and topographical mapping. 25X1 Some $30 million of the new aid is allocated to develop the mining industry; another $50 million is for technical assistance and feasibility studies, items for which the USSR generally demands cash payments. In addition, Moscow is allowing Nicaragua $30 million in commodity credits--a feature reserved for favored clients. East u European countries pledged almost $350 million in new aid to Nicaragua. Among Eastern Europe's new agreements (that brought their total pledges since 1979 to $465 million) were: o $85 million from Bulgaria for hydropower, mining, and agricultural projects. o $200 million from East Germany for projects and commodities, consolidating East Germany's position as Nicaragua's major East European donor. Larger Communist economic programs were accompanied by an expanded technical presence. The number of Communist personnel assigned to Nicaragua rose to more than 6,800 in 1983, more than 90 percent Cubans. SECRET A-14 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 The USSR and Eastern Europe delivIred an estimated $250 million in aid to Nicaragua in 1982/83 but only about $45 million served as balance of payments assistance compared to Nicaraguan receipts of $500 million in aid annually from non- Communist sources. The rest of the assistance was in the form of machinery and equipment and technical assistance. Other Central American and Caribbean Countries Guyana. Guyana's relations with Communist countries were generally friendly in spite of Georgetown's differences with the USSR over aid and trade issues. Ties with the USSR cooled because of Moscow's unwillingness to provide development assistance on easy terms. The Soviet Ambassador to Guyana publicly stated that Moscow has offered assistance under a 1977 agreement for bauxite, gold, and aluminum development as well as "unlimited" credit for equipment purchases such as aircraft, helicopters, bulldozers, and other machinery. Guyana turned down these offers because of harsh terms. The USSR required hard currency payment for a feasibility study on a proposed aluminum plant and for Soviet technical services--both standard Soviet practice s- Moscow recently renewed its offer to rehabilitate a bauxite processing facility at Linden in return for bauxite deliveries. Jamaica. In spite of the Seaga government's intention to reduce contacts with Communist countries, the USSR may have signed a construction contract for a 600,000-ton caustic soda plant (probably under the credit agreement signed in 1.977) and reached an agreement to buy one million tons of bauxite annually beginning in 1984. The USSR also provided Jamaica a $10 million trade credit to purchase Lada automobiles as part of the new trade agreement. Mexico. The USSR and Eastern Europe have continued to pursue economic initiatives individually and within the framework of the Mexican-CEMA joint commission established under an agreement signed in the mid-1970s. The USSR (in a consortium with Finland) bid on a contract for a joint newsprint factory in Mexico and has prepared offers on several power projects valued at half a billion dollars. Moscow also was negotiating for Mexican oil shipments to Cuba in return for Soviet oil deliveries to Mexican customers in Europe--a deal that could involve up to 60 percent of Cuba's oil requirements. Mexico has been cool toward this arrangement. lA January 1984 Soviet agreement to deliver oil in exchange for Nicaraguan products will mean a greater Soviet contribution to Nicaragua's urgent balance of payments requirements. SECRET A-15 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 V LV1\L 1 South America: Pursuing New Opportunities In contrast to successful programs in parts of Central America and the Caribbean, long-standing efforts to increase Communist presence in South America have had more limited success. This has prompted the Kremlin to assign first priority to the expansion of aid and trade relations with major South American countries to redress the annual $2-2.5 billion hard currency drain on the USSR from its purchases of South American grain and other commodities. In 1982 and 1983, the USSR placed $155 million of credits at the disposal of South American suppliers to buy Soviet machinery and equipment, only a fraction of the several hundred million dollars Moscow has offered for major power and minerals industry projects. However, Moscow was able to break new ground with a triangular agreement with Brazil under which Brazilian contractors will provide construction services for a Soviet-sponsored dam and hydropower project in Angola. Argentina and the USSR reportedly are undertaking a similar venture in Peru. Moscow hopes that these creative approaches to cooperation will help it to break into South America's Western-dominated private sector equipment markets. Are-Mina. Moscow's political support for Argentina during the Falk ands war, its position as Buenos Aires' major single trading partner and its willingness to offer financing for development projects have contributed to a somewhat more favorable Argentine view of relations with Moscow. With the provision of $68 million of credits for the Piedra del Aguila power project in 1983, the USSR seemed to be close to overcoming Argentina's reluctance to permit extensive Soviet participation in development projects. As head of a multinational consortium, the USSR also bid to construct the $lU billion Middle Parana power project, for which Moscow has completed feasibility studies and designs. other projects under discussion include: o The power complexes at Santa Cruz, San Juan, Parana Medio, and Bahia Blanca. o A $100 million graphite electrode plant. o Port construction and modernization at Bahia Blanca, Puerto Madryn, and Ushuaia. o Electrification of a railroad from Buenos Aires to Rosario. o A natural gas pipeline. o A paper mill. Moscow and Buenos Aires also discussed joint construction of a power project in Peru, and Argentina began shipping uranium to SECRET A-16 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 the USSR for enrichment under an agreement signed in 1981. In anticipation-of increased business, the USSR renewed a 1980 agreement that provides open-ended trade credits. Brazil. Brazil and the USSR have moved toward a closer, more broadly based economic relationship over the past two years, in spite of Brazil's well-publicized suspicions about Moscow's aims in the Western Hemisphere. Fundamental to the growing relationship were: o New Soviet agreements to participate in joint power projects with Brazil in Angola. o Soviet offers to supply equipment to the Santa Isobel and Piedra do Cavala power projects. o Soviet interest in the $900 million project to reclaim 1.5 million hectares of irrigable lowlands in the Varzeas region. o Soviet offers to participate in the $650 million copper segment of the Carajas general development project. Startup on Soviet contracts to install 15 methanol plants in Brazil and negotiations to sell licenses for Soviet tin, steel, copper, and iron technologies. Moscow's large trade deficit with Brazil was eased somewhat in the past two years by a drop in Brazilian agricultural commodity prices and Soviet sales of oil, valued at around $375 million. Deliveries of equipment, however, remained low in spite of high-powered Soviet sales efforts over the past two or three years. Moscow also expressed interest in Brazilian bauxite and copper in exchange for Soviet machinery and equipment. Bolivia. The major development in Bolivia's economic relations with Communist countries was $72 million of Soviet credits for a second tin volatization plant (at Marcamarcha) in spite of problems and cost overruns encountered during the construction of a similar plant at La Palca. Together, the two plants will absorb $150 million in Soviet credits, repayable in nonferrous metals. The La Palca plant, the largest of its type in the world, was turned over to Bolivia several years behind schedule in 1982. According to the Bolivians, they hope to buy another $160 million in machinery and equipment from the USSR and Eastern Europe over the next year or so for the mining industry. According to the US Embassy in La Paz, this will tie the strategic tin industry to the USSR for the next decade. The USSR also is considering assistance for trolleybus systems for Cochabamba and Santa Cruz, a prefabricated housing plant, four hydropower plants, geological prospecting, and a cement plant under an open ended 1976 line of credit. SECRET A-17 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03 :CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sub-Saharan Africa: Heightened Economic Support Communist economic agreements in sub-Saharan Africa rose to more than $1 billion in 1982 and 1983 as the USSR provided expanded balance of payments and development aid to client states. Angola signed an agreement with the USSR in January 1982 that eventually could provide $2 billion in credits; $400 million in contracts already have been signed for a dam project the USSR will construct jointly with Brazil. The USSR agreed to let Ethiopia defer payments for 12 years on an estimated $15U million of oil, and agreed to provide $250 million in new aid for the Gambella irrigation project. Moscow also was studying the feasibility of several hundred million dollars worth of projects for Mozambique. Sub-Saharan Africa: Economic Credits and Grants, 1982 and 1983 Million US $ Eastern USSR Europe 1982 696 113 Angola 400 Equatorial Guinea 1 Ethiopia 232 Ghana 10 Neyl Guinea .. 20 Guinea-Bissau 15 .. Madagascar 6 Mali 22 Mozambique 5 10 Niger .. 70 Tanzania 5 10 Zimbabwe .. 2 1983 308 72 Ethiopia 266 2 Ghana Negl Neyl Kenya 5 Lesotho 5 Mozambique 16 Nigeria 5 Seychelles .6 .. Somalia .. 25 Uganda 11 .. Zambia 9 Zimbabwe 30 SECRET A-18 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 There has not been a similar increase in Communist assistance for politically moderate countries in the region with the exception of Nigeria, which repays Soviet assistance in hard currency. Until the 1980s, African states had absorbed less than 10 percent of Soviet assistance, as Moscow pursued more lucrative interests among wealthier LDCs. Now that the USSR is supporting some basic needs in African client states (especially Ethiopia), Soviet aid to Africa in the 1980s has risen to 15% percent of total pledges. Angola. The USSR moved quickly to implement a 10-year agreement signed in January 1982 that eventually could provide up to $2 billion in economic development aid. The USSR signed a contract to provide $400 million in equipment credits for the Kapanda hydroelectric dam and powerplant--an undertaking that will be Angola's largest construction project. In an unusual move, the USSR will join with Brazil to execute this project. It is part of a comprehensive Soviet-formulated development plan under which Moscow will also construct a 990,000 acre irrigation system, bridges, and other projects in Malanje province. Angola and the USSR also are discussing the construction of an oil refinery. % 25X1 The 'new Soviet agreement has not appreciably reduced the 25X1 growing tension in relations over the Soviet and East European failure to help reverse the decline in Angola's economy. there is a widespread belief among 25X1 Angola officials that nearly 10 years of Soviet economic aid has been a failure. More than 9,500 Communist economic technicians were present in Angola in 1983, but industrial production lagged far behind prewar levels, and only the Western assisted oil industry operated at a profit. Food and consumer goods shortages have become more pronounced. Moscow has flatly refused to provide emergency food assistance for war-torn southern Angola. Meanwhile, Angolan officials are watching the growing Soviet debt burden with dismay. 25X1 Ethiopia. As a result of lengthy economic negotiations, Moscow made. substantial new credits available in 1982 and 1983 to Ethiopia for oil--its first such concession to a non-Communist LDC--and for development projects. The USSR agreed to provide 500,000 tons of crude oil in 1983 (all of Ethiopia's require- ments) on credit at prices 10 percent below the world market. The USSR also moved forward on Chairman Mengistu's repeated requests for project aid with a $250 million credit for the Gambella irrigation project and for further oil exploration. The USSR also continued work on: o A cement plant. o A farm machinery assembly complex. o A caustic soda plant. SECRET A-19 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 o 90 grain and fodder warehouses. o Oil, gas, and mineral prospecting projects. While publicly reaffirming his political commitment to Moscow, Mengistu continues to rely on the West for economic assistance. Ethiopia is trying to increase Western aid for Ethiopian development projects above the $250 million it receives annually Mozambique. Mozambique's expanding economic ties with Western powers have not affected its relations with Communist countries. The USSR and its East European allies deepened their economic involvement in Mozambique with nearly 2,400 Warsaw Pact technicians and $30 million in new aid. The USSR, the largest donor with $140 million in outstanding development credits, pursued several initiatives: o Participation in a railroad from the Moatize coal fields to,the port of Beira using Brazilian firms as civil works contractors. o The supply of 5150 million of equipment for the second stage of the Cabora Bassa hydropower projects. o Acceleration of work on mining and agricultural projects, an aluminum smelting plant at Caia, and intensified coal exploration. The USSR also donated $20 million in grain, food, and seed grains to Mozambique. 