SPIES AND NON-SPIES

Document Type: 
Collection: 
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP90-00965R000503820015-1
Release Decision: 
RIFPUB
Original Classification: 
K
Document Page Count: 
1
Document Creation Date: 
December 22, 2016
Document Release Date: 
January 20, 2012
Sequence Number: 
15
Case Number: 
Publication Date: 
November 28, 1985
Content Type: 
OPEN SOURCE
File: 
AttachmentSize
PDF icon CIA-RDP90-00965R000503820015-1.pdf86.35 KB
Body: 
Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/01/20: CIA-RDP90-00965R000503820015-1 n. 'T '_i ... . NEW YORK MiES 28 November 1985 ABROAD AT HOME I Anthony Lewis Spies and Non-Spies BOSTON I t would be unbelievable in fiction: Four Americans arrested on espio- nage charges in five days. Two of them former employees of the super- secret National Security Agency and the Central Intelligence Agency. Se- crets allegedly flowing for years to three different powers - the Soviet Union, China and Israel. If the damage to national security is half as bad as officials are saying, these are among the most serious prosecutions brought under the Es- pionage Act since Congress passed it in 1917. But that raises a profound irony. While the Government tries to cope with the grave consequences of real spying, it is bringing the weight of the Espionage Act down upon someone who did not spy for any foreign power. He acted not to weaken but to alert the United States. And what he did caused no identifiable damage to the national security. Those are facts in the case of Sam- uel Loring Morison, a former Navy intelligence analyst who was con- victed last month of violating the Es- pionage Act. He is due to be sentenced next Wednesday. And even though what he did was not spying, and has never before been the basis of an Es- pionage Act conviction, he is subject to a sentence of up to 40 years in prison. What Mr. Morison did was to leak three photographs, taken from a U.S. satellite, of a Soviet aircraft carrier under construction, He sent them to Jane's Defense Weekly, a British military magazine. He was not paid. He did it, he said, because the carrier was a significant new element in the Soviet fleet - and publication would alert Americans to the threats. Morison did not commit espionage Mr. Morison is deeply, even obses- sively committed to the idea of a strong U.S. Navy. If Americans knew what the Russians were doing, he said, there would not be all this silly anti-defense talk. The Reagan Administration used the Morison case to try to turn the Es- pionage Act into something the United States has never had: a crimi- nal statute against leaks. And by per- suading the trial judge and then the jury, it did create something very much like the British Official Secrets Act. An official secrets act punishes dis- closure of official information even when it is published, not slipped to an enemy, and even when it does no provable harm. In the Morison case a witness who had run our satellite photograph operation for i0 years said the Russians knew all about it and would not benefit from the pic- ture in Jane's. But the judge said the jury could weigh "potential" damage - without limiting that hazy term. In the current atmosphere of alarm about real spying, I suppose there is a danger that Mr. Morison will be sen- tenced to a prison term, inappropri- ate as that would be for a "crime" never before punished. But the point of the case is not only the personal tragedy involved. "The hallmark of a truly effective internal security system," Justice Potter Stewart of the Supreme Court said in 1971, in the Pentagon Papers case, "would be the maximum possi- ble disclosure, recognizing that se- crecy can best be preserved only when credibiilty is truly main- tained." In other words, the Govern- ment should focus on a limited area of true secrecy instead of using the blun- derbuss approach and trying to stamp everything secret. The Morison case is the blunder- buss approach. No real spy is going to be discouraged by the Government's fitful moves against leaks. That course wastes resources and weakens the credibility of the effort to protect important secrets. The prosecution of Mr. Morison also says a good deal about the consti- tutional faith of the Reagan Adminis- tration. The foundation of our Consti- tution is the Separation of Powers. Congress makes laws, not the Presi- dent. If we need a law against leaks, the American way would be to go to Con- gress and ask for one. But Attorney General Meese, with all his talk of re- spect for the Legislature and the dan- ger of activist judges, has not done that. He has asked the courts to read the crime of leaking into a 68-year-old act against spying. Why? Because he knows that Congress would not pass a general law against leaks. The end ;ustifies the means. Espionage and leaks are wholly dif- ferent things in the American tradi- tion. 'pying strengthens foreign powers. 1.eaxing, an everyday occur- rence in Washington, is part of the process that en_tbies citizens to judge the policy of heir Government. We think that process strengthens, not weakens America. 7 Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/01/20: CIA-RDP90-00965R000503820015-1