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Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 Number 7 ? December 1979-January 1980 52.00 Special Issue: CIA and the MEDIA J INFORMATION BULLETIN Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 Editorial We owe our readers an apology. In our last editorial we suggested that the legislation being urged by Deputy CIA Director Frank Carlucci to criminalize our "Naming Namc;s"column was so obviously unconstitutional that the Agency would have to get one of its hacks to introduce it. To oczr surprise, on October 17, the entire House Select Comtittee on Intelligence introduced H.R. 5615, the "In- telligence Identities Protection Act."The bill combines an anti-f~gee bill with an anti-CovertAction bill. Thr, first part makes it a crime for anyone who has access to confidential information identifying undercover intelli- gence officers, employees, agents, informants, or "sources of operational assistance," to disclose such information. The second part makes it also a crime for anyone else to disclose such information "with the intent to impair or impede the foreign intelligence activities of the United State~~." When introducing the bill, Rep. Boland, the Chairman of the Select Committee, admitted, "I fully real- ize th;~t this latter provision will be controversial. It could subjec;t a private citizen to criminal prosecution for disclos- ing u classified information obtained from unclassified sources." Precisely. This is the first time that a genuine Official Secrers .Act has been on the floor of Congress in some time. This bill, by the CIA's own admission, was drafted and spoon-fed to the Committee by them. Though it is not aimed solely at us, that is what the Agency would like people to believe. The primary victims of such legislation would be both whistleblowers inside the government and investigative journalists outside. That it is limited to infor- mationwhich identifies officers or agents is of ]ittle signifi- cance, because it is virtually impossible to expose illegal or immoral activity within government without disclosing who is responsible for, or involved with, the crimes. As we have said from the outset, you cannot separate the opera- tions from the operators. We will have more to say on this bill as a campaign against it takes shape. We are concerned that people will take the apathetic view that the bill is so extreme that there is no chance of its becoming law. That sort of complacency, particularly in an election year, could be disastrous. Jour- nalistsmust bemade aware of the ramifications of this bill. It would totally outlaw much of the investigative journal- ismwhich has led to the exposure of Watergate, of My Lai, of such mundane matters as the massive CIA payments to the King of Jordan. (Talk about identifying a "source of operational assistance"!) The other danger to be guarded against is an overcon- cernwith the second part of the bill-clearly in violation of the First Amendment-to the detriment of the first part of the bill-which still denies freedom of speech to govern- ment workers. Journalists may rally to their own defense, but they must fight as well for the whistleblowers within government, without whom they would never have many of the stories they publish. What chance for any intelli- gence reform at all would there be if the books of Marchet- ti, Marks, Agee, Stockwell, Snepp, Smith and Corson were illegal? Richard Welch and the Ayatollah Khomeini What do they have in common, you say? Well, just this. For years we have taken the position that although we CONTENTS Editorial Sources and Methods: Pigeon Power Media Destabilization: Jl~maica, A Case Study Two Views of Robert Moss The Incredible CIA Media Budget How the Agency Woos Journalists Jonas Savimbi Comes Begging Book Review: Kermit Roosevelt and the Shah Naming Names Publications of Interest CovertAction /nformation Bul/etin, Number 7, December 1979-January 1980, published by Covert Action Publications, Inc., a District of Columbia Nonprofit Corporation, P.O. Box 50272, Washington, DC 20004. Telephone: (202) 265-3904. All rights reserved; copyright ?1979, by Covert Action Publiauions, Inc. Typography by Art jor People, Washington, DC. Washington Staff: Ellen Ray, William Schaap, Louis Wolf. Board of Advisors: Philip .Agee, Ken Lawrence, Karl Van Meter, Elsie Wilcott, Jim Wilcott. The CovertAction Information Bulletin is available at many bookstores around the world. Write or call for the store nearest you. Inquiries from distributors and subscription services welcome. 2 CovertAction Number 7 (Dec. 1979-Jan. 1980) Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 name names and expose CIA officers and operations out' of our distaste for what the CIA has become-we have never felt that doing, so placed them in physical danger. This is because their value as undercover subverters and corrupters is lost when they are exposed. Still, whenever we point out that we are not in favor of assassination as a political method, the Richard Welch red-herring is resurrected. This issue we present a number of outside contributors. Andy Weir and Jonathan Bloch, two correspondents for Peoples News Service in London, and experienced free- lancewriters aswell, have contributed an in-depth analysis of Robert Moss, one of the intelligence complex's most literate, if not necessarily most accurate, sympathizers. Philip Agee has added his ewn personal Robert Moss story. Thus it was with considerable trepidation that we fol- Iowed the news of the capture of the U.S. Embassy in Tehran. We hoped that no harm would come to the hos- tages. (As this is written the hostages are still in custody, and still unharmed.) It was clear, though, that the U.S. government had no business staffing such a large Embassy in such a hostile environment. It was as if they had learned no lesson at all from the fall of the Shah. Be that as it may, it was clear to us that if we had any names of CIA personnel assigned to the Tehran Embassy, we would not print them under the existing circumstances. Imagine our consternation when, within days of the takeover of the Embassy, we were swamped with calls from reporters with the networks, the wire services, and many major national newspapers and magazines, asking, almost pleading, for the names of CIA personnel in Tehran. "Off the record,"they begged, "I promise I won't tell anyone." It was an object lesson all right. Some of the same people who cluck their tongues when we publish our magazine were thirsting for blood, for an international incident, for a page one by-line. For some time we have been preparing a special issue concentrating on the CIA and the media. We hope that our readers find much of this issue valuable, not only the new information, but also the reference material. A major focus of this issue is the Caribbean, particularly Jamaica-a consequence of the massive CIA-inspired me- dia campaign being waged on that island. In addition to our overview of the situation, we are pleased to include additional analyses by Fred Landis, the foremost expert on the use by the CIA of El Mercurio in the overthrow of Allende, and by Cecilio Morales, Jr., the Washington cor- respondent for the respected Latin AIY1PYlCQ We~c>klr Report. We also include an examination of the newly refurbished Jonas Savimbi campaign and a letter about him by former Angola Task Force Chief, ,lohn Stockwell; an analysis of the CIA media budget by well-known economist and au- thor Sean Gervasi, and an astonishing review of Kermit Roosevelt's new book by an insider who knows as much about the subject as Roosevelt himself, and is a good deal more honest. Finally, we continue our regular features, Naming Names and Sources and Methods. About the latter, our readers should know that last issue's Ken Lawrence col- umn, on the CIA's use of cockroaches to trail people, was covered by several wire services and led to half a dozen radio interviews and news articles. Never underestimate the power of bugs. This issue Lawrence gets into pigeons. Sources and. Method8 By Ken Lawrence Pigeon Intelligence? A few months ago several articles appeared in the papers about how the Coast Guard is spending $146,000 to train a rescue squad of pigeons to find people lost at sea. mentioned using the pigeons to find the boat people, an obvious thing to do if the birds