WHITE HOUSE KNEW OF A SHIFT ON IRAN C.I.A. OFFICIALS SAY

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Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP90-00965R000302430005-8
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RIPPUB
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K
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2
Document Creation Date: 
December 27, 2016
Document Release Date: 
November 21, 2012
Sequence Number: 
5
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Publication Date: 
March 20, 1987
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OPEN SOURCE
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_3 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/11/21: CIA-RDP90-00965R000302430005-8 ON PAGE NEW YORK TIMES 20 March 1987 WHITE HOUSE KNEW OF A SHIFT ON IRAN, C.I.A. OFFICIALS SAY t.7- By MICHAEL It. GORDON special tome New York limes WASHINGTON, March 19 ? Senior Central Intelligence Agency officials say they repeatedly gave the White 1 House intelligence reports in the fall of 1985 that indicated little prospect for ? improving United States relations with Iran, even as the Reagan Administra- tion began a covert initiative to accom- plish that purpose. /9 The C.I.A. officials said they also re- peatedly advised the White House at that time that there was no imminent threat that the Soviet Union would gain significant influence in Iran. Nonetheless, the Reagan White House proceeded with clandestine arms sales to Iran and even composed an intelligence finding in January 1986 that cited the possibility of growing Soviet influence in the Persian Gulf re- gion as a major rationale for the Iran arms sale initiative. Estimate Is Reversed The senior officials agreed to rare on-the-record interviews on Wednes- day to counter charges that Govern- ment intelligence reports had exagger- ated accounts of internal instability in Iran and the purported Soviet threat to lend support to President Reagan's Iran initiative. But they acknowledged that the intel- ligence assessments on Iran in the fall of 1985 represented a reversal of an estimate the previous spring that the political situation in Teheran was de- teriorating and that the Soviet threat was serious. The report by the Tower Commission on the Iran-contra affair, issued Feb. ' 26, said that Graham Fuller, then the national intelligence officer for the Middle East, and Howard Teicket. then director of political-military affa,rs at the National Security Council, wcrked together on a key intelligence assess- ment that laid the basis for the Reagan Administration's Iran initiative. Some members of the commission have pri- vately said they suspect that the intelli- pace reports were tailored specifi- cally to support policy goals. --Mr. Fuller, 49 years old, who is retir- ing from the agency at the end of the year, prepared a "think piece" for Wil- liam J. Casey, the Director of Central Intelligence, in May 1985 stressing that the Soviet Union was in a far better position to exert influence in Iran and stating that the regime of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini was -faltering." In his memorandum, Mr. Fuller sug- gested that Western nations be allowed to sell arms to Iran so the West could gain influence in Teheran. Those conclusions were also stated in the Government-wide intelligence as- sessment cited by the Tower Commis- sion and overseen by Mr. Fuller, which was also prepared in May 1985 at the request of the National Security Coun- cil. jj..,Ker_r.,_the Deputy Director forThitelligence at the C.I.A., said that assertions in that assessment about the Soviet threat to Iran were a matter of contention within the intelligence com- munity and that he is now "fairly criti- cal" of its conclusions. 'Situation Had Stabilized' The IWO senior officials said that they and other experts concluded sev- eral months after the May 1985 assess- ment that the Iranian regime was not as unstable as the initial intelligence forecasts had suggested and that the Soviet Union had not attempted to ex- ploit opportunities for gaining influ- ence. Mr. Fuller said, "Within a matter of four to five months, I came to a conclu- sion that the trends we had identified as active in May had not continued to develop in that direction." He said he prepared a written analy- sis of his new views, but did not distrib- ute it throughout the Government, as he did his "think piece." He said he told officials throughout the Government of the new assessment. "The internal situation had stabil- ized and the Soviets were not following up as they could have,'' Mr. Fuller said. Mr. Kerr asserted that the "trend" of intelligence reports in the summer and the fall was going against the May assessment. "The inteiligence was run- ning in the other direction," he said. "It I certainly was not pointing to openings I in Iran with 'moderates.' " The C.I.A. officials interviewed said that they did not know of the covert