THOUGH STILL MARXIST, MOZAMBIQUE IS SHIFTING TOWARD THE WEST

Document Type: 
Collection: 
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP90-00965R000403640046-8
Release Decision: 
RIPPUB
Original Classification: 
K
Document Page Count: 
2
Document Creation Date: 
December 22, 2016
Document Release Date: 
February 9, 2012
Sequence Number: 
46
Case Number: 
Publication Date: 
August 6, 1985
Content Type: 
OPEN SOURCE
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PDF icon CIA-RDP90-00965R000403640046-8.pdf131.08 KB
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STAT Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/02/09: CIA-RDP90-00965R000403640046-8 -ARTICLE AP QED Q-IRISTIAN SCIENCE rnNITOR ON PAGE 6 Au ust 1985 g INTERNATIONAL Though still Marxist, Mocambique is shifting toward the West " Sam Levy S POW b The Oi u Samos Monier M"Rft MWEVI qus Ngunguiyane came home recently and brought with him "a new era" in relations between Lisbon and Maputo, according to Mozambique President Samora Machel. The return of the remains of the 19th century warrior, whom the Portuguese co- lonial authorities exiled to the Azores in 1896, is symbolic of the improvement in relations between Mozambique and its former colonizer and hint of the realignment of Mozam- bique's foreign policy away from the Soviet bloc and toward the West. In international eco- nomic and diplomatic relations, Maputo is be- more .. " than '.Soviet allied." There are limits to the distance Maputo can put between itself and Moscow. The war with guerrillas, in which the ruling politi- cal party, Frelimo (Front for the Liber- ation of Mozambique) controls only the cities, leaves the regime de- pendent on the Soviets for arms. A quick end to the war is unlikely. And within the F relimo Party itself, the pro-Soviet fac- tion remains strong. - In only three years, however, the gulf between Mozambique and the West, once a yawning chasm, has narrowed consider- ably. As the United States Ambassador in Maputo, Peter Jon De %os, remarked, We've come a long way in a very short time." The most radical policy stage in Mo- zambique's 10 years as an independent nation was immediately after indepen- dence in 1975. The Frelimo party had re- ceived most of its support from the East bloc during its war against the Portuguese colonial government. Nurtured in the "socialist liberation" tradition, it tried to put theory into prac- tice in the newly proclaimed Marxist-Le- ninist state. Nationalization and collec- tivization were the order of the day. But nationalization scared away the majority of the Portuguese residents, who made up the skilled labor force, and radi- cal political and economic policies pro- voked armed dissidence and guerrilla activity.-- And just as the guerrilla war began to heat up, the economy cooled down. In 1981, Mozambique's per capita gross na- tional product began its headlong plunge, falling 15 percent. Drought and war made things worse. - It was then that the shortcomings of an alliance with the East ,bloc began to show The Council for Mutual Economic Assistance - the East bloc's equivalent of the Com- mon Market - refused Mozambique's mem- bership application that April. The Bulgar- ian agronomists sent to breed miracle rice had, it developed, overdosed the paddies with chemi- cal fertilizer. Moscow could spare little food for drought relief. The army the Russians had trained in conventional warfare was ill-prepared to fight a guerrilla counter- insurgency. In 1981, the Portu- guese government dropped compensation claims against Mozambique resulting from nationalization, and the rapproche. ment between former colony and colonizer began. Portugal agreed to supply arms and training in counterinsurgency. Portuguese companies began receiving more technical assistance contracts. When Portuguese President Ramalho Eanes visited Maputo this April he was given a genuinely warm welcome. The Nkomati Accord was signed by Mozambique and South Africa in March 1984, pledging the two sides to stop sup- porting each other's internal opposition movements. It has altered the dynamics of the sig- natories' bilateral relations. Some ele- ments of the South African government and business communities, formerly President Machel's active foes, now feel that their chance for investment and Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/02/09: CIA-RDP90-00965R000403640046-8 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/02/09: CIA-RDP90-00965R000403640046-8 2 marketing opportunities in Mozambique lies with the present regime. Farmers in South Africa's Transvaal province would like to lease Mozambican farmland, and industrialists to export cheaply through the port of Maputo. The liberal foreign investment code, published last September, confirmed many businesses in their disposition to bank on Machel. South African firms have to date cooperated on a significant scale in refrigeration, mail delivery, and railway maintenance. And the recent Cabora Bassa agreement between Mo- zambique, South Africa, and Portugal, governing uses of the enormous hydro- electric dam of that name in Tete Prov- ince, indicates deepening economic links. Despite the fact that is has not brought an end to the war, Nkomati brought other dividends. Relations with the United States, which had encouraged the accord, improved markedly thereafter Despite aTon TJ 2 to an approval in fiscal 1984 for 350,000 tons. In 1984 Mozambique was the largest recipient of US emergency food aid in the world. More controversial than food or agri- cultural-development assistance is a pro- posal to send "nonlethal" military aid to Mozambique. Critics point out that the re- gime remains avowedly Marxist-Leninist, and that hundreds of Soviet and allied ad- visers continue in the country. The Foreign Aid bill passed by the US Congress bars arms aid to Mozambique unless a variety of conditions are met, in- cluding human rights progress, a reduc- tion in the number of foreign military per- sonnel in the country, and steps toward holding free elections by Sept. 30, 1986. Ambassador De Vos says that al- though the Machel regime is not perfect, "constructive engagement is not just for South Africa. It's for the region as a whole." The country joined the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank (which has already made over a $45 mil- lion loan) in 1984, and signed the Lome Convention late last year, tying it in to the Economic Community-third world eco- nomic-aid system. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/02/09: CIA-RDP90-00965R000403640046-8