are really so adept at their duty. The reports indicated that the pigeon patrol was a stun- ning success scoring 90 percent as opposed to a poor 38 percent scored by a human air crew searching for the same lost souls. Strangely enough, at the same time these stories were appearing, the Navy was ordered to search the waters off Southeast Asia for the so-called "boat people"adrift at sea after leaving Vietnam. But none of the news accounts Number 7 (Dec. 1979-Jan. 1980) This is so obvious, in fact, that it makes one pause to wonder whether the press reports about the pigeons were part of an elaborate cover story for something altogether different. If so, it would not be the first time. A few years ago the Navy told several fascinating stories about psycho- logical and communications research to hide the fact that dolphins were being trained and used as underwater assas- Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 7,HE CUBAN AMBASSADOR TO JAMAICA: A CASE STUDY IN MEDIA 11-JANIPULATION AND DESTABILIZATION By Ellen Ray In ~`uly, 1979 Ulises Estrada Lescaille, the new Cuban Ambassador, was due to arrive in Kingston, Jamaica. For the entire month preceding his arrival the conservative Dailt~ Gleaner newspaper, in conjunction with the opposi- tion Jamaica Labor Party (JLP) and its leader Edward Seaga, relentlessly pursued a campaign of disinformation the likes of which hacl not been seen on that Caribbean island since the notorious CIA destabilization effort of 1976. And since last summer an international barrage of attacks--lies, distortions, outright threats-has beset the Cubac Ambassador and his host, Prime Minister Michael Manley. Fanning the flames have been such well-known toadiea of Western intelligence as Robert Moss [see the articles in this issue by Andy Weir and Jonathan Bloch, and by Philip Agee], reactionary and CIA-connected newspapers and wire services, dubious awards ceremonies bestowing false honors [see the article in this issue by Fred Landis], even the U.S. State Department. Observers can only marvel at the sophistication of the campaign, its di- mensions, and, of course, its probable cost. Who is paying for it remains a major question. Manley has become. in the past few years, one of the most respected leaders of the entire Third World, a major force in the Non-Aligned Movement. The socialist tenor of his government, and particularly its close relations with Cuba, have State Department and other hard-liners fran- tic. The U.S. government's "shock"when Manley support- ed the Puerto Rican independence movement was proba- bly, in one sense, real. Far more dangerous to U.S. interests, however, is Manley's role, as described by the Washington Posh, in outlining "a new economic accord under which oil-producing states would give special con- sideration to their energy-scarce brothers within the movement." Manley, almost single-handedly, drew from the OPEC members of the Non-Aligned Movement a commitment to lower prices or credits or terms of payment for the: r customers within the group-a commitment which must, of course, in the end cost the West. Ambassador Ulises Estrada Right Wing's "Target of Opportunity" As elections in Jamaica draw closer, the media-manufac- tured crisis has escalated dramatically, with Ambassador Estrada a "target of opportunity" for the right wing. As Fred Landis points out elsewhere in this issue, the analo- gies between the CIA's destabilization of the Allende government in Chile and the current turmoil in Jamaica are considerable. The two most common methods, he notes, were a supposed defense of freedom of the press and an emphasis on ties with Cuba. Both methods are at the fore of the Estrada affair. The JLP! Dailr Gleaner attacks on the Ambassador are really cover for their attack on the government which recognizes him. Once again a coalition of forces, mainly outside Jamaica, have united in an at- tempt to unseat the Manley government by whatever means necessary. The orchestrated campaign against Estrada began with a bluster of rhetoric, but has recently turned violent, remi- niscent again of 1976. On June 30, before the Ambassador arrived, the Gleaner announced that Seaga and the JLP were checking into the Ambassador-designate's back- ground, particularly his ties with various African liberation movements and with Palestinian organizations. If such linkages turned out to be "as reported" (by whom, or to what effect, is unclear), the J LP would "launch demonstra- tions and pursue him to every corner until he departs." Number 7 (Dec. 1979-Jan. 1980) Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 Also in June, Seaga was interviewed by the Miami Herald, always a willing outlet for anti-Cuban fervor, given the nature of its readership. He railed against Manley for "covertly establishing aCuban-style apparatus that will supplant democratic forms." He then went on to contradict himself by claiming that Manley's party, the Peoples National Party (PNP) is taking "the third route to commu- nism,"not the elected route, not the route of violent over- throw, but the route of gaining power under false preten- ses-"the Euro-communist model." In October, inci- dentally, Seaga reversed himself again, stating that Manley was preparing for "the military solution." In the same Miami Herald article, Clifton Nieta, the managing editor of the Gleaner, expressed very partisan support for the JLP and contempt for Manley. Yet two days later the Herald reprinted a piece Nieta wrote for the Wall .Street Journal in which he claimed that the Gleaner "grinds no axes except public ones and supports no politi- cal party." This is quite a revelation, since Hector Wynter, the editor, is a former Chairman of the JLP, and has recently fired a number of the Cleaner's more experienced journalists because of their objections to the increasingly outrageous and unprincipled attacks on the Prime Minis- ter. The real message of Nieta's piece was to introduce the charge that Manley was planning to shut down the Gleaner-the "freedom of the press" campaign which would be used with more and more frequency, against both the government and the Cuban Ambassador. The foolish- ness of the charge was pointed out in Harper'r Magazine, which wryly observed that "hardly a day goes by that the newspapers do not prove their own editorials wrong, by freely publishing lurid accounts of the death of freedom of the press." Another peculiar piece of the Gleaner puzzle was alluded to by Nieta, who related how, in 1978, the Gleaner was forced to go public with a still private stock offering to pay off its debts, and how the poor people of Jamaica rushed out to buy up millions of dollars of shares in sums of $50 or $100, on the premise that "in order to save Jamaica you had to save the Gleaner." He does not explain how a paper in such straits can afford to publish a weekly North American edition, with the high cost of publishing in the U.S., the devalued Jamaican dollar, and the limited readership of such a paper. Nor does he really clarify who put just how much into the Gleaner, under admittedly "unattractive" terms. International Campaign Inaugurated Shortly thereafter, still prior to Estrada's arrival in Jamaica, the world-wide, coordinated attack against him began. From papers as far away as Hong Kong and as near as Mexico and Venezuela came stories of the new Cuban Ambassador to Jamaica, alleging that he was an intelli- gence officer. All of the articles can be traced to a single, unsigned piece by Robert Moss in "Foreign Report," cal- ling Estrada part of "the Palestinian Mafia ....the former head of Cuban intelligence in Cairo, and the new tool for subversion in the Caribbean."Seaga repeated these allega- tions at his Washington press conference. Estrada, it should be noted, denies that he has ever spent any time in Egypt. Seaga's U.S. Trip Seaga was exceptionally active during this period. On July 4th bespoke at afund-raising dinner at the University of Miami to the newly-formed Freedom League of Greater Miami, described by one journalist as a small reactionary group primarily made up of Cuban exiles with some right- wing Jamaicans rind Barbadians. "A burst of documented evidence," Seaga claimed, has proved that the Cuban and Soviet governments have infiltrated Jamaica. He didn't say where the burst of documents came from, or what thev were, but a few rnonths