25X1 Other African Countries Ghana. Under Rawling's leadership, Ghana has stressed state investment in all economic areas, and encouraged Communist countries to revive aid programs abandoned in the mid-1960s. Highlights of new Communist commitments are: o Bulgarian participation in a truck plant and development of agriculture and transportation. o Czech rehabilitation of a sugar refinery, tire factory, tannery and ceramic facilities as well as construction of a tractor plant and irrigation dams, probably with credits under earlier agreements. o Hungarian construction of two brick and tile works and expansion of a pharmaceutical factory. o Soviet reactivation of a prefab construction materials plant, construction of a machine building and power SECRET A-2 0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 lJ 1J\.1% 1 engineering center and rehabilitation of a gold refinery with nearly $10 million in credits, possibly under old agreements. In addition, Bulgaria, East Germany, and Hungary have provided emergency assistance valued at under *1 million, and Cuba has established hed a joint commission to study development projects. Guinea. The USSR's relations with Guinea, its first African aid client, have deteriorated sharply in the 1980s as President Toure intensified his search for Western trade and investment to revive Guinea's economy. A low level of economic aid and arguments over the price the USSR pays for Guinean bauxite continued to plague the Soviet-Guinean economic relationship. To underline its disappointment with the Soviet program, Guinea expelled 30 Soviet technicians from the Kindia bauxite plant in 1982, charging them with inferior performance and smuggling, and cut back on the number of students traveling to the USSR. At present, Guinea's reliance on the Soviets for arms provide the major momentum for the relationship. SECRET A-2 1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 T Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/T T03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01 100020001 -0 Chinese Military and Economic Programs in the Third World: Growing Commercial Emphasis 10 September 1984 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 This report assesses trends in Chinese military transfers and economic aid to non-Communist less developed countries with an emphasis on events in the 1980s. The statistical data supersede those in our previous publications. The term military transfers includes both the sale and grant of military equipment and related services, such as advisory support, training, and construction of military facilities. Military transfers occur under signed agreements, commitments, or accords which constitute a formal declaration of intent. The terms deliveries and shipments also are used to indicate the actual movement of foreign military goods and services to the recipient country. Within the economic aid context, the terms extensions, commitments, and agreements refer to pledges of goods and services, either on deferred payment terms or as grants. Assistance is considered to have been extended when accords are initialed and constitute a formal declaration of intent. Disburse- ments and deliveries refer to the actual use of goods and services. The non-Communist less developed countries referred to in this report include: (1) all countries of Africa except the Republic of South Africa; (2) all countries of East Asia except Australia, Hong Kong, Japan, New Zealand, and the Communist states of Kampuchea, Laos, and Vietnam; (3) Malta, Portugal, and Spain in Europe; (4) all countries in Latin America except Cuba; and (5) all countries in the Middle East and South Asia. i SECRET Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Chinese Military and Economic Programs in the Third World: Growing Commercial Interests Key Judgments China's economic aid and military transfer programs in the Third World have changed dramatically over the past five years. In the early 1980s Beijing began to emphasize military sales to earn hard currency and to reduce its economic aid in order to conserve resources for its own economic development. Since then, Beijing has emphasized commercial payoffs in almost all of its dealings with developing countries by: o Increasing its arms sales almost 10 times over the previous four years. Since 1979, China has signed agreements to sell $6.2 billion of weapons, most of them to Egypt, Libya, Iran, Iraq, and Pakistan. o Expanding hard currency technical service contracts which provide economic technicians to LDCs for specific projects. China now has 29,000 technicians abroad, its highest level ever and double the number employed in LDCs in 1980. o Shifting from the use of grant aid and interest-free loans in its economic aid programs to an emphasis on harder repayment terms and some interest charges. The new policy represents a radical departure for Beijing in the Third World. Earlier, China had provided both economic and military aid on generous terms to poor clients who often could not afford a more costly Western presence. China never attempted to compete with other military suppliers in the quantity or sophistication of weaponry. Military agreements featured mostly small arms and, for some clients, old-model tanks and aircraft. The economic program highlighted showy projects such as the Tan- Zam railway in Africa and sports stadiums in a number of countries. It may be difficult for Beijing to maintain existing levels of military sales once the Iran-Iraq conflict is resolved. More aggressive Chinese arms sales policies could have only marginal results because of increasing competition among suppliers and LDC demands for more modern military equipment. China could offset some of these factors by: o Specializing in the export of basic military equipment, support facilities, and spare parts and ammunition for Soviet-made equipment. o Aggressively selling a few more advanced weapon systems, such as MIG-21 jet fighters and improved medium tanks. Even if military sales levels decline, we foresee an active military and economic presence for China in the Third World through the end of the decade, because: ii SECRET Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011103/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01 100020001 -0 o Military deliveries will be sustained at an unusually high rate under contracts still outstanding. o Beijing sees these programs as an important means of earning foreign exchange. Beijing is looking for $500 million to $1 billion in hard currency earnings annually from its service program by the mid-1980s, and plans to have 100,000 technicians in LDCs within a few years. We believe these levels are not achievable until at least the end of the decade, but are an important signal of the importance China attaches to growth of the programs. Prospects for marketing Chinese civilian technical services appear almost unlimited because of the low salary rates charged and China's reputation for quality work. A possible shortcoming is Chinese inexperience with high technology Western equipment often used on projects where China is supplying only labor. China has undertaken a training program that will help it to overcome this obstacle. We believe that economic and technical exchanges will continue to be the mainstay of China's program through the end of the century. iii SECRET Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01 100020001 -0 Page Key Judgments .................................................ii The Military Program: A Product of the 1980s ...................1 Agreements Soar ............................................1 Deliveries Hit Record Levels ...............................2 Small Military Technical Presence ................... .......3 Basis for New Policy .......................................4 Economic Relations: Developing Commercial Potential............6 Entering the International Contracting Field ...............6 New Aid Hits Record Low ....................................7 Technical Services: A Hard Currency Resource ...................8 Prospects ......................................................9 iv SECRET Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Chinese Military and Economic Programs in the Third World: Growing Commercial Emphasis Military Sales: A Product of the 1980s Agreements Soar Since Beijing began in 1980 to expand its sales of military equipment for hard currency, China has signed agreements to sell $6.2 billion of weapons to LDCs (including a record $3 billion in 1981), five times higher than Chinese military agreements in the previous 20 years. Opportunities provided by the Iran-Iraq war have propelled China into second place among Communist military suppliers, ahead of all of the East European countries combined (but still far behind the USSR). The new emphasis on financial returns has changed the direction of the Chinese program away from traditional Asian and African clients to wealthier Middle Eastern LDCs (see the figure). The Soviet Union's refusal to supply Iraq at the beginning of the Iran-Iraq war provided China with its most important breakthrough into the international arms market. Since then, Iraq has become China's best customer, with more than $3.8 billion of orders for 70 F-7 fighter aircraft, antiship missiles, machine guns, ordnance, and support equipment. A few other major clients make up the bulk of the remaining orders: o Egypt has bought nearly $1 billion in Chinese arms, mostly naval equipment and jet fighters. o Pakistan has signed a billion dollars in contracts for FT-6 aircraft, T-54 tanks, A-5 Fantan fighter aircraft, and other military equipment. o Iran has purchased ground and air defense equipment, ammunition, and other supplies worth $500 million, and o Libya signed agreements worth more than $300 million for military equipment, including antiaircraft guns and ammunition. Deliveries Hit Record Levels China's drive to fill orders rapidly produced record deliveries in the 1980s. Average annual arms shipments of $525 million to Third World clients doubled those of any previous year. Iraq has received about one quarter of the deliveries since 1980, including China's first export of MIG-21 Fishbed fighters, substantial numbers of medium tanks, field and air defense artillery and other military support equipment. Among the other major hardware transfers were: o The first Chinese T-69 tanks to Iraq. o The first F-7 jet fighters to Egypt. o Shanghai II-class patrol boats, Hainan-class submarine chasers, and submarines to Egypt. o The first A-5 Fantan fighters to Pakistan. 1 SECRET Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 SECRET Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 China will probably sustain a high rate of deliveries over the next few years, since $4 billion is still outstanding on orders from major clients. Small Military Technical Presence Unlike the cases of the Soviet Union and the East European countries, China's expanding arms sales have not led to a larger increase in military technicians and advisers. Only about 500 Chinese military personnel were in LDCs in 1983, about the same level as over the past decade. China generally has been reluctant to send large numbers of military technicians to LDCs because they fear potential involvement in conflict. China, on occasion, has even turned down requests to augment their military presence in client states. For example, they recently refused to increase the small military services program in Tanzania (a major African client) even though they could have, recovered some of the prestige they lost when the Soviets replaced them as a major supplier a decade ago. Additionally, the unsophisticated nature of Chinese military equipment eliminates the need for a larger advisory presence and keeps training requirements to a minimum. Finally, China apparently does not use the program for profit. Beijing provides many services free of charge and where salaries are charged they are nominal--$5,000 to $8,000 per year for technicians. Basis for New Policy Beijing's new aggressiveness in the international arms market underscores China's intent to pursue a competitive commercial arms export policy that emphasizes hard currency earnings rather than politics as the basic criterion for concluding agreements. Beijing has made administrative changes to facilitate such sales. China established special corporations to represent segments of the Chinese defense industry in commercial negotiations with LDCs. China's more hardnosed approach to arms transfers is reflected in the reduction of grant assistance that was a key feature of China's program before 1978. We estimate that half of the $1.4 billion of Chinese military transfers to 39 clients before 1980 was provided free of charge; since then, we have documented less than $10 million in military grants. Economic Relations: Developing Commercial Potential Entering the International Contracting Field As with the military program, China is cutting down on giveaways in its economic aid and is now emphasizing commercial returns and hard currency earnings from technical services. The economic program has evolved from a modest effort featuring liberal amounts of grant aid to a major campaign to sell technical services and equipment for profit. Beijing's current leadership is trying to push China into the world economy by introducing its most saleable items--such as cheap labor--into 2 SECRET Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 the international market place. In its aid program, China is now seeking to combine enhanced hard currency earnings with benefits to LDC economies. On the commercial side, China is working on housing in Kuwait, a number of construction projects in Iraq, and a $375 million railway line in Nigeria. Last year, Beijing signed a $1.6 billion railway construction agreement with Libya and is negotiating a similar contract with Algeria. Even though they are newcomers in the international commercial contracting field, the Chinese have been named general contractor on several major projects in LDCs, where they select subcontractors (generally Western or Japanese companies) and arrange for local services. Since 1980 China has earned $500 million in hard currency through its construction contracts, has an additional $1.2 billion of contracts in hand. New Aid Hits Record Lows Since 1980, China's new economic aid pledges have fallen dramatically (table 5), a victim of China's economic retrenchment in the post-Mao period. Only a few traditional recipients have received significant new commitments to carry out programs already in progress. Agreements in the 1980s comprise less than 15 percent of China's total economic aid since 1956 and have followed a downtrend that began in the mid-1970s. Chinese economic aid increased somewhat in 1983 over 1982; most was provided on somewhat harder terms than before--shorter repayment periods, low interest charges, and almost no grant aid. Chinese assistance still is far more generous than that of most other Communist and some Western donors. In contrast to the decline in new pledges, Beijing has moved fairly expeditiously to discharge its obligations under old aid agreements. We estimate that China has disbursed about $250 million a year to ongoing projects since 1980--about the same level as before. Beijing also has agreed to allocate funds under earlier agreements for stadiums in the Comoros and Guinea Bissau, new roads and bridges in Bangladesh, Burma, Nepal, and Sudan, airport facilities in Mauritius, a coal mine in Tanzania, and possible railroad rehabilitation in Botswana under earlier agreements. These projects are worth several hundred million dollars; they will absorb much of the aid in the pipeline, causing a decline in disbursements later in the decade if new pledges remain at current low levels. Technical Services: A Hard Currency Resource The provision of project personnel has become the mainstay of China's economic program in LDCs as commitments of capital to aid projects dwindle. The number of Chinese employed in the Third World in 1983 has doubled since 1980--mostly in Iraq, Jordan, and North Yemen. Beijing also is using a small technical presence to build relationships with such Soviet-oriented Marxist states as Angola and Mozambique. 