SHIITE RADICALS: RISING WRATH JARS THE MIDEAST

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Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP90-00965R000403410001-2
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RIPPUB
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K
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2
Document Creation Date: 
December 22, 2016
Document Release Date: 
February 9, 2012
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1
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Publication Date: 
March 22, 1987
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OPEN SOURCE
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ST Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/02/09: CIA-RDP90-00965R000403410001-2 a ARTICLE APP imm ON PAGE dates to the religion's earliest days, ac- cording to scholars and diplomats. "This is a seventh-century battle, a primitive, atavistic struggle being re- fought with the arguments - and the weapons - of the 20th century," said a Lebanese-born scholar who lives in Washington, Fouad Ajami. Middle East. By one estimate, Shiites make up 95 percent of the population of Iran but only 45 percent of the population of Lebanon and 40 percent of the popula- tion of the United Arab Emirates. In Egypt, Jordan and North Africa, their numbers are negligible. Still, in many places, the growing Shi- ite fundamentalist challenge threatens the established Arab order, which is largely Sunni Moslem. The struggle re- flects a bitter schism between the Sunni and Shiite branches of Islam that the population is Shiite, do they wield full political power. But even in Leba- non they range from the radical poor to a comfortable, if relatively powerless, middle class, many of whose members acquired substantial wealth as traders in West Africa. Moreover, Shiite anger is but one of the roots of violence in the mats in Beirut in 1983. Ruling Establishments Shaken Elsewhere in the Middle East, the rulers of Kuwait were shaken when 16 Shiite citizens were arrested and charged recently with bombing oil in- stallations. And in the snowy mountains of north- ern Iraq, Iran's devout would-be "mar- tyrs" have seized more ground in the seemingly endless gulf war. The Shiites themselves are hardly monolithic. Only in Iran, where most of Shiite Radicals: Rising Wrath Jars the Mideast -7' By JOHN KIFNER Spec sl to no New York Times CAIRO, March 21 - From the bleak, stony hills of southern Lebanon to the oilfields of the Persian Gulf, Shiite Moslems inspired by Ayatollah Ruhol- lah Khomeini's Iranian Revolution have emerged as a formidable, if un- stable, political force. Outside Iran, the most conspicuous focal point of this new force has been the shell-pocked southern suburbs of Beirut, where militant followers of the Party of God have resisted the Syrian Army's effort to impose order. The loosely knit movement is believed to have been behind the kidnapping of for- eigners in Lebanon and three suicide truck bombings that killed more than 250 American servicemen and diplo-, NEW YORK TIMES 22 March 1987 An Underclass Emerges The violent emergence of a disen- franchised Shiite underclass has been most dramatic in Lebanon. There, the middle class leadership of the reform- ist Shiite movement Amal has been overtaken by the militant slum-dwell- ers of the angry Iranian-oriented Party of God. Shiites are also challenging es tablished power in other areas of the Middle East, where religion still de- fines social and political life. These areas include Kuwait, Bahrain, the oil- rich eastern province of Saudi Arabia and Iraq. Iran's fundamentalist revolution and its subsequent successes in six years of war with Iraq have catalyzed Shiites in a number of Arab lands, experts say. They say the very rituals and rhetoric of Shiism are inherently revolutionary. "The Shiites have a long tradition of opposition, of not identifying with the state, which is Sunni," a European dip- lomat said. "In most societies of the Middle East they are the social and economic underdogs." "The new element," the European diplomat added, "is that they have got- ten through Khomeini the Idea of the Is- lamic republic, of a state of their own." Dr. Ajami, himself a Shiite from southern Lebanon, says he sees in the recent developments a defeat for mod- eration and reform and a reversion to the tribe, the clan and the sect that has always dominated Arab social or- ganization." "For Islamic modernists, reformers, the middle ground has caved in," Dr. Ajami, a professor at Johns Hopkins University, said in a telephone inter- view. "There isn't any middle ground. It's economic privilege on one side and wrath on the other. We're in for a long season of carnage." The roots of the conflict are in the death of Mohammed in 632 and the split of the religion that he founded into two main branches, Sunni and Shute. Islam was both a religion and a state, embarking on its first conquests of the Arrbian Peninsula, and it needed a new lewder to survive. ,1NRohammed's companions chose Abu Bskr to become the Caliph, or ty. Bt: some felt the choice shoulr have been All ibn All Talib, who was married and son, Hussein, in the desert at Kar- bala, in what is now Iraq, crystallized the schism and gave the Shiites their emphasis on suffering and martyrdom. " as their own perception, the Shia w1e the oppositkm in Islam, the de. hers of the oppressed, the critics is of privilege and power," H and Lewis, an authority on Islam, hhaas~ written. "Tine Sunni Moslems, brc%dly speakft stood for the status quo, the maintenance of the existing political, social, and above all religious Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/02/09 The'Hidden Imam': A Powerful Symbol In Islam's rich legacy of internal conflict, a succession of subsequent Shiite leaders, or Imams, were slain. The Twelfth Imam, still a child, was concealed from his enemies in 872. Shiites believe that this "Hidden Imam" will one day return as the Mahdi, or Redeemer, to establish the perfect society, and that until then, all temporal authority is illegitimate. This belief has lent Shiism a messianic cast and presaged its political radicalism. "It's a terribly fertile religion in terms of its mobilization symbols," said an Arabist who teaches at West