later Washington journalists and State Department officials were treated to endless copies of the "Seaga Papers." [see the article in this issue by Cecilio Morales, Jr.] Seaga also made the startling-but subsequently easily disproved-statement that there were over 5000 Cubans in Jamaica. "Manley and Castro are in the same bed," he exhorted his mainly Cuban audience. He also pointed out that one of Manley's ministers was seen at the home of a Cuban diplomat whom Seaga said was the head of intelli- gence. Some timf~ later, it was discovered that the diplomat was the counsel to the new Ambassador, and the meeting was a perfectly ordinary one. In Miami, Seaga also insisted that he was under constant government surveillance, fol- lowed and wiretapped, with a police surveillance unit next to his home. He never made such allegations in Jamaica, though, where no one would believe them. Number 7 (Dec. 1979-Jan. 1980) Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 At a meeting of the Twentieth Congress of the Peoples Progressive Party of Guyana, a Cuban diplomat re- sponded to some of the Cleaner's charges, referring to a "hysrerical campaign of slander and lies." He described the Gleaner as "reactionary,"and referred to documented CIA connections. The Gleaner, hardly known for temperate lang~rage, professed outrage and demanded that the Jam~iican Foreign Ministry lodge a formal protest. The comments in Guyana, they said, were "a dangerous act of inter,~erence with the free press of Jamaica." They de- manded that Ambassador Estrada, who had just arrived in Jam~.ica, apologize for his country. The Foreign Ministry refused to take orders from the Gleaner, the Ambassador did not apologize for his colleague, and the rival Jamaica Dailr~ News noted that the description of the Gleaner as "reactionary" was nothing if not accurate. Ambassador Answers Smear Campaign After unceasing demands that he respond, the Ambas- sadorfinally called a press conference, and reiterated the poin~: made in Guyana, that there was a campaign of lies beinl; circulated against him by the G/eaner and the JLP. The campaign against Cuba, he said, "has been personal- ized 1 o become even a campaign against the new Ambassa- dor ,vho publicly was threatened with demonstrations against him." His government had the right to protest against these lies; the more the lies were repeated, the more likely that people might believe them. As Ambassador, he said, it was not proper for him to respond personally to irreslonsible attacks:; but "we have means to answer all over the world and to begin to say our truths." He con- cluded that, "if war is declared by anyone, the Cuban Revolution has always been characterized by accepting the challenge, and as Comrade Fidel has said, `when the Cubans say we fight, we fight seriously."' Mitch to the Ambassador's amazement, the Gleaner, with ~ ncredible self-righteousness, chose to interpret these remarks as threatening physical violence to anyone who disagreed with him. In a page one editorial the next day they called upon the government "to denounce Mr. Estra- da's irresponsible behavior and to declare him persona non grata so that he may be recalled."The G/eanerclaimed that Estrada was threatening freedom of the press, threatening Jamaicans and interfering in internal politics. Although the Ambassador issued a statement clarifying the remarks, insisting that he was clearly referring to verbal struggle, to "communication," every conservative organization in Jamaica protested his "threats"-the Jamaica Chamber of Commerce, the Private Sector Organization, the Jamaica Manufacturers Association. Thy; Gleaner printed all of these attacks. The same day, the Biter American Press Association jumped into the picture [see the Fred Landis article for the ties between the CIA .and IAPA]. Declaring Estrada's remarks "abusive attacks on the Gleaner," they said, "this intolerable and threatening statement. by a representative of totalitarian government, which does not allow freedom of expression, will s.rrely come before the IAPA's annual meeting next month in Toronto." Not remarkably, the next month the Prime Minister Michael Manley CIA-riddled IAPA duly condemned the attempts of "for- eign diplomats" to "intimidate the free and independent press of Jamaica." As the memory of Estrada's exact words dimmed, the Gleaner became more and more strident, insisting that the Ambassador was threatening "reprisals" against Jamai- cans, and "war" against the country. Prime Minister Manley was forced to call his own press conference, at which he pointed out that the Ambassador had stressed the long-standing friendship between the people of Jamaica and Cuba indeed, Jamaica, under a JLP government in the 1960s, had refused to comply with the U.S. blockade of Cuba. He noted that the Ambassador had continually referred to a "war of words." Yet, the Prime Minister said, the G/eaner had chosen, "in a malicious and deliberate act ...with malice aforethought, to pretend that those words mean that Cuba was threatening Jamaica." The Prime Minister noted that the Gleaner was now assiduously lying on a daily basis. Number 7 (Dec. 1979-Jan. 1980) Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 As the Prime Minister rallied his responding forces, the battle was not all one sided. The Federation of Progressive Forces was launched and named a working committee to request the Press Association of Jamaica to conduct a "public inquiry into the Cleaner's abuses of press freedom, to organize a public meeting to expose the Cleaner's abuses, report to the International Organization of Jour- nalists, and UNESCO the Cleaner's unethical practices." The PAJ did set up the public inquiry, a respected panel of civic leaders was selected, and the investigation of the Gleaner is expected to last many months. The international campaign alleging Cuban and Soviet dominance of Jamaica picked up in the meantime. In Sep- tember, an issue of Business Week noted that "Seaga has charged repeatedly-with considerable documentation- that Cuban intelligence agents as well as Soviet secret police have infiltrated the Manley administration." The "documentation,"asnnted elsewhere in this issue, is totally fabricated. Ominously, Business Week said, referring to the upcoming elections, "The question posed by many observers is whether those elections will ever take place." The only "observer" making that observation, however, was Seaga himself. Other magazines, such as Barrons, echoed the same line, but most outrageous of all was the series of articles by Robert Moss in the Daily Telegraph which culminated, on October 8, with a piece in which he claimed that "it has been a long standing ambition of President Castro and his Soviet mentors to convert Jamaica into `an Anglophone Cuba,"' according to a "defector from Cuban intelligence." On September 25 the JLP carried out the threat it had made even before Estrada arrived, by calling fora demon- stration to protest his presence and the presence of Cuban volunteers in Jamaica-doctors, construction workers, etc.-and the government's acquiescence in this. Chanting slogans against Cuba and carrying placards reading "Communist Pigs Go Back to Cuba," the JLP marched against the Cuban Embassy and Government House. The crowd accosted several government officials who were shot at. A counterdemonstration appeared and the two groups clashed. Government supporters then marched to the Gleaner offices with pro-Cuban placards. Outside the building, speakers, including the Prime Minister, pro- claimed their message: "Freedom of the press, yes. But no more lies." The demonstration then moved to the Cuban Embassy to express solidarity with the Ambassador. Foreign Media Descends JLP began to call for all-island demonstrations leading to a general strike. They invited foreign journalists to Jamaica, "to cover any political developments which may arise." Nineteen came, including Time, Nex?sK?eek, the Chicago Tribune, the NeH? York Times, the Miami Herald, and the London Dai/r Te/egraph, from September 28 till October 6. Casting modesty to the winds, Seaga announced at a rally that the Cubans and the PNP had joined together "to attack me, the JLP, the Gleaner Company, and the United States of Ame*ica." He said that Estrada was "Manley's boss," and that "war" was beginning. Deputy JLP Leader Pearnell