3 SECRET Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Technical services, which formerly were provided free by Beijing to almost all aid recipients, are now being promoted to earn foreign exchange. About half of the 29,000 Chinese economic technicians employed by Third World countries in 1983 were serving under commercial contracts with the rest financed through aid agreements (table 6). Beginning in 1980, China moved rapidly to export some of its abundant labor on commercial terms and began to bid on construction projects in Arab oil states. To handle its new business in the Middle East and elsewhere, China opened offices in Dubai, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, and North Yemen to manage local sales. China also merged its Ministry of Foreign Trade with its Ministry of Economic Relations in mid-1982 to integrate aid and trade interests more closely. some 25X1 42 companies are involved in construction projects abroad and 40 new labor contracts were signed during the first half of 1983 alone. In 1983, China exploited another potentially lucrative source of funds for the first time by providing labor to projects financed by multilateral agencies in Morocco, Nepal, Nigeria, and Somalia. 25X1 China has been successful in marketing services because of the reasonable salary rates for personnel--from $2,000 per month for project managers down to $400 a month for laborers. These charges compare with as much as $8,000 a month for personnel from other Communist countries. Another selling point is the industriousness of Chinese personnel and their ability to endure difficult working conditions that would not be tolerated by skilled workers from other countries. China still is providing a substantial number of technicians to LDCs under aid agreements. Most of the technicians that China provides free of charge are delivering basic services in public health and education. We estimate that 1,200 doctors and at least 500 teachers from China worked in the Third World (mainly Africa) in 1983. most technicians and laborers under this program cost the LDCs only about $100 to $300 monthly for local subsistence. Prospects China's new approach in its economic aid and military transfer programs in the Third World will provide Beijing with a number of opportunities to expand its influence in the LDCs and strengthen its own domestic economy. We expect the PRC to continue its opportunistic approach to arms sales, moving in where a client with a large Soviet inventory--as Iraq--is denied resupply in a crisis because of political reasons. It may be difficult for Beijing to maintain its current level of military sales once the Iran-Iraq conflict is resolved. Sales to these two belligerents amount to more than 4 SECRET 25X1 25X1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 55 percent of Chinese overall sales, and 70 percent of the new sales in the 1980s. Other limiting factors include: o Increasing competition among global arms suppliers. o The accelerated pace of Western arms technology. o The demand for more sophisticated arms by LDC clients. Orders will continue, however, to stem largely from traditional clients such as Pakistan and Sri Lanka. Beijing will also serve smaller clients, such as sub-Saharan African buyers that depend on Beijing for small arms and more basic military equipment. In the future, we believe that China will emphasize the export of basic military equipment, spare parts--especially for Soviet equipment--and support facilities. This is the type of military export commitment that can be readily met by China's defense industries. China probably will be able to increase sales to countries like Egypt and Somalia, which receive Arab funds to maintain their Soviet-built military establishments. China is a far more desirable supplier then the USSR from the point of view of the conservative Arab states. We also believe that China will move aggressively to market the few competitive weapon systems that it produces, such as its MIG-21 fighter and improved medium tanks. Weapons like these will appeal to a wider group of customers and result in a more stable and predictable flow of orders. On the economic side, many of PRC's new ventures in LDCs are commercially oriented and provide the opportunity for hard currency earnings. The Chinese are now focusing on contracts with Middle Eastern countries--Algeria, Libya, Iraq, Kuwait--that can pay hard currency for Chinese services. Beijing will not abandon the poorest LDCs--its favorite constituency--but by its own admission will limit aid to modest agricultural projects and technical assistance. 5 SECRET Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Military Transfers China's military program historically has run a distant second to economic aid as a means of influencing LDC governments. Hampered by deficiencies in its own military establishment and committed to a policy of avoiding military entanglements with LDCs, Beijing responded reluctantly to requests from LDC clients. China made occasional arms transfers to Third World countries in the late 1950s and early 1960s, but did not provide arms as a regular feature of assistance until 1965. Its support for Pakistan when the United States and United Kingdom cut off deliveries during the Indo-Pakistani war made China the supplier to whom Islamabad subsequently turned for rapid delivery during crises. As a result, Pakistan's orders accounted for more than one-half of China's $1.3 billion of military commitments to LDCs in 1958-79. Another 10 percent went to Egypt to fill equipment and spare parts gaps after the withdrawal of Soviet aid in the mid-1970s. Most of the remainder went to 28 sub-Saharan countries--the largest share to Tanzania. China's small military program never competed seriously with the USSR or Western suppliers, except in Pakistan and Tanzania, before 1979. For the most part, China provided small quantities of outmoded aircraft, ground forces equipment, small arms, and ammunition to the poorer less developed Third World nations. Since its decision to sell arms commercially, China has increased its hard currency sales sixfold, and the focus of the program has shifted to the Middle East. Giveaways have virtually disappeared from the program. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Economic Aid in Perspective China began its aid efforts in the Third World in 1956 with a few scattered economic commitments to its East Asian neighbors. The program escalated rapidly in the early 1960s, as China competed with the Soviets for influence by extending assistance to newly indepen- dent countries in Africa. Over the past twenty-seven years, China has used its $6 billion aid program to serve a number of political ends, including: (a) competing with the Soviets for leadership of the Communist movement in the Third World; (b) gaining support for its membership in the United Nations and other world organizations; (c) competing for leadership among Third World countries; and (d) rewarding Soviet clients that have made the break with Moscow. China's economic program historically has been more important than military sales as an instrument of influence in the LDCS. Until 1980, China's total economic aid pledges outweighed military commitments by more than four to one. Several characteristics set China's economic aid program apart from that of other donors: o More than half of its aid has been concentrated on Africa, an area generally neglected by other donors. o Project implementation is fast. About two-thirds of China's total commitment since 1956 has been delivered. o Aid has been focused on infrastructure, primary industries, and agriculture--prominent areas of deficiency in LDCs. o Projects are easy to operate and are import saving, such as simple processing facilities for food and raw materials, textile plants, and agriculture implements factories. o Beijing provides adequate technical support and finances local costs of projects through commodities or cash transfers under credit or grant agreements. China's unwillingness--because of competing domestic priorities--to provide economic aid as it had before marks the demise of one of the most generous and most popular aid programs in the Third World. China has never had the resources nor the inclination to become a major aid patron: its economic aid to the Third World has accounted for less than 1 percent of total aid to LDCs over the past two and a half decades. Chinese officials have always stressed that self-help programs are the only way that LDCs can improve their economies and care for their growing populations. Still, China is the most popular donor in many countries, particularly in Africa, because it has focused on LDC development objectives often ignored by other countries. China's assistance has been simple and relevant to LDC needs. Most of the aid was interest free, repayable over 10-20 years after a 10-year grace period. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 China's "Four Principles" Encourage Profitability China's new policy has received public endorsement from the highest levels of government. In a rare interview on China's aid program with the Paris daily Jeune Afrique in 1983, PRC Vice Minister Gong Dafei reiterated his country's interest in the Third World, particularly Africa, but cautioned that the day of large Chinese aid projects such as the Tanzam railroad is over. According to Gong, "We are, therefore, obliged to reduce our foreign aid and modify the nature of that aid. We now prefer to offer our African friends modest development projects...which have rapid returns." Premier Zhao Ziyang further enunciated "four principles" for aid to the Third World during a trip to Africa in January 1983, namely: o "In carrying out economic and technological cooperation with African countries, China abides by the principles of unity and friendship, equality and mutual benefit, respects their sovereignty, does not interfere in their internal affairs, attaches no political conditions and asks for no privileges whatsoever. o In China's economic and technological cooperation with African countries, efforts will be made to achieve good economic results with less investment, shorter construction cycles and quicker returns. o China's economic and technological cooperation with African countries takes a variety of forms suited to the local specific conditions, such as offering technical services, training technical and management personnel, engaging in scientific and technological exchanges, undertaking construction projects, entering into cooperative production, and joint ventures. With regard to the cooperative projects it undertakes, the Chinese side will see to it that the signed contracts are observed, the quality of work guaranteed and stress laid on friendship. The experts and technical personnel dispatched by the Chinese side do not ask for special treatment. o The purpose of China's economic and technological cooperation with African countries is to contribute to the enhancement of the self-reliant capabilities of both sides and promote the growth of the respective national economies by complementing and helping each other." This new policy updates the eight principles of aid to foreign countries formulated by Chairman Mao in the early 1960s. It no longer formally precludes China from profiting from its foreign aid efforts. China already has proposed joint ventures in geology and light industry to Nigeria and Tanzania (its first such offers in the Third World) and appears close to agreement with Bangladesh on a joint fishing venture. ******************************************** ************ Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Hard Currency Earnings Fragmentary information suggests that China first began realizing significant hard currency returns from its new programs last year. In 1983 China reported earnings of $300 million from its construction services to LDCs, combined with about $150 million from military sales. This compares with overall earnings from these activities of less than $50 million annually in 1975- 79, and less than $100 million in the early 1980s. We believe earnings from military sales could realistically rise to $600 million and technical services to $500 million annually by the mid-1980s. China has received little foreign excahnge from economic aid repayments because most large debts in commodities under old agreements: some new aid pledges call for hard currency repayments, but these probably will not exceed $20 million a year for the rest of the decade. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 SF.C'RF:T Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 China: Military Transfers to LDCs, by Year Agreements Deliveries Total 7,524 3,062 1958-73 516 452 1974 91 26 1975 40 101 1976 145 100 1977 74 73 1978 233 96 1979 193 100 1980 940 252 1981 2,964 437 1982 1,556 794 1983 772 631 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 China: Military Agreements a with LDCs, 19 80-83 Total 6,232 North Africa 315 Libya 305 Tunisia 10 Sub-Saharan Africa 135 Burundi NA Congo NA Guinea 3 Liberia Negl Mal i 2 Nigeria 12 Rwanda 2 Somal is 7 Sudan 36 Tanzania 18 Togo 3 Uganda 2 Zaire 28 Zambia NA Zimbabwe 22 East Asia 1 Malaysia NA Thailand 1 Middle East 5,284 Egypt 887 Iran 501 Iraq 3,826 Jordan 8 North Yemen 1 Oman 3 Syria 57 South Asia 497 Bangladesh 60 Pakistan 436 aBecause of rounding, components may not add. SECRET Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Q ruk?rP Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 China: Military Transfers to LDCsa North Africa Algeria Libya Morocco Tunisia Sub-Saharan Africa Botswana Burundi Cameroon Central African Republic Chad Congo Equatorial Guinea Ethiopia Gabon Gambia Ghana Guinea Liberia Madagascar Mali Mozambique Nigeria Rwanda Seychelles Sierra Leone Somalia Sudan Tanzania Togo Uganda Zaire Zambia Zimbabwe Agreements Deliveries 7,524 3,062 841 761 349 338 - 12 305 1 31 492 Ty 305 1 20 423 1 2 7 7 1 2 7 5 NEGL . 10 10 NEGL NEGL 3 3 7 7 3 3 1 1 11 11 NEGL NEGL 2 2 6 5 5 5 12 10 10 1 1 3 3 48 44 101 83 129 118 4 4 2 2 63 49 32 32 22 15 East Asia 45 45 Burma NEGL NEGL Indonesia 21 21 b Kampuchea 23 23 Thailand 1 1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 SECRET Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Table 3 (Cont'd) China: Military Transfers to LDCsa Middle East Egypt Iran Iraq Jordan North Yemen Oman South Yemen Syria South Asia Bangladesh Nepal Pakistan Sri Lanka Agreements Deliveries 5,409 1,225 1,004 338 501 130 3,832 682 8 1 2 2 3 3 NEGL NEGL 59 69 1,228 1,031 165 94 6 6 1,034 908 23 23 NOTE: Ellipsis indicates no known deliveries; NEGL refers to less than $500,000; NA indicates that value is not known. aIncluding all validated military agreements for military supplies provided for cash, under credit arrangements, or as grant aid. Values of military agreements are based on export prices charged LDCs. Because of rounding, components may not add to totals shown. bBefore Communist takeover, April 1975. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 China: Military Technicians in LDCs, 1983a Number of Persons Total 530 Africa 375 North Africa 20 Algeria 20 Libya NA Sub-Saharan Africa 355 Cameroon 35 Congo 100 Rwanda NA Somalia 10 Sudan 40 Tanzania 50b Zaire 100 Zambia 20 Middle East 115 Egypt 65 Iraq 50 South Asia 40 Bangladesh 40 Pakistan NA Sri Lanka NA aMinimum estimate of the number of persons present for a period of one month or more. bIncludes contingent located in Jordan assembling Chinese-supplied F-7 fighters for Iraq. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 141 T Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 China: Economic Aid to LDCs, by Year Agreements Deliveries Totala 5,921 3,991 1956-73 3,643 1,364 1974 282 277 1975 410 208 1976 196 355 1977 210 277 1978 219 292 1979 177 226 1980 402 228 1981 112 244 1982 41 271 1983 231 249 aBecause of rounding, components may not add to totals shown. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 China: Economic Technicians in LDCs, 1983a Total 28,790 Africa 9,485 North Africa 2,205 Algeria 450 Libya 55 Mauritania 700 Morocco 75 Tunisia 925 Sub-Saharan Africa 7,280 Angola 10 Benin 100 Botswana 40 Burundi 225 Cameroon 450 Cape Verde 155 Central African Republic 75 Congo 450 Djibouti 155 Equatorial Guinea 75 Ethiopia 250 Gabon 70 Gambia 50 Ghana 50 Guinea 100 Guinea-Bissau 75 Kenya 50 Liberia 200 Madagascar 500 Mali 250 Mauritius 15 Mozambique 100 Niger 50 Nigeria 150 Rwanda 700 Sao Tome/Principe 45 Senegal 100 Seychelles 35 Sierra Leone 265 Somalia 450 Sudan 475 Tanzania 600 Togo 200 Uganda 25 Upper Volta 175 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 S F:CRF:T Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Table 6 (Cont'd) China: Economic Technicians in LDCs, 1983a Sub-Saharan Africa (Continued) Za ire 300 Zambia 200 Zimbabwe 65 East Asia 375 Burma 375 Europe 300 Malta 300 Latin America 40 Antigua 5 Guyana 10 Jamaica 10 Mexico 5 Peru 10 Middle East 17 , 345 Abu Dhabi 40 Bahrain 30 Egypt 10 Iraq 12,000 Jordan 1,500 Kuwait 250 North Yemen 3,500 Syria 15 South Asia 1,245 Bangladesh 175 Maldives 5 Nepal 350 Pakistan 500 Sri Lanka 215 aMinimum estimates of number present for one month or more, rounded to the nearest five. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 SF:CRF.T Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 China: Economic Aid Extended to LDCsa Total 1954-73 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 metal 5,921 3,643 282 410 196 210 219 177 402 112 41 231 Ubrth Africa 331 162 57 35 .. 57 20 Algeria 92 92 .. .. .. .. .. Mauritania 87 30 57 .. .. .. .. Morocco 55 .. .. 35 . 20 Tunisia 97 40 .. .. .. 57 Ste-Saharan Africa 3,041 1,174 185 284 134 77 86 92 239 57 10 133 Benin 44 44 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Negl Botswana 31 .. .. .. 17 .. .. .. .. .. .. 14 Burundi 58 20 .. .. .. .. .. 38 .. .. .. .. Cameroon 103 71 .. .. .. 32 .. .. .. .. .. .. Cape Verde 17 .. .. .. .. 15 2 Negl .. .. .. Negl Central African Republic 29 4 .. .. 10 .. Negl .. .. .. .. 15 Chad 68 50 Negl 17 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. O r?^ros 15 .. .. .. 15 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Co, .) 199 69 .. .. .. 6 .. .. 36 .. .. 88 Dj ibouti 30 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 30 .. .. .. Equatorial Guinea 27 24 Negl .. .. NA .. .. 3 .. .. .. Ethiopia 138 86 .. .. 17 .. .. .. 36 .. .. .. Gabon 25 .. .. 25 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Ganbia 27 .. .. 27 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Ghana 42 42 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Guinea 144 97 2 .. .. .. 1 .. 34 .. 10 .. Guinea-Bissau 17 .. .. 17 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Kenya 64 18 .. .. .. .. .. .. 46 .. .. .. Liberia 23 .. .. .. .. 23 .. .. .. .. .. .. Madagascar 89 11 .. 58 21 .. .. .. .. .. .. Mali 128 124 2 .. .. .. .. .. Negl i Mauritius 35 35 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Mozanbique 65 .. .. 59 .. Negl .. .. 4 .. .. Negl Niger 52 1 51 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Rwanda 56 22 .. .. .. .. 34 .. .. .. .. .. Sao Tbme 18 .. .. 18 .. .. .. 1 .. .. .. .. Principe Senegal 52 52 .. .. .. .. Negl .. .. .. .. .. Seychelles 4 .. .. .. .. .. 4 .. .. .. .. . Sierra Leone 61 61 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Somalia 164 132 4 Negl .. .. 18 10 .. .. .. Sudan 139 82 .. .. .. .. Negl .. .. 57 .. .. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 C F'.C'RRT Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Table 7 (Continued) lb tal 1 954 -73 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 Tanzania 428 260 75 .. 28 .. .. 52 6 .. .. 8 'bgo 46 45 .. Negl .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . Uganda 42 15 .. .. .. 26 .. .. .. .. .. Upper Volta 51 49 2 .. .. .. Negl .. .. . .. . Zaire 138 100 .. 37 .. .. Negl Negl .. . .. Zambia 345 228 52 24 28 .. .. .. 6 .. .. 8 Z imbab we 26 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 26 .. .. .. Fast Asia 422 248 25 1 NA .. NA 64 .. 29 .. 55 Burma 225 108 .. .. .. .. 64 .. .. .. 53 Indonesia 47 47 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Kampuchea 92 92 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Laos 26 .. 25 1 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Philippines 31 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 29 .. 2 Thailand NA .. .. .. .. .. NA .. .. .. .. .. Western Samoa NA .. .. .. NA .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Vanuatu .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Europe 45 45 Malta 45 45 Latin America 159 133 8 10 1 .. 2 1 .. .. 1 2 Ant' iua Negl .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Negl Ch,..s 65 65 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Ecuador 2 .. .? .? .? ?. ?. ?. ?. ?? .. 2 Guyana 38 26 .. 10 .. .. .. 1 .. .. 1 .. Jamaica 11 .. 8 .. 1 .. 2 .. .. .. .. .. Peru 42 42 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Middle East 573 369 2 .. 27 12 27 .. 96 .. .. 40 Egypt 193 97 .. .. .. .. .. .. 96 .. .. .. Iraq 45 45 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Jordan 40 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 40 North Yemen 130 81 .. .. 27 .. 22 .. .. .. .. .. South Yemen 96 77 2 .. .. 12 5 .. .. .. .. .. Syria 70 70 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. South Asia 1,350 942 4 80 34 63 85 20 66 25 30 Negl Afghanistan 76 76 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Bangladesh 107 11 .. .. .. 63 .. .. 33 .. .. .. Nepal 293 128 .. 80 30 .. .. .. .. 25 30 Pakistan 651 573 .. .. .. .. 25 20 33 .. .. .. Sri Lanka 222 154 4 .. 3 .. 60 .. .. .. .. Negl aBecause of rounding, components may not add to totals shown. bIndicates presence of an economic and technical cooperation agreement that cold eventually provide assistance. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 e PrDG''P Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 China: Economic Credits and Grants to LDCs, 1956-83a Million US $ Extended Drawn Total 5,921 3,991 North Africa 331 280 Algeria 92 65 Mauritania 87 63 Morocco 55 55 Tunisia 97 97 Sub-Saharan Africa 3,041 2,052 Benin 44 20 Botswana 31 10 Burundi 58 41 Cameroon 103 96 Cape Verde 17 4 Central African Republic 29 12 Chad 68 8 Comoros 15 5 Congo 199 101 Djibouti 30 3 Equatorial Guinea 27 26 Ethiopia 138 74 Gabon 25 13 Gambia 27 13 Ghana 42 34 Guinea 144 95 Guinea Bissau lb7 7 Ivory Coast ?? Kenya 64 6 Liberia 23 6 Madagascar 89 80 Mali 128 117 Mauritius 35 5 Mozambique 65 20 Niger 52 30 Rwanda 56 29 Sao Tome/Principe 18 3 Senegal 52 37 Seychelles 4 4 Sierra Leone 61 59 Somalia 164 152 Sudan 139 80 Tanzania 428 365 Togo 46 35 Uganda 42 8 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Table 8 (Cont'd) Sub-Saharan Africa (Cont' d ) Upper Volta 51 21 Zaire 138 90 Zambia 345 337 Zimbabwe 26 5 East Asia 422 248 Burma 225 126 Indonesia 47 47 Kampuchea 92 69 Laos 26 5 Philippines 31 Thailand Western Samoa NA Ng ?? Vanuatu ?? Europe 45 45 Malta 45 45 Latin America 159 50 Antigua Negl Negl Chile 65 20 Ecuador 2 Guyana 38 16 Jamaica 11 11 Peru 42 2 Middle East 573 374 Egypt 193 99 Iraq 45 17 Jordan 40 .. North Yemen 130 109 South Yemen 96 79 Syria 70 70 South Asia 1,350 943 Afghanistan 76 40 Bangladesh 107 64 Nepal 293 167 Pakistan 651 514 Sri Lanka 222 158 aBecause of rounding, components may not add to totals shown. bindicates presence of an economic and technical cooperation agreement that could eventually provide assistance. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 USSR and Eastern Europe: Military Transfers to Non-Communist Less Developed Countries, 1983 12 September 1984 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 USSR and Eastern Europe: Military Transfers to Non-Communist LDCs, 1983 Contents Summary Soviet Military Accords and Deliveries: The Recent Record Eastern Europe: Supporting Moscow Military Advisory Services and Training: Continued Growth Looking Ahead Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 USSR and Eastern Europe: Military Transfers to Non-Communist Less Developed Countries, 1983 Summary Soviet arms agreements with LDCs worldwide plunged to an estimated $2.7 billion in 1983, a sharp reversal frlom the near record of $10.5 billion achieved the previous year . Key factors contributing to the decline included: o A softening international arms market. o Growing LDC debt. o Increased competition from other suppliers. o Political decisions by Moscow to withhold full support to key clients, such as Iraq. o Fluctuations in the arms-buying cycles of the largest Soviet Third World customers. ( Major structural changes in the LDC market were triggered by the 1981 global economic recession and massive military sales during the preceding decade. The across-the-board arms buying sprees of the 1970s that swelled LDC inventories with modern tanks, fighters and warships fulfilled the basic modernization requirements of many governments and set the stage for a general narrowing of demand. Current demand is primarily for selective upgrading and follow-on support. Wholesale replacement of large inventories has become financially and technically difficult, particularly in light of the dramatic lessons provided by French Exocet antiship missiles and other advanced weapons used with great success in the Falklands and the Middle East. As a result, the marketplace has become increasingly sophisticated, with major buyers becoming much more quality and dollar conscious, playing arms suppliers against one another to obtain the most modern equipment at the best prices and terms. The decline of LDC buying power has forced the Soviets and other suppliers to grant somewhat easier credit terms where necessary during the past several years, although Moscow still attempts to extract high interest rates, shorter repayment periods, and trys to avoid grants and discounts. Only the heavy resupply demand generated by the Iran-Iraq and Lebanese conflicts and more concessionary credit arrangements have kept overall LDC arms accords from plunging to new lows. Purchases by Iran and Iraq alone, accounted for nearly one quarter of the $95 billion in recorded global Third World arms purchases in 1981-83. War aside, future opportunities for multi-billion dollar arms packages have become severely limited by the accumulation of huge LDC debt burdens and the record low financial reserves of even 1Data was extremely fragmentary in 1983, and we believe that the value of accords was higher than $2.7 billion. Nevertheless, undetected accords probably were not sufficient to reverse recent patterns. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 the wealthiest of Third World arms buyers. Moreover, the increased competition the Soviets already face from other major suppliers and new Third World producers such as Brazil foreshadows additional difficulties for Moscow in maintaining a high level of sales. The Soviets, however, are showing increasing willingness to offer their very latest systems (for example, the MiG-29 fighter and the SA-14 shoulder-fixed SAM) which are only just entering unit service in the USSR. Recent actions by the Politburo also are responsible for slackening Soviet arms sales over the past three years. They have cost Moscow considerable prestige and billions of dollars in lost orders from major clients, most notably Iraq and Libya: o Early Soviet reluctance to respond fully to Iraqi requests for military and political support provoked a rift in relations and permitted other suppliers to undercut Baghdad's dependence on Soviet military equipment and technical assistance. Relations still are affected, despite Moscow's renewed support in 1983. o Likewise, Moscow's repeated refusal to sell Libya additional advanced weapon systems, partly on the grounds of delinquent loan repayments, has so far precluded the signing of several billion dollars in new multiyear military contracts. However, even if Moscow had fully complied with Iraqi and Libyan requests, we believe that the added sales would have only slowed recent decreases in agreements. Lower sales, coupled with continued heavy Soviet arms shipments, also led to an erosion of Moscow's huge arms order backlog amassed since the mid-1970s. The declining order book strongly suggests that the Soviet arms deliveries have finally peaked and, like sales, are headed lower. This will substantially reduce Soviet returns from the program. Most significant has been the steady decrease since 1980 in outstanding orders from Moscow's hard currency-paying Middle Eastern customers and the accumulation of orders from cash-poor buyers. At present, less than half of Moscow's shrinking order backlog is earmarked for the Middle East market, down from 70 percent or more during the 1973-80 growth period. Third World demand for military enhancement systems, such as AWACS, early warning radars and, in somecases, more advanced weapons has forced hard choices on Moscow. To protect its market position against Western encroachment and to preserve its influ- ence and presence in strategic areas, the Soviet leadership has been willing, on a selective basis, to supply export--and in some cases, Soviet-standard--versions of its best weapons to the Third World. Despite poor economic conditions in LDCs, the USSR introduced more of its current generation weapons and support equipment into Third World inventories (mostly in the middle East) during the last three years than during any previous 2 SECRET Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 period. These included air defense missile systems, fighter aircraft, and communications nets. 25X1 Despite the recent slowdown in Soviet arms sales, military assistance remains one of Moscow's most successful instruments in gaining access and influence in LDCs. The program has generated an estimated $5-7 billion a year in hard currency receipts---the second largest source of such earnings after oil--and has helped Moscow underwrite economic and military assistance to economi- cally strapped clients such as Cuba, Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Ethiopia. For political and strategic reasons, therefore, we feel that Moscow will make every effort to maintain and expand its program. Moscow's recent decisions to supply advanced weapon systems and its willingness to soften credit terms are indica- tions that the Soviets intend to respond to changing market conditions. 3 SECRET Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 USSR and Eastern Europe: Military Transfers to Non-Communist LDCs, 1983 Soviet Military Accords and Deliveries: The Recent Record In 1983, the $2.7 billion in identified Soviet agreements with LDCs marked a five-year low and were only one-quarter the annual average for 1980-82. Moreover, the low level continued the erratic pattern observed since the late 1970s (table 1). For the first time since the program was initiated in the mid-1950s, the Middle East failed to provide the bulk of new arms orders. Instead, commitments to South Asia, Afghanistan, and India accounted for about 40 percent of the total, with sub-Saharan Africa (mainly Angola and Mozambique) close behind at more than one-third. Purchases by Peru, along with Syria and Iraq, accounted for virtually all the remainder. While prospects for Soviet arms transfers appear brighter in 1984, the overall downward trend since 1980 is unlikely to be reversed this year. Syria and Iraq probably will again move to the forefront of Soviet clients, while negotiations with Libya also could bear fruit. We also expect Moscow to continue underwriting Angola with new hardware, barring a settlement of the conflict. The value of identified Soviet military deliveries in LDCs in 1983 fell to $6.4 billion, almost 20 percent below 1982; deliveries through the first half of 1984 continue to lg well behind the annual $8 billion pace of 1979-82 (table 2). The volume of Soviet arms shipped to the Third World changed little between 1982 and 1983 (about 440,000 metric tons each year), but last year the composition shifted noticably toward ammunition and support materiel, such as radars and trucks. Deliveries of major weapon systems fell markedly in 1983, since many of Moscow's largest clients have become well-stocked since the mid-1970s. Deliveries of jet fighter and trainer aircraft, surface-to-air missile launchers, and tanks, for example, dropped by 20 percent, 15 percent, and about 50 percent, respectively, from 1982. The Middle East again accounted for over one-half of total deliver- ies, as Syria and Iraq took nearly half the tanks, jet fighters, and surface-to-air missile (SAM) systems shipped in 1983. Soviet efforts to shore up the Marxist regimes in Angola and Mozambique and continuing shipments to Ethiopia brought overall transfers to sub-Saharan Africa to $1.25 billion--a five-year high. Else- where, Soviet deliveries to Nicaragua were a record $45 million, although they still consisted of support hardware such transport aircraft and trucks, rather than weapons. 2The actual value and volume of deliveries could be significantly higher, as concealment efforts (especially in Syria and Iraq) have proved increasingly successful. 4 SECRET Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Nort Sales Mid of h dl which Africa e East Deliveries Totala 83,225 57,632 66,813 1955-77 87,722 27,879 24,480 1978 2,679 1,251 6,080 1979 8,830 6,710 8,338 1980 14,236 11,036 7,611 1981 6,499 3,507 7,157 1982 10,520 6,822 7,774 1983 2,740 427 6,373 shown Eastern Europe: Supporting Moscow Continued heavy fighting in the Iran-Iraq war generated another year of large arms orders for East European suppliers. Accords in 1983 reached about $1.2 billion, the third successive year that they exceeded the $1 billion mark and nearly three times the 1970-80 yearly average. About 40 percent of total 1983 agreements were with Iran and Iraq, while Libya made up about half of the remainder. Bulgaria emerged as the leading East European supplier for the first time since the late 1970s, largely on the strength of contracts with Iraq and Libya. Eastern Europe: Military Transfers to Non-Communist LDCs Agreements Deliveries 1955-77 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 USSR: Military Transactions Non-Communist LDCs Total 11,122 3,644 520 746 870 2,549 1,607 1,186 8,116 2,432 551 646 565 1,281 1,758 883 5 SECRET Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 In sharp contrast to new orders, less than $900 millin in identified arms deliveries from Eastern Europe last year were half the 1982 level. Much lower identified shipments to Iraq ($170 million versus over $900 million) accounted for virtually all the decline. The actual value of East European military deliveries to Iraq, however, could have been much higher because of the continued high level of combat Libya was the largest recipient of East European hardware-in 1983 (about $50 million worth), a small part of which probably was appropriated for rebels in sub-Saharan Africa and Central America. East European governments provide military assistance to LDCs to support Moscow and to satisfy their own political and financial objectives. East European programs typically complement Soviet efforts by providing items such as outdated aircraft and combat support equipment like vehicles and electronics gear which are either of Soviet manufacture or are compatible with such hardware. Moreover, the East Europeans-- especially the East Germans--conduct training and provide advisory services to a wide range of LDCs, usually with close Soviet coordination. Military Advisory Services and Training: Continued Growth Advisory services and training, important components of Warsaw Pact military assistance programs, have continued to expand sharply in size and scope. Much of the growth derives from increased transfers of advanced weapons although security and intelligence support have also become important. Through personnel assistance, Moscow hopes to expand its influence in LDCs, a goal most East European countries feel obligated to support to varying degrees. In recent years, hard currency earnings from these programs--estimated at some $250 million in 1983--have provided an additional incentive. Table 3 USSR and Eastern Europe Military Technicians in Non-Communist LD Cs, 1983a Number of persons To tal USSR Eastern Europe Total 20, 180 17,525 2,655 North Africa 3, 590 2,775 815 Sub-Saharan Africa 5, 540 4,370 1,170 Latin America 310 250 60 Middle East 8, 260 7.675 585 South Asia 2, 480 2,455 25 ' Minimum estimate of the number of persons present for a period of one month or more. 25X1 25X1 6 SECRET Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 over 20,000 Warsaw military personnel (excluding troops)-- along with more than 43,000 Cubans--were stationed in 34 LDCs in 1983, 10 percent above the 1982 record: o The sharpest gain occurred in Syria, where some 2,000 additional Soviets were sent primarily to man and maintain the SA-5 missiles. As a result, the Soviet military presence in Syria grew to at least 5,500. o The Soviet presence in Iraq increased by one-fifth to some 1,200 experts in connection with continuing large arms deliveries. o on the debit side, Algeria's disillusionment with various aspects of Moscow's military assistance program led to a halving of the Soviet military-related personnel in that country to about 775. Large Warsaw Pact contingents--mainly Soviets--also were in Angola (an estimated 1,700), Ethiopia (2,300), North Yemen (some 1,200), and South Yemen (1,350). A record 6,000-plus military and paramilitary trainees from LDCs are estimated to have departed for the USSR and Eastern Europe in 1983. Nearly three-quarters of these students came from the Middle Eastern and North African countries--principally Libya and Syria. Most trainees sent to Warsaw Pact countries still receive weapons-related and advisory instruction, although increasing numbers take security and intelligence courses. Looking Ahead Soviet military commitments to LDCs in 1984 will rebound as Moscow regains momentum with key clients. Nevertheless, the continuing debt problems of many LDCs, coupled with intense competition, strongly suggest that records will remain significantly below the $10.5 billion mark of 1982. Sales to the Middle East, the regional focus of Soviet efforts to restablish their reputation as a reliable supplier, are expected to show the most improvement: ? Syria probably will order a large arms package, including additional T-72 tanks and air defense weapons. ? Iraq is on the verge or may alrady have signed a multibillion dollar accord. ? Jordan and Kuwait are in advanced stages of discussion for air defense hardware, butt these accords are not expected to develop into comprehensive packages like those supplied to Libya or Syria. These and other accords, if concluded, could easily double the $2.7 billion in identified global Soviet accords in 1983, but even this would not approach the record $16 billion in sales in 1980. ( Elsewhere, the Soviets are likely to continue efforts to build on recent pledges. o Commitments to Sub-Saharan Africa will, to a large extent, depend on developments in the Angolan and 7 SECRET Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Mozambique insurgencies. Barring resolution of either conflict, the'Soviets undoubtedly will continue their recent high level of support. o Soviet accords with India in 1984 could include provision of advanced MiG-29 and MiG-31 fighters, the first Soviet cruisers since the mid-1960s, and a new export class of diesel submarine very likely with associated production technology. o In Central America, Soviet support for the Sandinistas in Nicaragua is likely to remain undiminished, although Moscow still will distance itself as a military supplier and restrain Cuba from provoking the United States. One result will be the continued use of Bulgaria, Cuba, and others as surrogates. East European sales of over $1 billion annually to the Third World to a large extent hinges on continuation of the Iran-Iraq war. Even if the war ends, however, these suppliers can meet Iraq's requirements to rebuild stocks of munitions, spare parts and selected weapons sytems. Moreover, they have been establishing increasingly strong positions as reliable alternative suppliers of hardware and technical expertise in countries such as Libya. 