HOW GOOD IS THE ARMY?

Document Type: 
Collection: 
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP90-00965R000504820027-7
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RIFPUB
Original Classification: 
K
Document Page Count: 
1
Document Creation Date: 
December 22, 2016
Document Release Date: 
February 7, 2012
Sequence Number: 
27
Case Number: 
Publication Date: 
February 28, 1986
Content Type: 
OPEN SOURCE
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PDF icon CIA-RDP90-00965R000504820027-7.pdf87.3 KB
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WASHINGTON POST 28 February 1986 Rowland Evans and Robert Novak Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/02/08: CIA-RDP90-00965R000504820027-7 How Good Is the Army? The Philippine army's refusal to fight for Ferdinand Marcos was the key fac- tor in a bloodless transfer of power few believed possible, but it also raises con- cern among Pentagon experts whether its troops will prove any more intrepid in battling communist insurgents. Credit for the peaceful transition should not be attributed to Marcos' hu- manitarian impulses, according to Pen- tagon sources. They say his orders to eljte Ranger units to attack the military rebels at Camp Crame were refused, raising a question: Were the Rangers making a political statement or were they revealing a lack of discipline? That is one of many questions asked in Washington about Corazon Aquino's new regime. Did Aquino mean it dur- ing her campaign when she repeatedly promised to remove "eventually" U.S. bases.? In the words of one administra- tion official, could "crony capitalism" be replaced by "crony socialism"? Even those Reagan officials who were most worried by the tilt against Marcos are overjoyed that he was forced out without civil war and with the army intact. But they also realize this: Though ridding his country of its authoritarian ruler was surely the beginning of solving Philippine prob- lems, a solution requires much more. There is no certainty Aquino's army will be more effective than Marcos'. Analysts at the Pentagon see perhaps half of the New People's Army guerril- las responding to Vice President-Prime Minister Salvador Laurel's amnesty offer. The remaining half are well- armed, hard-core Marxist-Leninists. In trying to root them out, the new government must do far better than the Marcos army did. Visitors to the Philippines, including us, have been appalled at the indiscipline and disincli- nation of many units to fight the insur- gents. What is suspected at the Penta- gon is that the refusal of the Rangers to obey orders could have been more evidence of military disarray than re- hellion against Marcos. What's more, the problem of private armies in the interior persists. me in U.S. intelligence believe Evelio Javier, a _ former governor of Antique province and a strong unto loge ter, was mur- dered ter the a ection by just suc t a Rang, not on orderstfrom Manila. Dur- ing our travels on e is an o inda- nao, we found not only the government losing the guerrilla war but also a total breakdown of law and order. The political acrobatics of Juan Ponce Emile in keeping the defense portfolio in the Marcos and Aquino cabinets is no good omen for military reform. Until last weekend, Emile was considered part of the problem: a Marcos crony who became a millionaire during long tenure at the Defense Ministry that saw declining military peformance. While Enrile's defection probably prevented civil war, it is no harbinger of change. More is hoped for from Enrile's co- defector, Gen. Fidel Ramos. A man of rare integrity at senior levels in the Philippines, he failed to accomplish much during a stint as acting chief of staff under Marcos, a failure excused by lack of support from the presidential pal- ace. Over lunch at Philippine Constabu- lary headquarters in Quezon City, Ramos told us what no other senior offi- cer would: the people were sick and tired of corruption. Corruption aside, the Philippine army desperately needs arms and equipment -which means more U.S. aid. During the campaign, candidate Aquino told us her country needed less military aid be- cause NPA insurgents would embrace the new amnesty offer. Ramos and other officers will have to explain that reforming the military will be expensive. Hopes for a tougher military effort depend on Aquino's backing away from some campaign pledges-such as abandonment of U.S. bases when the present agreement ends in 1991. It is notable that her most anti-Amer- ican supporters are not in her Cabinet. The new finance minister, industrialist Jaime Ongpin, is viewed by senior Amer- ican officials as the best hope for eco- nomic reform. Although conservative businessmen are suspicious of him, Ong- pin is concerned that Aquino is to his left and wants to pull her into a free-market mold. He will have help here from the new trade minister, Jose Concepcion, an- other rich businessman who headed the citizens group, Namfrel. The Aquino Cabinet is more conser- vative than would have seemed likely in a post-Marcos landscape happily free of the physical and emotional debris of civil war. But doubts must remain, especially whether the army can fight as it will have to in the months and years ahead. (,) IN News America Syndicate to/ Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/02/08: CIA-RDP90-00965R000504820027-7