Charles, who had been jailed during the 1976 emergency for planning the overthrow of the govern- ment with outside forces [see CounterSpr magazine, December 1976], made frequent allegations of PNP plots to shoot up their own meetings and blame it on the JLP. The PNP protested these statements, saying that they were laying the groundwork for a new onslaught of politi- calviolence such as that of 1976. Sure enough, a week later the JLP instigated a disturbance where Jamaican and Cuban construction workers were shot at, and a few days later, shots rang out and interrupted the final ceremony of National Heroes Day. It was just a few days later that Seaga made his most recent U.S. tour, including the pro- vocative speech in Washington, where he accused the government of planning a "military solution." It seems obvious that the situation in Jamaica is critical. The parallels to the last years of the Allende government in Chile are too obvious and too frequent to ignore. The Gleaner is fulfilling, with relish, the role of EI Mercurio; but there is no reason to believe that the role of the U.S. intelligence complex has changed hands at all. ~eaga'~ meetings with State Department officials and National Security Council personnel are known. The entire interna- tional campaign against the Cuban presence in Jamaica, and against the Ambassador in particular, are part of a sophisticated counter-intelligence plan related to U.S. in- tervention in the Caribbean in general, and in Jamaica in particular: Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 SEAGA'S SLEIGHT OF HAND TRIPS UP JACK ANDERSON One of Edward Seaga's worst kept secrets is a sheaf of "doc;uments"which purportedly link Jamaican Prime Min- ister Michael Manley to Soviet and Cuban intelligence officers. Seaga, leader of the opposition Jamaica Labour Party, is known to have passed the papers on to Carter Administration officials, among them the National Securi- ty C'ouncil's Robert Pastor, during atwo-day visit to Washington in October. Shortly after the visit, the Seaga Papers, allegedly a sam,~ling of files from Manley's Peoples National Party, began to be selectively leaked to the press by U.S. govern- ment officials. Initially State Department officials them- selves had circulated the merchandise at high echelons, setting off a chain of second generation Seaga Papers, with the :itate Department imprimatur, and, in the case of at least one set, with the signature of the soon to be replaced Assistant Secretary of State, Viron P. Vaky. At his press conference at the National Press Club, Seaga admitted that he had met with Vaky, but refused to disclose what they had discussed. Subsequently Jack Anderson's staff obtained the Vaky memo, but not the "documents," and ran a story which credited Vaky, a former Inter-American Bureau Chief (in- II~;Dranch Downtown is being bypassed. Sons officers work out of Ja. House. Gri.fEitha has chickened out DGl .~ Valdimir RliMntov KGB correctly billed as Undersecretary) with the "knowledge" that Manley was close to the KGB. Had they bothered to contact either Seaga or his White House friends, they might have stumbled on to a set of papers, which, as documentary evidence, are softer than the raw clams in the Caribbean. The papers comprise a crude chart, two spurious memos and a strange list of names. The highly inflammatory chart-it is unclear whether this is supposed to be a PNP document or merely Seaga's Guide for the Perplexed- outlines an alleged political liaison network, with, at the top, "58 Jamaicans" at Jamaica House, the Prime Minis- ter's offices, linked to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Manley and Claude Robinson, his former Press Secretary, are linked via Arnold Bertram, the Minister of Mobilization, Information and Culture, to KGB agents, DGI agents, other ministers also connected to KGB and DGI, and to the Workers Party of Jamaica. Indeed, the mesh of lines, which resemble in their complexity a map of the British Railway, all cross through the WPJ Secretary General, Trevor Munroe, incorrectly identified as the "leader of the Communist Party of Jamaica." There is a JA. 8oU8a se Ja ~ icane $tructurs on Political Liaison with CPSV (oleo planning of political Ja. House ?'MichaeltManlay/Claude~>~son~l'r~s' S~c.,~ tA.r ,~aotivitiea~ . . ~-? Trevor Munroe~~-~"~'4c~' OG7~ Michael Kowtovski ~_j Hugh Small ' ~ ~ `'''?"' \~ (First Secty) KCH yy Overt Operetiona Du~tcan t. ?. ?'+ ?? 1'~"?~~``~ ~;~ Commun.Councils ` ~"'? ~'? Sports etc. based on clandestine organieat~ons~~?.t~\`~~`~~?)community system farming Security bnaes ~ i1a reika etc. Juan Cabonel DGI Field Organiser Yuri Loginov Dudley Thompson ~~~^~s~s'-c c' ~ ~"'~ ~?''' s Ministerial/Councillor . Kept at arms length as SC"' c. r~ 1 he is not trusted totally by Russians who say he is crooked Loves money too much R.V. 1-laot A.S.P/losd at Ja. NousA is Manley~pChief of Security at Ja. House who theoretically should take orders tro~a Sp. Branch but who takes orders lrom Michael himself. Likely head o! total Security Structure eventually. Seaga's "Chart" Number 7 (Dec. 1979-Jan. 1980) Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 small Jamaican Communist Party, distinct from the WPJ; moreover, at his press conference, Seaga referred to Mun- roe as a secret member of the PNP. Also linked by arrows to Bertram, and to Hugh Small, Minister of Youth and Sports, is "Juan Cabonel, DGI Field Organiser." This perpetuates one of Seaga's major ,roux pas. In June of this year, he exposed the "newly arrived" head of DGI in Jamaica, Juan Cabonel, who, he announced, had arrived clandestinely in Jamaica the preceding night, to take over the reins of DGI in Jamaica. The story was touted on the front page of the Daih~ Gleaner, picked up by the Miami Herald and other papers, and reprinted in the Congressional Record by Seaga's acquaintance, arch right wing Congressman Larry McDonald of Georgia. What Seaga did not know was that Juan Carbonel (he had the name wrong) had been awell- known consular official at the Cuban Embassy in Jamaica for three years, and was returning, the previous day, from his annual vacation. The diplomatic community in King- ston, all of whom knew Carbonel, were bemused by Sea- ga's mistake. Seaga's chart also shows Minister of Security, Dudley Thompson, linked to a KGB officer, but with the annota- tion "not trusted totally by the Russians." The memos accompanying the chart seem obvious for- geries. One discussed Small's role in supervising the "in- doctrination" of a construction brigade sent to Cuba; but that brigade was no secret, funded openly and publicly by the Housing Ministry, not Small's portfolio. The docu- ments refer to Robinson's role as "documenting," with a link to the KBG; yet "documenting" is an ominous label applied to the pedestrian activities of a press secretary. The final document purports to be a list of police officers slated "to get Special Branch training and death squad work." If a government had a death squad, which in the case of Jamaica appears ludicrous, it strains the imagina- tion to believe that it would publish lists of the members and refer to them by such a name. Remarkably, this sloppy "documentation" does not seem to have affected Seaga's credibility with the National Security Council, even though the latest piece of "intelli- gence"contains no authenticating evidence of any kind, no letterhead, no signatures, indeed nothing that could be traced back other than to an overactive imagination. Yet State Department officials continue to admit that Seaga is a major source of U.S. intelligence on Jamaica. Of course, some skeptics believe that Jamaica, and the Seaga Papers, are merely chess pieces in Zbigniew Brzezinski's game of cold war in the Caribbean. The prize, it is said, would be Cyrus Vance's post, Secretary of State. By Cecilio Morales, Jr. Cecilio Morales, Jr., is a correspondent for the London-based Latin Amerrra H'eekh' Report. continued from page 3 sins. Probably the most famous such lie was the CIA's tale that the Glomar Explorer spy ship was supposedly adeep- sea mining vessel owned by Howard Hughes. If the pigeons aren't out searching for lost boat people, what are they doing? One possibility is they may be spying on Soviet submarines. This, too, would not be unprece- dented; during World War II the British used sea gulls to patrol the