8 SECRET Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Directorate of Secret Intelligence Chinese Military and Economic Programs in the Third World: Growing Commercial Emphasis Secret GI 84-10090 May 1984 Copy 5 12 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Intelligence 25X1 Directorate of Chinese Military and Economic Programs in the Third World: Growing Commercial Emphasis An Intelligence Assessment This paper was prepared by 25X1 the Office of Global Issues. Comments and 25X1 queries are welcome and may be directed to the Chief, International Security Issues Division, on C Secret GI 84-10090 May 1984 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret nist Aid to Non-Communist Less Developed Countries. This report assesses trends in Chinese military transfers and economic aid to non-Communist less developed countries with an emphasis on events in the 1980s. The statistical data supersede those in our previous publications. This publication supplements the annual statistical reference aid Commu- the movement of foreign military goods and services to the recipient. The term military transfers includes both the sale and grant of military equipment and related services, such as advisory support, training, and construction of military facilities. Military transfers occur under signed agreements, commitments, or accords, which constitute a formal declara- tion of intent. The terms deliveries and shipments also are used to indicate Within the economic aid context, the terms extensions, commitments, and agreements refer to pledges of goods and services, either on deferred payment terms or as grants. Assistance is considered to have been extended when accords are initialed and constitute a formal declaration of intent. Disbursements and deliveries refer to the use of goods and services.F 25X1 and South Asia. The non-Communist less developed countries referred to in this report include: (1) all of Africa except the Republic of South Africa; (2) all of East Asia except Australia, Hong Kong, Japan, New Zealand, and the Commu- nist states of Kampuchea, Laos, and Vietnam; (3) Malta, Portugal, and Spain; (4) all of Latin America except Cuba; and (5) all of the Middle East iii Secret GI 84-10090 May 1984 25X1 25X1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret Chinese Military and Economic Programs in the Third World: Growing Commercial Interests Key Judgments China's economic aid and military transfer programs in the Third World Information available have changed dramatically over the past five years. In 1979 Beijing as of I May 1984 decided to emphasize military sales to earn hard currency and to reduce was used in this report. economic aid to conserve resources for its economic development. Since then, Beijing has emphasized commercial payoffs in almost all of its dealings with developing countries by: ? Increasing its arms sales almost 10 times over those of the previous four years. Since 1979 China has signed agreements to sell $6.2 billion of weapons, 95 percent of them to Egypt, Libya, Iran, Iraq, and Pakistan. ? Expanding hard currency technical service contracts that provide eco- nomic technicians to LDCs for specific projects. China now has 29,000 technicians abroad, its highest level ever and double the number employed in LDCs in 1980. ? Shifting from the use of grant aid and interest-free loans in its economic aid programs to an emphasis on harder repayment terms and some interest charges. The new policy represents a radical departure for Beijing in the Third World. Earlier, China had provided both economic and military aid on generous terms to poor clients who often could not afford a more costly Western presence. China never attempted to compete with other military suppliers in the quantity or sophistication of weaponry. Military agree- ments featured mostly small arms and, for some clients, old-model tanks and aircraft. The economic program highlighted showy projects, such as the Tan-Zam Railway in Africa, and sports stadiums in a number of countries. It may be difficult for Beijing to maintain existing levels of military sales once the Iran-Iraq conflict is resolved. More aggressive Chinese arms sales policies could have only marginal results because of increasing competition among suppliers and LDC demands for more modern military equipment. China could offset some of these factors by: ? Specializing in the export of basic military equipment, support facilities, and spare parts and ammunition for Soviet-made equipment. ? Aggressively selling a few more advanced weapon systems, such as MIG-21 jet fighters and improved medium tanks. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Even if military sales decline, we foresee an active military and economic presence for China in the Third World through the end of the decade: ? Military deliveries will be sustained at an unusually high rate under several billion,of contracts still outstanding. ? Beijing sees these programs as an important means to earn foreign exchange. According to the Chinese News Agency, Beijing is looking for at least $1 billion in hard currency earnings annually from its service program by the mid-1980s and plans to have 100,000 technicians in LDCs by 1986. We believe these levels are not achievable until at least the end of the decade but are an important signal of the importance China attaches to growth of the programs. Prospects for marketing Chinese civilian technical services appear almost unlimited because of the low salary rates and China's reputation for quality work. A possible shortcoming is Chinese inexperience with the high-technology Western equipment often used on projects where China is supplying only labor. China has undertaken a training program that will help it overcome this obstacle. We believe that economic and technical exchanges will continue to be the mainstay of China's program through the end of the century. Secret vi Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret Page iii Military Sales: A Product of the 1980s 1 Agreements Soar Small Military Technical Presence 2 Basis for New Policy 2 Economic Relations: Developing Commercial Potential 7 Entering the International Contracting Field 7 Technical Ser vices: A Hard Currency Resource 10 Prospects 10 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Figure 1 China: Third World Agreements and Deliveries, 1956-83 s ~lturr~ R~1aVER~~s 1956-69 1970-75 1976-79 1980 1981 1982 1983 0 1956-69 1970-75 1976-79 1980 1981 1982 1983 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret Chinese Military and Economic Programs in the Third World: Growing Commercial Emphasis Military Sales: A Product of the 1980s Agreements Soar. Since Beijing's policy decision in 1979 to expand its sales of military equipment for hard currency, China has signed agreements to sell $6.2 billion of weapons to LDCs (including a record $3 billion in 1981), 10 times higher than Chinese military agreements in the previous four years. The Iran-Iraq war has propelled China into second place among Communist military suppliers, ahead of all the East European countries combined (but still far be- hind the USSR). In addition to Iran, Beijing has picked up several other clients in the 1980s-includ- ing Jordan, Libya, and Liberia-bringing its custom- er list to 49. The new emphasis on financial returns has changed the direction of the Chinese program away from traditional Asian and African clients to Table 1 China: Military Transfers to LDCs, by Year wealthier Middle Eastern LDCs (figure 2). The Soviet Union's refusal to supply Iraq at the beginning of the Iran-Iraq war provided China with its most important breakthrough into the internation- al arms market. Since then, Iraq has become China's best customer, with more than $3.8 billion of orders for 70 F-7 fighter aircraft, antiship missiles, machine- guns, ordnance, and support equipment. A few other major clients make up more than 75 percent of the remaining orders: ? Egypt has bought more than $1 billion in Chinese arms, mostly naval equipment and jet fighters. ? Pakistan has signed a billion dollars in contracts for FT-6 aircraft, T-54 tanks, A-5 Fahtan fighter air- craft, and other military equipment. ? Iran has purchased ground and air defense equip- ment, ammunition, and other supplies worth $500 million. ? Libya signed agreements worth more than $300 million for military equipment, including antiair- craft guns and ammunition. These deals have included newer, more sophisticat- ed equipment than China had traditionally been able to supply. For example, T-69 tanks were first deployed with Chinese forces in 1981, and MIG-21 jet fighters have been exported for only two years. Total 7,524 3,062 1958-73 516 452 1974 91 26 1975 40 101 1976 145 100 1977 74 73 1978 1979 1981 2,964 437 1982 1,556 794 1983 772 631 Record Deliveries. China's drive to fill orders rapidly produced record deliveries in the 1980s. Average annual arms shipments of $30 million to Third World clients doubled those of any previous year. Iraq has received about one-fourth of the deliveries since 1980, including China's first export of MIG-21 Fishbed fighters, substantial numbers of medium tanks, field and air defense artillery, and other military support equipment. Among the other major hardware trans- fers were: ? The first Chinese T-69 tanks to Iraq. ? The first F-7 jet fighters to Egypt. ? Shanghai-11-class patrol boats, Hainan-class sub- marine chasers, and submarines to Egypt. ? The first A-5 Fantan fighters to Pakistan. China will probably sustain a high rate of deliveries over the next few years because $4 billion is still outstanding on orders from major clients. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Figure 2 China: Military Agreements by Major Clients, 1958-83 1958-79 Total: 1.3 billion US $ 1980-83 Total: 6.2 billion US $ Other Egypt Sudan- Tanzania Other- 0 South Asia C Sub-Saharan Africa C Middle East/North Africa O Other Other- Pakistan Other- Libya- Small Military Technical Presence. Unlike the cases of the Soviet Union and the East European countries, China's expanding arms sales have not led to a larger increase in military technicians and advisers. Only about 500 Chinese military personnel were in LDCs in 1983, about the same number as over the past decade. China generally has been reluctant to send large numbers of military technicians to LDCs be- cause they fear involvement in conflict. China, on occasion, has even denied requests to augment its military presence in client states. For example, it recently refused to increase the small military services program in Tanzania (a major African client) even though it could have recovered some of the prestige lost when the Soviets replaced them as a major supplier a decade ago. Additionally, the unsophisticat- ed Chinese military equipment eliminates the need for a larger advisory presence and keeps training require- ments to a minimum. Finally, China apparently does not use the program for profit. Beijing provides many services free and where salaries are charged they are nominal-$5,000 to $8,000 per year for technicians. Basis for New Policy. Beijing's new aggressiveness in the international arms market underscores China's intent to pursue a competitive commercial arms ex- port policy that emphasizes hard currency earnings rather than politics as the basic criterion for conclud- ing agreements. Beijing has made administrative changes to facilitate such sales. By early 1980, Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret Table 2 China: Military Agreements With LDCs, 1980-83 a North Africa 315 Libya 305 Tunisia 10 60 436 seven corporations to represent segments of the Chi- nese defense industry in commercial negotiations with LDCs. The corporations were willing to sell to all governments except Israel, South Africa, Taiwan, and South Korea and were instructed to be flexible on China's military program historically has run a distant second to economic aid as a means of influ- encing LDC governments. Hampered by deficiencies in its own military establishment and committed to avoiding military entanglements with LDCs, Beijing responded reluctantly to requests from LDC clients. China made occasional arms transfers to Third World countries in the late 1950s and early 1960s, but did not provide arms as a regular feature of assistance until 1965. Its support for Pakistan when the United States and United Kingdom cut off deliv- eries during the Indo-Pakistani war made China the supplier to whom Islamabad subsequently turned for rapid delivery during crises. As a result, Pakistan's orders accounted for one-half of China's $1.3 billion of military commitments to LDCs in 1958-79. Anoth- er 10 percent went to Egypt to fill equipment and spare parts gaps after the withdrawal of Soviet aid in the mid-1970s. Most of the remainder went to 28 Sub-Saharan countries-the largest share to Tanza- nia. China's small military program never competed seri- ously with the USSR or Western suppliers, except in Pakistan and Tanzania, before 1979. For the most part, China provided small quantities of outmoded aircraft, ground forces equipment, small arms, and ammunition to the poorer less developed Third World nations. Since its decision to sell arms commercially, China has increased its hard currency sales sixfold, and the focus of the program has shifted to the Middle East. Giveaways have virtually disapeared from the pro- gram. both prices and repayment terms. Because sales to Iraq have become so important to China, Beijing opened its first overseas arms sales office in Jordan in May 1982 to facilitate weapons transactions with Baghdad. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Iq Next 1 Page(s) In Document Denied Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Figure 3. Chinese F-7 fighter aircraft. China's more hardnosed approach to arms transfers is reflected in the reduction of grant assistance that was a key feature of China's program before 1978. We estimate that $615 million of the $1.3 billion of Chinese military transfers to 39 clients before 1979 was provided free; since then, we have documented less than $10 million in military grants. China does still seek political gains. Beijing is provid- ing grant aid for dissident groups that have little prospect of buying equipment elsewhere. China also has remained somewhat flexible in its dealings with old customers and has exempted some of its long-time African clients from its cash-and- carry terms. China's offers of military aid to Zaire in 1982, for example, carried 10-year repayments in goods or hard currency, after a nine-year grace period. No other military supplier offers such gener- ous terms. encourage larger production runs. lower unit costs for some military items if they In addition to financial returns, Chinese arms sales sometimes benefit China's domestic weapons develop- ment program by allowing access to foreign military technology. Pakistan, for example, has allowed Beijing to study advanced French weapons and possi- bly US Sidewinder missiles in its inventory. China and Pakistan also have agreed to joint weapons development and production using Western technol- ogy. Investments in Chinese defense industries to modernize facilities and procure new technology and equipment from the West could be facilitated by earnings from arms sales. Sales to LDCs could also 25X1 25X1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Secret Table 4 China: Military Technicians in LDCs, 1983 a Number of persons 355 35 a Minimum estimate of the number of persons present for one month or more. b Includes contingent located in Jordan assembling Chinese- supplied F-7 fighters for Iraq. Economic Relations: Developing Commercial Potential Entering the International Contracting Field. As with the military program, China is cutting down on giveaways in its economic aid and is now emphasizing commercial returns and hard currency earnings from technical services. The economic program has evolved from a modest effort featuring liberal amounts of grant aid to a major campaign to sell technical services and equipment for profit. Beijing's current leadership is trying to push China into the world economy by introducing its most salable items-such as cheap labor-into the international marketplace. In its aid program, China is seeking to combine enhanced hard currency earnings with benefits to LDC economies. Table 5 Million US S China: Economic Aid to LDCs, by Year Total a 5,921 3,991 1956-73 3,643 1,364 1974 282 277 1975 410 208 1976 196 355 1977 210 277 On the commercial side, China is working on housing in Kuwait, a number of construction projects in Iraq, and a $375 million railway line in Nigeria. Last year, Beijing signed a $1.6 billion railway construction agreement with Libya and is negotiating a similar contract with Algeria. Even though they are newcom- ers in the international commercial contracting field, the Chinese have been named general contractor on several major projects in LDCs, where they select subcontractors (generally Western or Japanese com- panies) and arrange for local services. According to Chinese news sources, since 1980 China has earned $500 million in hard currency through its construction contracts, has an additional $1.2 billion of contracts in hand, and expected to sign $1 billion in new contracts in 1983. New Aid Hits Record Lows. Since 1980 China's new economic aid pledges have fallen dramatically (table 5), a victim of China's economic retrenchment in the post-Mao period. Only a few traditional recipients have received significant new commitments to contin- ue programs. Agreements in the 1980s comprise less Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 l1 Figure 4 China's Expanding Relations With the Third World, 1973 and 1983 '4- OT Rwanda , y Zaire Senegal Cape Verde The Gambia"' Guinea- Bissa? Sierra Leone- J Niger re Nige,rjt1 Liberian Tdao Sao Tome 'oil Pe Equatorial "'' Guinea C.A.R.-Central African Republic P.D.R.Y.-People's Democratic Republic of Yemen Y.A.R.-Yemen Arab Republic Economic agreement Military agreement Military and economic agreement 9' n N, 'China Ir r,4 a Pakjsta . Nepal ardan' Kuwat gman ~ABenglade Y A...R. a J N 1 P DR.Y. . Yemen) llurur i Tandania alBjiboutiias rm Western Samoa, not shown on this map, has an economic agreement with China. Boundary representation is not necessarily authoritative. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Secret China began its aid efforts in the Third World in 1956 with a few scattered economic commitments to its East Asian neighbors. The program escalated rapidly in the early 1960s, as China competed with the Soviets for influence by extending assistance to newly independent countries in Africa. Over the past 28 years, China has used its $6 billion aid program to serve a number of political ends, including: ? Competing with the Soviets for leadership of the Communist movement in the Third World. ? Gaining support for its membership in the United Nations and other world organizations. ? Competing for leadership among Third World countries. ? Rewarding Soviet clients that have made the break with Moscow. China's economic program historically has been more important than military sales as an instrument of influence in the LDCs. Until 1980, China's total economic aid pledges outweighed military commit- ments by 4 to 1. Several characteristics set China's economic aid program apart from that of other donors: ? More than half of its aid has been concentrated on Africa, an area generally neglected by other donors. ? Project implementation is fast. About two-thirds of China's total commitment since 1956 has been delivered. ? Aid has been focused on infrastructure, primary industries, and agriculture prominent deficiencies in LDCs. . than 15 percent of China's total economic aid since 1955 and have followed a downtrend that began in the mid-1970s. Chinese economic aid increased in 1983 over 1982; most was provided on somewhat harder terms than before-shorter repayment periods, low interest charges, and almost no grant aid. The terms of Chinese assistance still are far more generous than those of most other Communist and some Western donors ? Projects are easy to operate and are import saving, such as simple processingfacilitiesforfood and raw materials, textile plants, and agriculture imple- ments factories. ? Beijing provides adequate technical support and finances local costs of projects through commod- ities or cash transfers under credit or grant agree- ments. China's unwillingness-because of competing domes- tic priorities-to provide economic aid as it had before marks the demise of one of the most generous and most popular aid programs in the Third World. China has never had the resources nor the inclination to become a major aid patron: its economic aid to the Third World has accounted for less than 1 percent of total aid to LDCs over the past two and a half decades. Chinese officials have always stressed that self-help programs are the only way that LDCs can improve their economies and care for their growing populations. Still, China is the most popular donor in many countries, particularly in Africa, because it has focused on LDC development objectives often ignored by other countries. China's assistance has been sim- ple and relevant to LDC needs. Most of the aid was interest free, repayable over 10 to 20 years after a 10- year grace period. In contrast to the decline in new pledges, Beijing has expeditiously discharged its obligations under old aid agreements. We estimate that China has disbursed about $250 million a year to ongoing projects since 1980-about the same as before. Beijing also has agreed to allocate funds under earlier agreements for stadiums in the Comoros and Guinea Bissau; new roads and bridges in Bangladesh, Burma, Nepal, and Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Hard Currency Earnings suggests that China first began realizing significant hard currency returns from its new programs last year. In 1983 China reported earnings of $300 million from its construc- tion services to LDCs, combined with about $150 million from military sales. This compares with overall .arnings from these activities of less than $50 million annually in 1975-79, and less than $100 million in the early 1980s. We believe earnings from military sales could realistically rise to $600 million and technical services to $500 million annually by the mid-1980s. China has received little foreign ex- change from economic aid repayments because most large debts have been rescheduled and China accepts repayments in commodities under old agreements: some new aid pledges call for hard currency repay- ments, but these probably will not exceed $20 million a year for the rest of the decade. Sudan; airport facilities in Mauritius; a coal mine in Tanzania; and possible railroad rehabilitation in Botswana under earlier agreements. TEe.;e projects are worth several hundred million dollars; they will absorb much of the aid in the pipeline, causing a decline in disbursements later in the decade if new pledges remain at current low levels. Technical Services: A Hard Currency Resource The provision of project personnel has become the mainstay of China's economic program in LDCs as commitments of capital to aid projects dwindle. The number of Chinese employed in the Third World in 1983 has doubled since 1980-mostly in Iraq, Jordan, and North Yemen. Beijing also is using a small technical presence to build relationships with such Soviet-oriented Marxist states as Angola and Mozam- bique. Technical services, which formerly were provided free by Beijing to almost all aid recipients, are now being promoted to earn foreign exchange. About half of the 29,000 Chinese economic technicians employed by Third World countries in 1983 were serving under commercial contracts with the rest financed through . aid agreements (table 6). Beginning in 1980, China moved rapidly to export some of its abundant labor on commercial terms and began to bid on construction projects in Arab oil states. To handle its new sales in the Middle East and elsewhere, China opened offices in Dubayy, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, and North Yemen. China also merged its Ministry of Foreign Trade with its Minis- try of Economic Relations in mid-1982 to integrate aid and trade interests more closely. According to the Chinese press, some 42 companies are involved in construction projects abroad and 40 new labor con- tracts were signed during the first half of 1983 alone. In 1983, China exploited another potentially lucrative source of funds for the first time by providing labor to projects financed by multilateral agencies in Morocco, Nepal, Nigeria, and Somalia. China has been successful in marketing services be- cause of the reasonable salaries-from $2,000 per month for project managers down to $400 a month for laborers. These charges compare with as much as $8,000 a month for personnel from other Communist countries. The Chinese are also industrious and able to endure difficult working conditions that would not be tolerated by skilled workers from other countries. China still is providing a substantial number of technicians to LDCs under aid agreements. Most of the technicians that China provides free are delivering basic services in public health and education. We estimate that 1,200 doctors and at least 500 teachers from China worked in the Third World (mainly Africa) in 1983. most technicians and laborers under this program cost the LDCs only about $100 to $300 monthly for local subsistence. Prospects China's new approach in its economic aid and military transfer programs in the Third World will provide Beijing with a number of opportunities to expand its 25X1 25X1 25X1 25X1 25X1 25X1 25X1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret China's "Four Principles" Encourage Profitability China's new policy has received public endorsement from the highest levels of government. In a rare interview on China's aid program with the Paris daily Jeune Afrique in 1983, Vice Minister Gong Dafei reiterated his country's interest in the Third World, particularly Africa, but cautioned that the day of large Chinese aid projects such as the Tan-Zam Railway is over. According to Gong, "We are, there- fore, obliged to reduce our foreign aid and modify the nature of that aid. We now prefer to offer our African friends modest development projects ... which have rapid returns. " During a trip to Africa in January 1983, Premier Zhao Ziyangfurther enunciated `four principles "for aid to the Third World: ? "In carrying out economic and technological coop- eration with African countries, China abides by the principles of unity and friendship, equality and mutual benefit, respects their sovereignty, does not interfere in their internal affairs, attaches no politi- cal conditions and asks for no privileges whatsoever. ? In China's economic and technological cooperation with African countries, efforts will be made to achieve good economic results with less investment, shorter construction cycles, and quicker returns. offering technical services, training technical and management personnel, engaging in scientific and technological exchanges, undertaking construction projects, and entering into cooperative production and joint ventures. With regard to the cooperative projects it undertakes, the Chinese side will see to it that the signed contracts are observed, the quality of work guaranteed, and stress laid on friendship. The experts and technical personnel dispatched by the Chinese side do not ask for special treatment. ? The purpose of China's economic and technological cooperation with African countries is to contribute to the enhancement of the self-reliant capabilities of both sides and promote the growth of the respective national economies by complementing and helping each other." This new policy updates the eight principles of aid to foreign countries formulated by Chairman Mao in the early 1960s. It no longer formally precludes China from profiting from its foreign aid efforts. China already has proposed joint ventures in geology and light industry to Nigeria and Tanzania (its first such offers in the Third World) and appears close to agreement with Bangladesh on a joint fishing venture. ? China's economic and technological cooperation with African countries takes a variety of forms suited to the local specific conditions, such as influence in the LDCs and to strengthen its domestic economy. We expect Beijing will continue its opportu- nistic approach to arms sales, moving in where a client with a large Soviet inventory-as Iraq-is denied resupply in a crisis because of political reasons.n Beijing may have trouble maintaining its current level of military sales once the Iran-Iraq conflict is re- solved. Sales to these two countries account for 55 percent of Chinese overall sales, and 70 percent of the new sales in the 1980s. Other limiting factors include: ? Increasing competition among global arms suppli- ers. ? The accelerated pace of Western arms technology. 25X1 ? The demand for more sophisticated arms by LDC clients. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Table 6 China: Economic Technicians in LDCs, 1983 a Total 28,790 Seychelles 35 Africa 9,485 Sierra Leone 265 North Africa 2,205 Somalia 450 Algeria 450 Sudan 475 Tunisia 925 Upper Volta 175 Sub-Saharan Africa 7,280 Zaire 300 Angola 10 Zambia 200 Benin 100 Zimbabwe 65 Botswana 40 East Asia 375 Burundi 225 Burma 375 Cameroon 450 Europe 300 Cape Verde 155 Malta 300 Central African Republic 75 Latin America 40 Congo 450 Antigua 5 Djibouti 155 Guyana 10 Equatorial Guinea 75 Jamaica 10 Ethiopia 250 Mexico 5 Gabon 70 Peru 10 50 Iraq 12,000 200 Jordan 1,500 500 Kuwait 250 250 3,500 15 15 Mozambique 100 South Asia 1,245 Niger 50 Bangladesh 175 Nigeria 150 Maldives 5 Rwanda 700 Nepal 350 Sao Tome and Principe 45 Pakistan 500 Senegal 100 Sri Lanka 215 a Minimum estimates of number present for one month or more, rounded to the nearest 5. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret Table 7 China: Economic Aid Extended to LDCs a Total 5,921 3,643 282 410 196 210 219 177 402 112 41 231 North Africa 331 162 57 35 57 20 Algeria 92 92 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Table 7 China: Economic Aid Extended to LDCs a (continued) 422 248 25 1 NA NA 64 29 55 225 108 64 53 47 47 Philippines 31 29 2 Thailand NA NA Nepal 293 128 80 30 25 30 Pakistan 651 573 25 20 33 Sri Lanka 222 154 4 3 60 aBecause of rounding, components may not add to totals shown. bindicates presence of an economic and technical cooperation agreement that could eventually provide assistance. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret Table 8 China: Economic Credits and Grants to LDCs, 1956-83 a Total 5,921 3,991 North Africa 331 280 Algeria 92 65 Mauritania 87 63 Morocco 55 55 Tunisia 97 97 Sub-Saharan Africa 3,041 2,052 Benin 44 20 Central African Republic 29 12 Chad 68 8 Comoros 15 5 Djibouti 30 3 Equatorial Guinea 27 26 Ethiopia 138 74 Gabon 25 13 Gambia, The 27 13 Ghana 42 34 Kenya 64 6 Liberia 23 6 Madagascar 89 80 Mali 128 117 Rwanda 56 29 Sao Tome and Principe 18 3 Senegal 52 37 Seychelles 4 4 Sierra Leone 61 59 Somalia 164 152 Sudan 139 80 a Because of rounding, components may not add to totals shown. b Indicates presence of an economic and technical cooperation agreement that could eventually provide assistance. Tanzania 428 365 Togo 46 35 Uganda 42 8 Upper Volta 51 21 Zaire 138 90 Zambia 345 337 Zimbabwe 26 5 East Asia 422 248 Philippines 31 Thailand NA Western Samoa NA Europe 45 45 Malta 45 45 Latin America 159 50 Antigua NEGL NEGL Chile 65 20 Ecuador 2 Middle East 573 374 Egypt 193 99 Iraq 45 17 Jordan 40 South Asia 1,350 943 Afghanistan 76 40 Bangladesh 107 64 Nepal 293 167 Pakistan 651 514 Sri Lanka 222 158 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Orders will continue, however, to stem largely from traditional clients such as Pakistan and Sri Lanka. Beijing will also serve smaller clients, such as Sub- Saharan African buyers that depend on Beijing for small arms and more basic military equipment. We believe that China will emphasize the export of basic military equipment, spare parts-especially for Soviet equipment-and support facilities. This is the type of military export commitment that can be readily met by China's defense industries. China probably will be able to increase sales to countries like Egypt and Somalia, which receive Arab funds to maintain their Soviet-built military establishments. The conservative Arab states view China as a far more desirable arms supplier than the USSR. We also believe that China will aggressively market the few competitive weapon systems that it produces, such as its MIG-21 fighter and improved medium tanks. Weapons like these will appeal to a wider group of customers and result in a more stable and predict- able flow of orders. On the economic side, many of China's new ventures in LDCs are commercially oriented and provide the opportunity for hard currency earnings. The Chinese are now focusing on contracts with Middle Eastern countries-Algeria, Libya, Iraq, and Kuwait-that can pay hard currency for Chinese services. Beijing will not abandon the poorest LDCs-its favorite constituency-but by its own admission will limit aid to modest agricultural projects and technical assis- tance. i 25X1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Secret Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Communist Military Transfers and Economic Aid to Non-Communist Less Developed Countries, 1983 Secret GI 84-10089 May 1984 Copy 4 7 4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 25X1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Directorate of Secret Intelligence Communist Military Transfers and Economic Aid to Non-Communist Less Developed Countries, 1983 Development. International Security Issues Division, Office of Global Issues. It was coordinated with the Department of State, the Defense Intelligence Agency, and the Agency for International This paper was prepared by OGI, Comments and queries are welcome and may be directed to the Chief, Communist Activities Branch, Se'xet GI 84-10089 May 1984 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret Preface Information available as of 4 May 1984 was used in this report. Communist Military Transfers and Economic Aid to Non-Communist Less Developed Countries, 1983 covers. This handbook provides data on Communist military transfer and econom- ic aid to the less developed countries (LDCs). It serves as a supplement to assessments of major developments in Communist-LDC military transfer and economic aid relationships in 1993, which will be issued under separate The statistics in this handbook update and supersede those in our previous publications. Values of military agreements and deliveries are based on Soviet trade prices, which are quoted in rubles and then converted into US dollars. In early 1980, as part of a general review of Soviet pricing procedures, military aid figures were updated to reflect new information on prices for 1974 onward. That information indicated that ruble prices of Soviet military equipment exported to LDCs had been raised on the average by 80 percent between 1973 and 1980. The new ruble values were adjusted for annual changes in the dollar value of rubles used in foreign trade transactions. The term Communist countries refers to the following donor countries: the USSR, China, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Hungary, Po- land, Romania, Cuba, North Korea, and Yugoslavia. torical purposes. The term less developed countries includes the following recipient coun- tries: (1) all countries of Africa except the Republic of South Africa; (2) all countries of East Asia except Hong Kong and Japan; (3) Malta, Portugal, and Spain in Europe; (4) all countries in Latin America except Cuba; and (5) all countries in the Middle East and South Asia, except Israel. Although Kampuchea, Laos, and Vietnam have been Communist countries since 1975, data prior to this date are included in this compendium for his- or the use of services. The term extension refers to a commitment to provide goods and services, either on deferred payment terms or as grants. Assistance is considered to have been extended when accords are initialed and constitute a formal declaration of intent. For economic aid, credits with repayment terms of five years or more are included. Where terms are known, the credits are designated as "trade credits" if amortization is less than 10 years. For military transactions, all sales are included-whether for cash or provided under credits or grants. The term drawings refers to the delivery of goods Secret GI 84-10089 May 1984 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 As to individual table entries, the term NEGL refers to a value of less than $500,000; NA indicates an agreement was signed, but the value was not known; two dots (. indicate we have no information and presume the value is 0. 25X1 25X1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Secret 25X1 Contents 1. Communist Military and Economic Agreements Concluded 1 With LDCs, 1954-83 2. Communist Military and Economic Deliveries to LDCs 3. Communist Military and Economic Agreements Concluded 4 With LDCs, 1983 4. Communist Military Agreements Concluded With LDCs, 1983 7 5. Communist Military Agreements With LDCs: Agreements 10 Concluded and Equipment Delivered, 1955-83 6. Communist Military Agreements Concluded With LDCs, 1955-83 14 7. USSR: Military Agreements With LDCs 8. Eastern Europe: Military Agreements With LDCs 9. China: Military Agreements With LDCs 10. USSR: Major Military Equipment Delivered to LDCs, 1983 67 11. Other Communist Countries: Major Military Equipment 68 Delivered to LDCs, 1983 12. Communist Military Technicians in LDCs, 1983 13. Communist Training of LDC Military Personnel in Communist Countries, 1955-83 15. Communist Economic Credits and Grants to LDCs: Extensions and 76 Drawings, 1954-83 18. Eastern Europe: Economic Aid Extended to LDCs 21. Technical Trainees From LDCs Departing for Training in 93 Communist Countries, 1956-83 22. Academic Students From LDCs Trained in Communist Countries, 1956-83 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596R001100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Summary of Economic Project Information by Area 26. : Europe Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret Table 1 Communist Military and Economic Agreements Concluded with LDCs(a) Million US $ Military Agreements(b) Economic Aid Agreements(c) Total USSR Eastern China Total USSR Eastern China Europe Europe TOTAL 101,871 83,225 11,122 7,523 45,740.6 26,698.9 13,120.4 5,921.3 1954-73(d) 15,094 13,178 1,400 516 17,910.4 9,275.7 4,992.0 3,642.7 1974 6,426 5,733 602 91 1,935.6 815.5 838.6 281.5 1975 3,860 3,185 635 40 2,924.5 1,968.5 545.6 410.4 1976 6,636 6,136 355 145 2,192.5 1,006.3 990.6 195.6 1977 10,216 9,490 652 74 1,159.9 434.2 516.2 209.5 1978 3,432 2,679 520 233 4,819.8 3,002.3 1,598.2 219.3 1979 9,769 8,830 746 193 4,571.8 3,748.9 645.6 177.3 1980 16,046 14,236 '870 940 4,311.2 2,587.7 1,321.9 401.6 r 1981 12,012 6,499 2,549 2,964 1,415.1 580.4 723.0 111.7 1982 13,682 10,520 1,607 1,556 1,566.6 965.1 560.4 41.1 1983 4,698 2,740 1,186 772 2,933.2 2,314.3 388.3 230.6 a. Because of rounding, components may not add to the totals shown. b. An additional $6.0 billion in military agreements has been committed by other Communist countries: (a) Cuba ($178 million), (b) North Korea ($1,809 million), and (c) Yugoslavia ($3,974 million). The Cuban figure excludes $147 million committed to Angola in 1975 before independence. After independence, $117 million was recommitted and is included in the 1976 agreements. Note table below for agreements in 1976-83: MILLION US $ TOTAL CUBA NORTH KOREA YUGOSLAVIA 1976 759 117 81 561 1977 178 15 5 158 1978 241 .. 131 110 1979 552 NA 137 415 1980 584 5 421 158 1981 1,513 18 613 882 1982 772 NA 97 675 1983 582 22 274 286 L Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret 25X1 Table 1 Communist Military and Economic Agreements Concluded with LDCs (Continued) c. Economic agreements provided by other Communist countries are not available, with the following exceptions: Million US $ Tota l Cuba North Korea Yugoslavia 1976 3 .7 8 13 16 1977 19 5 NA 5 190 1978 18 6 58 NEGL 128 1979 19 2 36 3 153 1980 24 5 70 40 135 1981 27 9 73 31 175 1982 44 0 147 13 280 1983 17 6 60 36 80 d. The first military agreement was signed in 1955. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 I Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Secret Table 2 Communist Military and Economic Million US $ Deliveries to LDCs(a) Under Military Agreements Under Economic Aid Agreements(b) Total USSR Eastern Chi na Total USSR Eastern China Europe Europe TOTAL 77,991(c) 66,813 8,116 3 ,062 21,838 12,374 5,473 3,991 1954-73(d)12,991 11,298 1,241 452 7,991 4,965 1,662 1,364 1974 2,460 2,224 210 26 1,215 702 236 277 1975 2,407 2,032 274 101 981 502 272 208 1976 3,560 3,110 350 100 -1,232 474 403 355 1977 5,246 4,816 357 73 1,331 548 507 277 1978 6,727 6,080 551 96 1,201 482 427 292 1979 9,084 8,338 646 100 1,105 574 305 226 1980 8,428 7,611 565 252 1,338 812 298 228 1981 8,875 7,157 1,281 437 1,482 853 384 244 1982 10,326 7,774 1,758 794 1,918 1,162 485 271 1983 7,887 6,373 883 631 2,044 1,300 495 249 a. Because of rounding, components may not add to the totals shown. b. Data for economic deliveries by Cuba, North Korea, and Yugoslavia are not available. c. An additional $4.2 billion was delivered by other Communist countries: (a) Cuba ($190 million), (b) North Korea ($1,652 million), and (c) Yugoslavia ($2,413 million). The Cuban figure excludes $30 million delivered to Angola in 1975 before independence. Deliveries from these Communist countries in 1976-83 are shown below: M illion US $ Total Cuba North Korea Yugoslavia 1976 357 117 79 161 1977 270 14 21 235 1978 274 .. 88 186 1979 261 NA 91 170 1980 541 2 194 345 1981 848 12 467 369 1982 602 10 472 120 1983 531 34 232 265 d. The first military deliveries were in 1955. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Table 3 Communist Military and Economic Agreements Concluded with LDCs, 1983 Total USSR Eastern Europe China Total USSR Eastern Europe China TOTAL(b) 4,698 2,740 1,186 772 2,933.2 2,314.3 388.3 230.6 NORTH AFRICA 386 3 383 .. 328.7 278.2 50.5 ALGERIA .. 250.0 250.0 LIBYA 374 3 371 .. (c) (c) MAURITANIA .. .. 2.0 1.5 0.5 MOROCCO 12 .. 12 .. TUNISIA .. .. .. 76.7 26.7 50.0 SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA 1,054 981 36 37 513.6 308.1 72.3 133.2 ANGOLA 817 805 13 .. .. BENIN .. .. .. .. 0.1 .. 0.1 BOTSWANA .. .. 14.0 .. (c) 14.0 BURUNDI 2 2 .. .. .. CAPE VERDE .. .. .. .. 0.3 .. .. 0.3 CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC .. .. 15.0 .. .. 15.0 CONGO NA .. .. NA 87.5 87.5 ETHIOPIA .. .. .. .. 268.1 266.1 2.0 GHANA .. 0.2 0.1 0.1 GUINEA NA NA .. NA .. KENYA .. .. .. .. 5.0 .. 5.0 LESOTHO .. .. .. .. 5.0 .. 5.0 MALI .. .. 0.8 .. .. 0.8 MAURITIUS NA NA .. MOZAMBIQUE 157 150 7 16.5 16.0 0.5 NIGERIA 28 .. 16 12 5.2 .. 5.2 RWANDA 1 .. 1 (c) (c) SAO TOME PRINCIPE 2 2 SEYCHELLES 2 2 .. .. 6.0 6.0 SOMALIA .. .. 25.0 - .. 25.0 SUDAN 6 .. 6 .. TANZANIA 29 18 .. 11 7.5 .. 7.5 UGANDA .. .. 11.0 11.0 ZAIRE Negl .. .. Negl ZAMBIA NA .. NA 16.4 8.9 7.5 ZIMBABWE 10 3 .. 7 30.0 .. 30.0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/03/03: CIA-RDP90-00596RO01100020001-0 r Secret 25X1 L U U) O0 CJ O UL W L1 l0 ~ L C +J U C -0 U N N U) C M ?- 0) C E Ea) a E L 1-. 0 < C L a) ma +j o U) L. cc J W W MM O 'OHO O U -XN ? N N U1 tr1 O O 0 . . . .0 . . . . -Z :r N N o oOM ?fir` N ?a0Nt11 ? ? ?Ot110 CO 'or-- U1, 0 < U11 Z . . . co .O N 'O'O O COMOOM OM C0N- ?N . N ?-~ Os000c\J A ?N0000 U1 tr\ -Z ~O CO r? ?7 N M ? z . o) ? a) a) Z Z u1 O Z O tt1 Q tl1 ? 0 . 0 . ? ? ? tr1 Z N 'O Zr N N M M U1- ??NIA ? . ? ?< . N N M- ? O . Q ?\O ? N \.O ? tr\ N ? n Z ? ? r? N ~o M N ? ? ?-O N' N - ?< - ? 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