Point, Lieut. Col. Richard Augustus Norton. The fine points of Shiite doctrine are important in understanding the adher- ents' political behavior, one diplomat noted. He said attempts by outsiders to mediate the gulf war or the plight of hostages run into difficulty "because mediation is something with strong negative religious connotations." The Islamic Revolution of Ayatollah Khomeini that in 1979 toppled the Shah of Iran, who was seen as America's most powerful ally in the region, proved a historical watershed- Iraq, with a Shifte majority con- trolled by President Saddam Hussein's secular Baathist regime, has been a prime target for the export of Ayatol- lah Khomeini's revolution. As an unal- terable condition for ending its war with Iraq, Iran has demanded the ouster of Mr. Hussein. "If Iran defeats Iraq and an Iraqi state emerges reflecting the power of the Shia, it will be a sea change in Arab politics," Dr. Ajami said. Violence in Kuwait: Byproduct of War Kuwait, roughly one-third of whose native population is made up of Shiites who are largely of Iranian origin, has been just one one of the neighbors jarred by the war. On Dec. 12,1983, sui- cide truck bombers from the Iraqi un- derground organization Al Daawa, or The Call, crashed into the American and French Embassies. Seventeen Shiites were convicted in the bombings, and subsequent de- mands for their release prompted the kidnapping of American and French hostages in Beirut. Kuwait's ruler, Sheik Jaber al-Ahmed al-Sabah, nar- rowly escaped death when a suicide car bomber crashed Into his limousine, , killing his bodyguard. According to Western intelligence sources, two of the 17 convicted terror- ists are Lebanese who are related to families that are at the heart of Shiite fundamentalist cells. In January, a Shiite underground cell bombed Kuwaiti oil installations as Ku- wait prepared, over Iranian objections, to- host for a conference of leaden of Islamic countries. Cenfinnod Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/02/09: CIA-RDP90-00965R000403410001-2 In neighboring Bahrain, a financial center with a Sunni ruling family and a heavily Shiite population, the authori- ties in 1981 uncovered a plot traced to Teheran to overthrow the Government. The center of Saudi Arabia's oil wealth, its eastern province of Hasa, also has a majority Shiite population, `For Islamic reformers, the middle ground has caved in.' according to Western diplomats, and the area experienced riots in 1979. To the strict Sunni Wahhabi sect that reigns over Saudi Arabia, a diplomat said, "Shiites are seen as heretics" who "have no place in the Saudi theoc- racy." The human rights group Am- nesty International reported recently that Shiites in the eastern province have been forbidden to practice their religion. Heart of the Drama: A Struggle for Lebanon But it is in Lebanon, from the remote Bekaa region in the east to the teeming slums and refugee districts of war-torn Beirut and the villages of the south, that the Shiite drama is most vivid. Lebanon is a patchwork of warring sects that have been allocated power and privilege according to their reli- gions. In the current order, Maronite Catholics have gotten the most and Shi- ite Moslems the least. What Dr. Ajami calls the "Shia jour- ney out of self-contempt and political quiescence" began in 1959 when the Iranian-born cleric Musa Sadr arrived as the religious mufti, or judge, in the southern Lebanese city of Tyre. Before he disappeared during a visit to Libya in 1978, Musa Sadr forged the economic, political, and eventually military, movement known as Amal. "Arms are the adornment of the man," he declared. Amal, now under Nabih Berri, has been primarily a reformist movement seeking a fairer share of power in a Lebanese government. But in the last few years it has been increasingly chal- lenged by the pro-Iranian Party of God, which before the Syrian troops arrived plastered the once-gaudy streets of West Beirut with portraits of Ayatollah Khomeini calling for the creation of an Islamic Republic. "The Shia 'street' is very different than 1982, when Amal represented moderate reformism," said Colonel Norton. "They were middle of the road, but the-road has moved way over to the flank." In West Beirut, the rise of the Shiites has not been universally welcomed. Last month, while the Amal militia be- sieged Palestinian guerrillas in the refugee districts, Druse militiamen, with Sunni backing, attacked the Amal fighters in some of the harshest street combat the battered city could recall. A New Challenge: Confronting Syria Syria stepped in with more than 7,000 troops to stop the fighting, and sent the fundamentalists a message by killing some 23 Party of God militiamen. The Syrian move was thought to have raised tension with Iran, Syria's un- easy ally. - Abbas MusawL who Western intelW- g terrorist ce1L declared at a recent rally in the southern city of Tyre that the interven- tion scheme" and warned them to stay out of Beirut's u . "Our weapons will remain in our hands and we will not allow anyone to disarm us in the Bekaa, the south or 'Beirut," Mr. Musawi declared. "We are restraining ourselves, but if the situation explodes, we will blow up the whole world and its people." Iran has increasingly become an arbiter in Lebanon, beginning in the summer of 1982. During the Israeli in- vasion, it sent about 1,000 Revolution- ary Guards to the Baalbek area of the Bekaa. This was the headquarters of Hussein Musawi, who had split from Mr. Berri's leadership to form a group known as Islamic AmaL The Revolutionary Guards are one part of an Iranian apparatus report- edly directed through Iran's embassy in Damascus and ultimately responsi- ble to an organization in Teheran that is headed by Ayatollah Khomeini's designated successor, Ayatollah Hus- sein Montazeri, and dedicated to ex- porting the Islamic Revolution. By pouring money into the impover- ished villages of the Bekaa and south- ern Lebanon and providing training by the Revolutionary Guards, the Iranians have built an increasingly effective Party of God force that has mounted attacks on the Israeli-controlled en- clave that is patrolled by Israel's proxy militia, the South Lebanon Army. ;pk Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/02/09: CIA-RDP90-00965R000403410001-2