coast for German U-boats. Robert Lubow des- cribed the technique in The War Anima/s (Doubleday & Co., 1977, $7.95): "A truly novel approach, and one that is exquisite- ly simple, was said to have been employed by the British. As anyone who lives near the seashore knows, flocks of sea gulls will congregate around refuse dumps, fishing boats unloading their catch, or any other easy source of food. It is a common sight, for instance, to see several gulls trailing a ship waiting for the garbage to be dumped overboard, or for some passenger to amuse himself by throwing crusts of bread into the air which the agile gulls will then catch in their beaks. "It is reported that British submarines submerged off the English coast released large amounts of bread. The bread, floating to the surface, would be spotted by local gulls, and soon an entire flock would be circling and diving in the area of the bread and the submarine. There is no information available as to how many times this association of events, bread and submarine, had to be repeated before the sea gulls began to appear at the sight of the submarine alone. However, it is told that when the gulls spotted a long, dark shadow moving beneath the surface of the wa- ters, they would proceed to flock to that place. Wheeling and screeching, they were observed by hu- manspotters onthe shore. The location of the swarm- ing gulls was reported, and if that location did not coincide with the known position of a friendly sub- marine, the appropriate military countermeasures were initiated. It is not known how many German U-boats became victims of the scavenger gull's insati- able search for food." Unlike the wheeling, screeching gulls, the pigeons signal they've found their quarry by pecking a switch. Instead of a whole flock, it takes only a crew of three. Three pigeons and some bird seed-that's something to think about when the Senate's hawks scream that U.S. intelligence can't "verify" Soviet military presence. Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 TIE CIA AND THE MEDIA: I~~PA AND THE JAMAICA RAIL Y GLEANER By :Fred Landis Fred Landis is the author of Psychological Warfare and Media Operations in Chile, 1970-1973, and a former re- searcher for the Senate Select Committee to Studv Governmental Operations With Respect to Intelligence Activities (the Church Committee). He is at present a jour- nalist in Santa Barbara, California. In its efforts to influence, and perhaps topple, the government of Prime Minister Michael Manley of Jamaica, the CIA has used proprietary wire services, agents, assets, a major international press organization, and stock propa- ganda themes. These efforts have been on a hemisphere- wide basis, but are currently most evident in the local anti-Manley newspaper, the Dai/t' Gleaner. The close partnership between the Gleaner and the Inter American Press Association, described herein, is a case study of present day CIA covert propaganda. Indeed, the metho- dology employed is strikingly similar to the CIA's use of El Mercurio against Chilean President Salvador Allende. The story is complicated, and intertwined, but revolves around IAPA and its General Manager, James & Canel. In what follows, we try to unravel the many threads of this story. In October 1979 the Daily Gleaner received the Maria Moor: Cabot citation in recognition of its services in de- fense of "press freedom in Latin America." Serving on the Board which awards the Cabot citations is James B. Canel, General Manager of the Miami-based IAPA. Although the prize i;s administered by the Columbia University School of Journalism in New York City. the Board is totally inde- pende nt of the University, and is, reportedly, a creature of IAPA. Canel, in fact, is part of a select group which has been giving awards to each other for some time. In 1960, Canel himself received the Cabot award. In 1972, Canel gave the IAPA "Freedom of the Press" award to Arturo Fontaine of EI Mercurio. Simultaneously the American Legion gave its "Freedom of the Press" award to EI Mercurio owner, Agustin Edwards, amulti-millionaire who awned vast resources in Chile. At the ceremony ho- noring; Edwards were the past four IAPA presidents. It was no+ until December 1975 that the Senate Select Committee report "Covert Action in Chile: 1964-1974" revealed that the day after a September 14, 1970 meeting between Edwards and CIA Director Richard Helms, the now famous meeting between Richard Nixon, Henry Kis- singer and Helms occurred in the Oval Office, at which time they sanctioned the destabilization of the Allende government, and in February 1979 with the use of classi- fied documents, Inquiry magazine revealed that both Fontaine and Edwards were CIA agents. In fact, Edwards is known to have been a CIA agent since 1958, running other agents, laundering CIA money, and the like. Edwards, along-time crony of Nixon, and whose cousin is married to David Rockefeller, is at present well placed as the vice-president of Pepsi-Cola's international division. Edwards was president of IAPA in 1969, and both he and another CIA operative from El Mercurio, Rene Silva Espejo, are still on the IAPA board. In 1968 Edwards had been chairman of IAPA's Freedom of the Press Commit- tee, which during the past decade has given its awards to the wire services discussed below, who, of course, reciprocate. Wire Services The major CIA-connected wire services reaching Latin America and the Caribbean are Agencia Orbe Latino- americano, Copley News Service, Forum World Features, and LATIN. (Two other wire services reaching the Caribbean, Reuters-CANA and World Features Ser- vices, are reputed to have ties to British intelligence-but that is not within the scope of this article.) The Daily Gleaner has subscribed to, and run stories from, both English-language services. In addition, since the exposures Number 7 (Dec. 1979-Jan. 1980) Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 of many of the services, the Gleaner has taken to running wire service articles, often datelined Washington, with no source attribution at all. Agencia Orbe Latinoamericano was identified by Philip Agee in "Inside the Company: CIA Diary" as a feature news service serving most of Latin America, financed and controlled by the CIA through the Santiago, Chile station. Copley News Service was identified in the August 1977 Penthouse in an article by investigative reporters Joe Trento and Dave Roman as "the only [media] organization that the CIA had 'full cooperation with' for nearly three decades," and was later confirmed by the Neia? York Times as "the CIA's eyes and ears in Latin America." Forum World Features, incorporated in Delaware but based in London, produced six articles a week plus photo- graphsfor 150 newspapers in some 50 countries around the world, including the United States. It was exposed as a CIA proprietary in the summer of 1975 by the London maga- zine Time Out, and later in the London Guardian, the Irish Times, the Washington Post, and More magazine. In the Mav 1978 More, freelance author Russell Warren Howe, who worked for a number of years for the FW F unaware of its Agency relationship- described it as "the principal CIA media effort in the world." LATIN was identified in 1975 by the Ne~~ York Times as a CIA wire service, eliciting a sharp rebuttal from former CIA Director Richard Helms. 