CASEY AT THE BAT

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP90-00806R000100140024-9
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 1
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 2, 2010
• Sequence Number: 24
• Publication Date: April 23, 1984
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/09/08: CIA-RDP90-00806ROO01 00140024-9
Cascyat the Bat
When it comes to dealing with Congress, CIA Director
\V lita^., Casey plays a cloak-and-dagger version of "Twenty
Questions"- ving,even the members of the authorized over-
sight co^u tinees only the most limited responses to those
questions they already know enough to ask. Or, as one Republi-
can legislator said: "Casey wouldn't tell you if yourcoat was on
fire-.-u-Jess you asked him." Tnat grudging attitude, combined
wi-h the inieiii sencechief's way of mumbling his answers, made
him few fiends on Capitol Hill over the last three years, but last
w e-1:'s uproar over the mining of Nicaraguan ports finally
brought relations between Congress and Casey to the breaking
point-threatening his usefulness on the Hill, undermining
support for the not-so?secret war in Nicaragua and endangering
the larger U.S. strategy in Central America.
Past leaders of the CIA, such as Director Stansfield Turner
and Deputy Director Bobby Inman, have recognized the politi-
cal value of bringing Congress into their plans-in essence
making them coconspirators. But even under fire last week, for
allegedly failing to tell Congress about U.S. involvement with
the mining. Casey ' as less than forthcoming. "I do not volun-
teer information.." one participant in a closed-door briefing
recalled him saying, "If you ask me the right questions I will
respond." The lecisllators were understandably furious. "It was
disastrous:" said Tennessee's Democratic Sen. Jim Sasser. Said
one Republica, senator: "He was arrogant., confused. unknow-
ing [and did) a miserable job of explaining this problem."
Obfiic-at ion: Casey is disgusted with congressional intrusion
on the president's ability to conduct foreign policy. He does not
believe that current oversight legislation requires the CIA to
report every new tactic (such as the mining of harbors under
U.S. direction) in a previously approved covert operation (like
the contra war in Nicaragua generally). And a reconstruction
of the briefings be did conduct shows-at the very least-the
oversight system's vulnerablity to obfuscation and confusion.
The mining began last December and the contras were claim-
ing credit by January. Members of the House Intelligence
Committee were briefed on the operation at the end of that
month, but the extent of U.S. involvement required-U.S.
advisers and technical experts operating on a'CIA "mother
ship" offshore-was not mentioned by Casey ror asked about.
Members of the committee first learned about that in a
mid-March briefing by Casey, and then
only under persistent questioning from
Democrats Wyche Fowler of Georgia
and Norman Mineta of California.
Casey first said the mining was being
done by "Latinos," according to a com-
minee source. He was asked repeatedly
who was directing the operation, pick-
ing the targets. "We are," Casey finally
said. "We were stunned at what we had
beard," said one committee Democrat.
"We had been informed only because
we had inquired ... not because they
thought it was anything they should
have vo)unt.eered." Worse, there was
little they could do with the classified
information. "Once you know about it,
who the hell can you tell?" griped an-
other cornmir,.ee member.
The Senate Intelligence Committee
had been given even less to work with,
z)thougb the panel and its chairman,
Arizona's Barry Goldwater, have often
supponed the CIA. Casey made only
Mane Ww-acnwe 6emW
LAS. trainers in Honduras: Slioadd Congress know evertthing?
single-sentence references to the mining in two March presenta
tions to that panel, and none of the senators followed up as
thoroughly as their House counterparts. Vermont Democrat
Patrick Leahy learned more by missing a scheduled briefing and
getting the story later from "second tier" CIA officials. Leahy
says he assumed that his colleagues on the panel had learned
as much, but there was little discussion of the matter among
them; New York Democrat Daniel Patrick Moynihan felt so
"'betrayed" by inadequate briefings that he told colleagues be
would resign as vice chairman of the intelligence committee.
Opm Suer If the CIA's congressional watchdogs really
didn't know more about the mining than they were willing to
admit in last week's uproar, they certainly had reason to be
suspicious and demand more information-and Leahy says
members of the oversight committees must immerse themselves
more deeply in the process. But any covert operation that
reouires "bands on" involvement of U.S. personnel seems im-
portant enough for the CIA to point out to the intelligence
committers. Indeed, some congressmen say they may insist on
amended oversight legislation requiring more complete report-
Kb,vr Diu mosey, ats oic pat the presi-
dent remains firmly behind him, but
Congress is likely to be more hostile than
ever. Even conservative veterans of the
intelligence community pleased by
Casey's ability to pump up the CIA
budget-,are becoming upset over dam-
age done to the agency's credibility by
ham-handed covert action and running
battles with Congress. After a luncheon
attended by several hundred former in-
telligence of cers at Bolling Air Force
Base last week, one former senior official
reported: "If you had taken a vote there
on whether Casey should resign ... the
results would have been 'Godspeed'."
- DAVID M. ALPERN with
GLORIA BORGER. 3O)tN I. LI'. SAY and
NICHOLAS M. HORROCK in washinpton
ing by the CIA before they approve even
part of the S21 million Reagan wants for
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/09/08: CIA-RDP90-00806R000100140024-9