shipment of arms and that other ana- lysts who worked on the intelligence re- ports also did not know of the ship- ments. Assessment Loses Force In light of the Reagan Administra- tion's public disclosures since Novem- oer on the evolution of the Iran-contra affair this turned out to be precisely the period in which President Reagan's closest national security advisers were beginning what shortly became the clandestine initiative to sell arms to , Iran. One knowledgeable official said that after the summer of 1985 the Adminis- tration became precoccupied with ex- changing arms for American hostages and that the intelligence assessment about Iran and the Soviet Union be- came less relevant to the White House. He said he did not know if White House officials conveyed to President Reagan the new reports, which were formally codified in an intelligence estimate in 1986. Despite the new intel- ligence estimate, the Administration continued its covert negotiations with Iran over hostages. `Pertinent' Intelligence Is Aim Criticizing the Tower commission's implication that Mr. Fuller and Mr. Teicher worked together to produce an intelligence estimate that supported the new Administration policy that was under consideration, Mr. Fuller denied that he had tailored his assessments to support policy. "They are suggesting a coziness, an irregularity of relationship, that is far from the truth," he said. Mr. Fuller asserted such close col- laboration was needed so that the ana- lysts would provide "pertinent" intelli- gence. Mr. Fuller now serves as the vice-chairman of the National Intelli- gence Council, which oversees the preparation of intelligence assess- ments. He said that he plans to retire from the Government in December ' and take a position with a policy study institute. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/11/21: CIA-RDP90-00965R000302430005-8 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/11/21: CIA-RDP90-00965R000302430005-8 Messages from North found by commission investigators in the NSC's computer system show that at one point North was negotiating with the CIA to persuade it to purchase $4.5 million in "assets" he had accumulated in helping the contras during the congressional prohibition. The messages suggest that CIA officials, including Casey, were aware of the secret system and that the CIA appeared interested in a deal since Congress was about to allow the CIA to resume management of the contra aid program. $4.5 million is assets "We are rapidly approaching the point where the Project Democra- cy assets in CentAm need to be turned over to CIA," North wrote to Poindexter in July 1986. "The total value of the assets (six aircraft, warehouses, supplies, maintenance facilities, ships, boats, leased houses, vehicles, ordnance, munitions, communica- tions equipment and a 6,520 !foot) runway on property owned by a PRODEM [Project Democracy! proprietary) is over $4.5 M. "You should be aware that CIA has already approached PRO- DEM's chief pilot to ask him where they [CIA] can purchase more of the C-1351< ... The chief pilot told them where they can get them commercially from the USAF as excess ? the same way PRODEM bought them under pro- prietary arrangements." Poindexter replied: "I did tell Gates that I thought the private effort should be phased out. Please talk to Casey about this. I agree with you." The chief of the CIA Central American Task Force told the board that after Congress cut ott contra aid in October 1984, "it was 011ie North who then moved into that void and was the focal point for the administration on Central American policy until fall 1985." A CIA officer who worked closely with North in directing air drops from Costa Rica last year told the panel that the contra supply network was "controlled by Lt. Col. North." Abrams said he and Hill, the Shultz aide, discussed what to do with a $10 million contribution for the contras from Brunei in 1986 and decided to have Brunei deposit it in a North account in Switzer- land. The day Hasenfus' plane was shot down over Nicaragua, other NSC staffers dealt with the matter because North had left for Frank- furt, West Germany, on an Iran. related mission, but they also revealed some knowledge of what was involved. Robert Earl. North's immediate supervisor, sent the following note to Poindexter Oct. 5: "One of the Democracy Inc. aircraft apparent- ly went down on a resupply mission to FDN forces in the north." In the end, the Tower inquiry report concluded that while North worked largely in isolation be- cause his superiors rarely, if ever, reviewed his work, it was a different story on his contra supply network. He constantly advised his superiors. McFarlane and Poindexter, of his plans and actions. And while everybody else seemed to know what North was up to, the president was the only one kept in the dark, the report suggests. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/11/21: CIA-RDP90-00965R000302430005-8