1-ATIN was not, technical- ly, aproprietary, but CIA agents and CIA funds played a crucial role in its development. Fraudulently proclaiming itself as the first Third World news service, LATIN was started and owned by two former IAPA presidents to offset the influence of Cuba's Prensa Latina. According to a former LATIN executive, it developed out of the practice of Agustin Edwards calling Julio de Mesquita Neto, pub- lisher of the Brazilian newspaper O E.vado de Sao Pau/o, and yet another IAPA president, every Thursday after- noon to exchange information. By July 1971 LATIN had been consolidated into ahemisphere-wide wire service owned by E/ Mercurio and four Brazilian newspapers. In 1974 the governments of Mexico, Venezuela and Costa Rica attempted, through indirect means, to purchase LATIN. These efforts were thwarted by Edwards who personally laid out a cool $400,000 to do so. Despite de- nials by both Helms and Edwards, the January 16, 1976 Washington Posy identified LATIN as a CIA wire service. Edwards' CIA operatives from EI Mercurio is also on the present IAPA board. IAPA, in short is the intersection of the CIA's propaganda operations in Latin America. In the Senate report discussed earlier it states that, as part of its war against Allende, "the CIA, through its covert action resources, orchestrated a protest statement from an international press association and world press coverage of the association's protest." In its classified version the report identified the association as IAPA. The individual whom the CIA contacted in September 1970, and who issued the protest, was James B. Canel. The History of IAPA The IAPA began in 1926 as the first Pan American Congress of Journalists, at the instigation of the U.S. State Department acting through the American Society of Newspaper Editors. During World War I1, it devoted itself to counteracting pro-Axis propaganda in Latin America. After the war, though, the Pan American Congress of Journalists was not as willing to follow the lead of the State Department as it had been. Instead of viewing this as a natural consequence of the lack of a common enemy to rally against, the State Department attributed the change in mood to national chauvinism and communist sympa- thies among the Latin American delegates. Thus, in 1950, the CIA orchestrated a coup. The annual congress was to be held in the United States that year, and the CIA had the State Department refuse a visa for any member which the CIA considered suspect. The approved delegates then met and voted to reorganize the association in such a manner that only publishers, proprietors, and editors could vote. Some journalists could remain, but only with associate, non-voting status. This CIA coup was fol- lowed in 1953 by the expulsion from IAPA of members with "pro-communist" tendencies. One of the chief inquisi- tors was James B. Canel. IAPA's stock theme is to warn that "freedom of the press" is threatened in whichever corner of the world U.S. influence is on the decline. Concurrently, IAPA elevates to its board of directors the publisher of whatever CIA media outlets exist in any "threatened" country. James B. Canel began his journalism career as editor of the Hai?ana Posh. In his view, there was plenty of freedom of the press in Cuba under the Machado and Batista dictatorships. But in 1959 Canel was already an IAPA executive and spent the following year telling the world that Fidel Castro was a threat to freedom of the press. The Inter American Press Association, with its own wire service reaching some 1000 newspapers, is the hub of the entire Latin American media operation. Its past presidents and board members read almost like a roster of key CIA agents in the Latin American media. The late James S. Copley, founder of Copley News Service, whose CIA ties date back to before 1953, was president of IAPA in 1970. Two other CIA agents still at Copley are current IAPA board members. Agustin Edwards was president of IAPA in 1969, as noted, and Neto was president in 1972. One of Number 7 (Dec. 1979-Jan. 1980) Similarly, as the crisis over Chile loomed, four E/ Mer- curio executives were elevated to the IAPA board Agustin Edwards, Hernan Cubillos, Rene Silva Espejo, and Fernando Leniz. Edwards, as noted above, had been a CIA agent since 1958. Cubillos was identified in the Octob- er 23, 1978 Los Angeles Times as "one of the CIA's princi- pal agents."Cubillos, who was F,dwards'attorney aswell as assistant, is now Foreign Minister of Chile; after the coup, many El Mercurio executives entered the junta govern- ment. This information had been leaked from the trial of former ITT official Robert Berrellez, who, with Harold Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 Hendrix, another ITT official, was being prosecuted for perjury before the Church Committee during its investiga- tion of the role of ITT and the CIA in Chile. (The govern- ment's indictment admitted that Berrellez and Hendrix were in frequent contact with CIA officer Jonathan Hanke in attempts to thwart the Senate hearings; and according to an October 23, 1978 Washington Post article, there were hints that. numerous other CIA officers, career men like William Broe, Henry Hecksher, Ted Shackley, Tom Polgar ~tnd Jacob Esterline, may also have been involved in those attempts.) After the trial commenced, both Berrellez and Hendrix then appeared on the staff of the Miami Herald. The CIA apparently justifies its domestic media activities such as those a1 the Miami Hera/d and with the Copley papers in San Diego, California, because both cities are used as bases for Agency operations in Latin America and the Caribbean. staff people for study in the U.S., many at Columbia University School of Journalism, which also administers the Cabot prize. Consistent with the pattern of CIA- inspired destabilization efforts against the Jamaican gov- ernment, especially beginning in late 1975, Oliver Clarke, Dai/r Gleaner chairman and managing director, was duly promoted in 1976 to IAPA Executive Committee member- ship. The scale ofanti-Manley propaganda in the Cleaner's pages escalated sharply. In September 1970 the CIA, in the person of Agustin Edwards, prepared a 24-page background brief for Time magazine to use in its coverage on Allende's election vic- tory and, according to the CIA, "the basic thrust and timing [of the Time story] were changed as a result of the briefing." (Church Committee report, "Covert Action," April 1976, p. 14.) The main themes were repeated in the IAPA newsletter over the next four vears! After the death of James Copley in 1973, CIA represen- tation inthe Copley organization and in his IAPA slot was maintained by William B. Giandoni and Victor H. Krulak. Giandoni was identified as a CIA media asset in the Trento and Roman expose mentioned above. He was Copley's Latin America editor, and is now the general manager. He received the IAPA "Freedom of the Press" award in 1975, while a member of the IAPA Freedom of the Press Com- mitteeand its board of directors. "Butch" Krulak was until 1976 vice-president and director of Copley and an IAPA board member. Previously he had served as a Marine Lieutenant-General in Vietnam. Other Copley staff who have worked directly for the CIA or under the direction of CIA m~:dia executives include Ed Christopherson and John Philip Sousa. Christopherson was identified as a CIA operative by the /Vex? York Times on December 27, 1977, and was intimately connected with the Agency's operations in Chile after the fascist coup. Sousa, grandson of the composer of military marches, writes whatever patriotic themes Giandoni tells him to. In 1976 Congressmen Harkins, Miller and Moffett went to Chile to investigate human rights conditions. In anticipation of a critical re- port, Copley News Service sent Sousa to Santiago to pro- duce pro junta articles. His first piece was reprinted in the February 4, 1976 Times of the Americas, in the February American-Chilean Council Bulletin, and was introduced into th? March 31 Congressional Record by Larry McDonald, right-wing activist and Congressman from Georgia. Other CIA agents at El Mercurio with IAPA connec- tions include Tomas P. McHale, a member of the IAPA Freedom of the Press Committee, and Enrique Campos Menendez, a former IAPA board member. Both are Chilean. The Daily Gleaner and IAPA The marriage between the Daily G/eaner and IAPA extends back at least to 1968. In the ensuing decade, IAPA bestowed scholarships upon a large number of Gleaner In September 1970 the specific theme which the CIA had James Canel push through IAPA was "the threat to the free press in Chile."The principal themes, in order of frequen- cy, were: Allende's threat to El Mercurio; Chile's links to Cuba; and economic failure and collapse in Chile, as in Cuba. It is not difficult for anyone following the G/eaner's pages over the past few years to see the striking, direct parallels. The same themes are still being used; the Manley government's threat to freedom of the press (as personified by the G/eaner, of course), the links between Manley and Cuba, and the economic difficulties of the Jamaican econ- omy. The analogies are sobering, given the brutal fascism which has held sway in Chile the past six years. Number 7 (Dec. 1979-Jan. 1980) Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 ROBERT MOSS By Andy Weir and Jonathan Bloch "You Cannot Hope to