CRUSADING FOR DEMOCRACY

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Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP90-00806R000200920002-6
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RIPPUB
Original Classification: 
K
Document Page Count: 
1
Document Creation Date: 
December 22, 2016
Document Release Date: 
June 16, 2010
Sequence Number: 
2
Case Number: 
Publication Date: 
May 16, 1983
Content Type: 
OPEN SOURCE
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Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/06/16: CIA-RDP90-00806R000200920002-6 ARTICLE APPEARED 0N PAGE_-2= THE CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR 16 May 1963 Crusading for democracy Pi resdent Reagan's crusade for demon racy .abroad needs protection from well- meaning Saracens at home. Almost a year alter be announced the venture in London, it faces legislation that would sharply alter the $65 million Project Democracy designed to carry it out. The awns are still to promote liberty and dc=ocracy through information, confer- ences, and support of such 'free institutions as newspapers, labor unions, ;and political par- lies. But about half of Project Democracy,s millions would be steered to a "private" non- profit National Endowment for Democracy. - The endowment in turn would give this tax- payers' money to the R ubbcan Party, the Democratic Party, the ,AY1.CIO, and the Chamber of Commerce of the United States. Each of these bodies would choose bow to use its share of the money to promote abroad. democracy . At first glance the Private enterprise spread of democracy seems right in time with Reagan philosophy. And not only Reagan pbi- losopby. Many American private institutions have long given support in one way or another to free institutions abroad. Nongovernmental sources benefit from not smacking of govern- ment Propaganda or, as in past CIA activities in this area, of government interference. To avoid the liabilities of government sponsorship, however, the private channels have to be private all the way, such as US labor unions supporting their counterparts overseas. To be truly private the National En- dowment for Democracy would have to.be financed by its party, union, and business par- ticipants, not by government handouts. For these groups simply to be conduits for government-money is not only to fly in the face of free-enterprise philosophy but to risk suspicions on the part of. recipients abroad that the US government somehow is pulling the strings. Indeed, there is.already talk in Washington of arriving at guidelines on bow the endowment funds should be spent. As the Proposed legislation is debated, 1 he closest presidential and congressional attention is de- manded to avoid the worst of both worlds. Endowment backers cite the example ;of.. European political parties that have long sup=' . ported their counterparts across national bor- ders. It is noted, for instance, that outside aid helped to sustain opponents of Spain's dicta- Europe's parties, however, tend to be more homogeneous than America's. Ques- tions are now being raised on boW a recipient- party or other institution abroad could be ebo= -sen to satisfy the range of opinion within ef- 'tber of the US parties. And what would a re- CiMentthink when informed-that.agrant was not from Democratic or Republican.pockets but -from the federal government by' way of' -:tbeUrdled States Information Agency? The government has shown that it can fos- ter democratic principles through such nonpmpagandistic means as the Fulbright and other exchange programs. But, as we and many others have said before, the best way for America to crusade for-democracy is to provide a shining example of democracy. The government's most effective role lies in pro- -testing and enhancing that democracy. When It chooses to take measures. abroad, the open approach of Project Democracy is, of course, preferable to the covert measures exposed in the Past. Congress's skepticism over this project may lead to cutting it back; it should -not lead to substituting a private -program -that is not really private. STAT Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/06/16: CIA-RDP90-00806R000200920002-6