Bribe or Twist, Thank God, the British Journalist, For Seeing What the Man Will Do Unbribed, There's No Occasion To." Andt~ Weir and Jonathan Bloch are correspondents or Peoples Nex~s Service, London. Their articles, individually and ,jointly, have appeared in many nex~spapers in the United Kingdom and around the x~orld. Mr. Bloch is also the co-author of a nex~ book on the British influence in Africa to be published next year by Pluto Press. Robert Moss is perhaps one of the most influential right- winp; commentators in politics today. From Australia like many successful journalists in Britain, he is the son of an Australian Military Intelligence officer, something reflect- ed in his messianic activities on behalf of the "free world." However, little is known about the man's career in Britain, and overseas readers of his material know still less. The talent-spotters of the right in Britain must have seen promise in him from his writings for the weekly magazine often thought of as the authoritative voice of British big business, the Economist. He has edited for many years the "confidential" supplement to the Economist, the Foreign Report. In advertisements sent to selected individuals (prospective subscribers have to provide copious details on themselves and an undertaking to keep confidential the conl ents of the Foreign Report) they have said, "Foreign Report was unique in that it forecast almost to the day the coup d'etat in Greece in 1967 and the coup in Chile in 1973.... " It does not take too much imagination to realize where this information most probably originated. It also "revealed the new postings of top KGB men and widening web of Soviet block (sic) intelligence." Foreign Report is interesting reading for fans of unreconstructed conspiracy theories and reads like a gossip column of the intelligence world. If one takes a straw poll of Robert Moss's best- known writings, it is plain to see that intelligence sources have: provided him with the raw material on which he has based much of his reputation. A secret department of the Foreign Office called the Information Research Depart- ment, whose purpose was to spread cold war propaganda, published material in various newspapers before closing down in 1977. A source who worked at IRD told us that several IRD articles had been contributed to Foreign Report. A story of Moss's in October 1975 on the illegitimate use of computers exported to the East implied intimate knowledge of Russian office work in their secret police. In January 1977 his vast series on the South African invasion of Angola made little secret of consultation with the South African military and intelligence establishment, as well as the CIA. In March, the "Club of Ten," asecretly-financed South African government front organization, published a full page advertisement in the Guardian reprinting part of Moss's article and urging all to read the article for its expose of "Soviet expansionism" in Africa. Earlier, Moss had been on a visit to the areas controlled by UNITA in the Angolan war, but on his return failed to mention in his written material that UNITA was supported primarily by the South African military. The South African government publication, South African Digest, has reprinted several Moss articles. This year alone, Moss has treated the British public to Russian designs on Iran (in January), familiarity with the training of the "East Germany spy seducers" (in March) and most recently, a "secret CIA report" which "came into his hands" in August, which he has followed up in September with the "exposure" of the Cuban ambassador to Jamaica as an intelligence agent. These are but a sample of the kind of material which has made Moss so popular with editors all over the world. These authors have seen his material reprinted in the USA, West Germany, Holland, France and Jamaica, little doubting that this is but a small sample of the coverage the man receives. Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 But this should not. be too surprising. After all, Moss is extremely articulate and writes a lively, committed prose. What it is committed to, however, is less attractive. One can gain some perspective on these literary achie~rements by looking at his output in the early seventies. Having acted as the Economist correspondent in Chile, Moss has written a book called Chile's Marxist Experiment. This was commissioned by the third world news agency for whiclt he had long written, Forum World Features. Headed by a long time political associate of Moss's and fellow Australian Brian Crozier, who was the previous editor of Foreign Report, Forum was disbanded in latE; 1975 when knowledge of its forthcoming exposure was obtained. Forum, it turned out, had been set up and financed by the CIA and was run with the "knowledge and co-operation" of British intelligence. The Chilean military junta bought 9,750 copies of Moss's book for distribution through its embassies. Some bemused US citizens received three copies of the book in one package, at no charge. The book was published in Spanish by the Chilean state firm Mistral, which was run by Tomas P. McHale, who also ran the "Institute for General Studies," once three-quavers financed by the CIA. Before the .nilitary coup, Moss wrote an article for aCIA- funded Chilean magazine aimed specifically at army officers, Sepa. The article was called, "An English Recipe for Chile-Military Control." Attempts to document covert involvement of the CIA with the publication of Chile'. Marxist Experiment have met great obstacles. When US Representative Don Edwards brought suit under the Freedom of Information Act on this question, he was met with an affidavit from the Information Review Officer for thE; Directorate of Operations which insisted that the existence or non-existence of any involvement with the book "must remain secret. Therefore, I must emphasize that tl?.e Central Intelligence Agency can neither confirm nor deny that there was, in fact, any CIA involvement with the bo~~k, Chile's Marxist Experiment." Never too distant politically from the military in genera;, Moss has had other contributions to make in Latin America. Eight months after the rightist coup in Argentina in 1976 Moss spoke at an Air Force base praising the Argentine armed forces. He told the officers that they had the opportunity to construct a "national political model" that could serve as an example to the rest of Latin America. Argentina has one of the highest levels of state-sponsored political murders in the world. Three years ago Moss stated, "I make no secret of my views, and I think that the CIA and other Western intelligence agencies are a vital part of resisting Soviet expansion and therefore cannot be reviewed in the same light as the KGB, but that does not mean that I would accept money from them."Those that have made any such suggestions have been quickly met with libel actions and in every case, either damages or apologies have resulted. These people have forgotten the usefulness of the quotation at the start of this article. Moss believes quite genuinely in what he writes and does not do it because other agencies tell him to. It is difficult to say whether Moss would resist the epithet of "ideologue," but in all the organizations with which he has been associated, he has been in the company of the most fervent propagandists against the Soviet Union, against abortion, for more military spending, against trade union power, against left wingers in academics, in favor of the death penalty, and so on. One of his platforms has been the Institute for the Study of Conflict. Headed by Brian Crozier, it was stacted in 1970 while Crozier was still in charge of Forum, mostly with funds from companies like Shell and BP, some US corporations, the US National Strategy Information Centre and with Forum money. The NSIC is supported by the Mellon family, heirs of the Gulf Oil fortune, and continues its connections with the Institute. Richard Mellon Scaife took over ownership of Forum World Features from John Hay Whitney, who was once titular controller of the CIA-run news service. The ISC was set up to study urban terrorism, guerrilla warfare and related subjects. Its Council members include numerous people with intelligence connections, some more official than others. Vice-Admiral Louis Le Bailly was Director-General of Intelligence at the Ministry of Defe;ice, 1972-5. Richard Clutterbuck, lecturer in politics and a former Major-General, is regarded as one of these principally responsible for the British Army's counter- insurgency tactics in Northern Ireland. Sir Robert Thompson was once one of President Nixon's favorite advisers and the author of the "strategic hamlets" concept of counter-insurgency war which he implemented in Malaya on behalf of the British Army. Another Council member is Sir Edward Peck, once head of the Secret Intelligence Service (British intelligence) clandestine opera- tions in Berlin. Further examples can easily be drawn from the ISC's long list of contributors, all the way from cold- war academics to former SIS employees. Moss has written five "Conflict Studies" for the ISC, his most recent one being "The Campaign to Destabilise Iran," a work which sees the hand of the KGB in the militancy of the Number 7 (Dec. 1979-Jan. 1980) Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 Ayatollahs. So notorious is the ISC, not merely because of the persistent exposure of its activities by the left, but also because of caution over its intelligence connections by members o~ the respectabie academic establishment, that its credibility is strained. The London Guardian reported that in just one year, 1973, according to Church Committee sources, ISC received three-fourths of its funds from the CIA. Not so the other organization from whose mast Moss hats chosen to fly his colors, the National Association for Freedom. NAFF was certainly a crowning success in Moss's career and an organization of great importance in British political lifE~ during the years 1974 to 1977. That period marked the heyday of its activities when, in fighting legislation concerning trade unions in the courts, by-passing boycotts by trade unions and urging greater militancy from the right wing, it succeeded in rallying to the banner of "freedom" large sections of the Conservative Party. They managed to galvanise the previously apathetic right into a level of political activity it had not been involved in for many years. Responsible observers believe that it played a significant rode in stimulating the Conservative Party to elect Margaret Thatcher as Leader. It may not seem so now, but in 1974 she represented all the aspirations of the militant right wing of the Conservatives. NAFF arose in 1974 out of a resurgence of middle-class organizations like the National Federation of the Self- Ernployed (small shopkeepers, independent crafts people and so on), the Middle Class Association, and others. One of the' prime movers in NAFF's foundation was Ross McWhirter who in early 1975 was head of Current Affairs Press, a printing organization set up in imitation of Winston Churchill's "British Gazette" which produced bulletins when newspapers were closed down by the workers during the General Strike of 1926. CAP was supposed to be able to produce hundreds of thousands of copies of a newspaper in the event of a similar industrial stoppage or newspaper strike in the seventies. It is thought that the delays in getting NAFF off the ground may have had something to do with problems in attracting members of the respectable right into the forum. McWhirter had had associations with one of Britain's most famous fascists, Ludy Birdwood, and had jointly produced a publication with her. But the final impetus which shot NAFF into the headlines on its foundation and left the neo-fascists well outside the organization, was the assassination of McWhirter by the IRA on November 27, 1975. He had published a pamphlet entitled "How to Stop The Bombers" (sic) and offered a ?50,000 reward for the capture of IRA members. NAFF's inaugural meeting was addressed by McWhirter's twin, Norris (the two are most famous as co-publishers of Guinness' Book of Records), on December 2 and instituted formally with Council members lib:e Viscount De L'Isle, director of Phoenix Assurance, orie of the largest insurance companies in Britain, and former Tory MP and millionaire, John Gouriet of Current Affairs Press, John Gorst of the Middle Class Association, seven Tory MPs, Sir Robert Thompson (see above), and the late Sir Gerald Templer, ; hompson's former chief in the British campaign to eradicate the communists in Malaya. There were also representatives of other right- wing, middle-class organizations like the National Federa- tion of Building Trades Employers, the Independent Medi- cal Association, the Income Tax Payers Association, the Society for the Protection of the Unborn Child (anti-abor- tion group), as well as a few Council members of the ISC. Robert Moss became its Director. Moss's star was rising fast, especially as late 1975 also saw the publication of his Orwellian treatise on the destruction of "liberty" by trade unions and Labour governments, "The Collapse of Democracy." NAFF's campaign against what Moss called the "Sovietisation of Britain," had already started with John Gouriet's court action against the National Union of Seamen (prior to the foundation of NAFF) to release cars on a car ferry boycotted by the union in an industrial dispute. NAFF continued to gain notoriety over its defense of George Ward, the manager-owner of Grunwick, afilm- processing factory racked by a year-long strike by immigrant workers for the recognition of their union. Several court actions by NAFF resisted the unionization of the plant. With George Ward they prevented, by means of the courts again, the post office workers' union from boycotting mail to the factory (since Grunwick is a mail- order firm, this solidarity action would have been very serious for the company). NAFF was also active in preventing the post office workers' union from boycotting mail and telecommunications with youth Africa in March 1977 as part of the international trade union Week Of Action Against Apartheid. Moss's leadership of NAFF was probably one of the greatest contributors to its success and in its heyday, he was part of Margaret Thatcher's speech-writing team, and helped write her famous speech two years ago which led the Russians to dub her the "Iron Maiden" for wishing the return of the Cold War. With the consolidation of Thatcher's ieadership, observers felt that the steam went out of NAFF, basically because the Conservative Party was so right wing. In November 1977 Moss gave up his position as Director of NAFF, although he remained on its Council and on the editorial board of NAFF's organ, "The Free Nation." These days, Moss seems to be content with his regular weekly column in the Daily Telegraph and editorship of the Foreign Report. But his voice can still be heard in other parts of the world contributing to the cause of "freedom." Several of his Daily Telegraph pieces have appeared in the Daili~ Gleaner in Jamaica, a paper now subject to an enquiry into allegedly "unprofessional and unethical" practices and accused of conducting a "disinformation" campaign in its pages to oppose Prime Minister Michael Manley. Moss's article "exposing" the r.ew ambassador, Ulises Estrada, as an intelligence agent sparked demon- strationsand calls for Estrada's expulsion. Recently, many Jamaicans have been asking, "Who is this mysterious Robert Moss?" One week after the appearance of Moss's article, on October 22, the Gleaner published a photograph and obituary of a Jamaican man. Robert Moss, "an agricul- turalist." Itseems that a factual account of Moss's career is feared by the promoters of his material. Number 7 (Dec. 1979-Jan. 1980) Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1 l~obert Moss' Obsession By Philip Agee Something was odd that cold and rainy October day in London five years ago when, at my first press conference, I distributed a statement about the CIA's work in Mexico and a list of CIA personnel there. I'd invited all the London press corps, and just as the conference was to begin a slight, you~igish man took one of the chairs at the table from whi~'7'iN P.(1. Box 50272 Washington, DC 20004 "As regards camouflage, we will ask the timber merchants for another type of cloth, as you recom- mended, but I ask that, if possible, at least two good uniforms, in genuine camouflage cloth, be sent, one for me and one for Puna." "I humbly ask Your Excellencies to accept my salutations and high esteem." Approved For Release 2010/06/09 :CIA-RDP90-008458000100190006-1