A LOOK AT GOALS, ORIGINS OF REBELS

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Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP90-00965R000605210020-9
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RIFPUB
Original Classification: 
K
Document Page Count: 
2
Document Creation Date: 
December 22, 2016
Document Release Date: 
May 2, 2012
Sequence Number: 
20
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Publication Date: 
March 19, 1985
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OPEN SOURCE
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Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/05/02 : CIA-RDP90-00965R000605210020-9 -7 7 BOSTON GLOBE 19 March 1985 . WITH THE CONT Second of three articles about the anti-Sandinista rebels. '\By Julia Preston Globe Staff _ ? ' ONHONDURAS-NICARA- GUA BORDER - When Mike Lima rides by on his bay horse. with his steel spurs jangling and his Doberman guard dog loping along betide, the guerrilla fight- ers he leads watch him admir- ingly. The 25-year-old field com- mander for the anti-Sandinista Nicaraguan Democratic Force (FDN), with his camouflage fa tigue and his easy grin, is the epitome of a Nicaraguan rebel... For three years in the late 1970s while a popular uprising against the former Nicaraguan ruler. Gen. Anastasio Somoza Debavle, was gathering momen- tum, Mike Lima was a cadet in, the military academy of Somo-. za's National Guard. The youth did not fight in the revolution,'. and, concluding their reforms were communist, fled to Guate- mala three months after the, Sandinistas'. July 1979 tri- umph: In 1982 he adopted the nom de guerre "Mike Limit" (.now the only name he will use) and led small bands of volunteers on the first forays into Nicaraguas Jun- gles. By October 1983 he had commanded one of the rebels' most destructive incursions, to -date. at the town of Pantasma, where he robbed a bank, execut- ed three persons and left behind a swath of smoldering farm ve- hicles and government build- ings. Later Mike Lima blew off his "own right hand and killed four of his men in a mortar accident. Now, he has a steel hook. After he learned to shoot his AR15 rifle left-handed, a Sandinista grenade last year fractured his left hand and leg. But he's still leading 2700 guerrillas, the FDN's largest single unit. Recently FDN leaders allowed reporters an extensive visit to their headquarters in the wet for- ests along this border. The visit was allowed. on the condition the exact location of the camp not be published. i President Ronald Reagan, com- paring the rebels, or contras, with the founding fathers of the United States, is urging Congress to re- lease $14 million in Central Intelli- gence Agency aid for them, mainly 'for the FDN. But Reagan is facing stiff opposition in Congress. Critics charge the FDN, the largest of the rebel armies. Is made up of US-financed merce- naries drawn from Somoza's Na- tional Guard who have committed atrocities against Nicaraguan ci- vilians. Supporters described the FDN as a grass-roots insurgency capable of stemming the develop-, ment of communism in Nicaragua by forcing the Sandinistas to "say uncle," as Reagan said. In three days of interviews at the base. FDN leaders said their basic goal is to defeat and oust the Sandinista government. There is little support among FDN military commanders. for peace negotia- tions. Leaders of the contras, a word !'that comes from the Spanish for counterrevolutionaries, describe the evolution of the..FDN from a core of former National Guard offi- cers contacted in 1981 by the CIA. Later, the CIA forced out some ofAm~. cers because they were incompe- tent, undisciplined or. too closely associated with Somoza, but many of the original guardsmen remain in key positions. They have been joined in recent years by civilians who had little to do with either Somoza or the Sandin- istas, as well as by some former of- ficers in the Sandinista army. The FDN also includes thou- sands of conservative Nicaraguan peasants whose traditional sub- sistence farming was disrupted by Sandinista policies of collectivism. The FDN claims to have 14,000 fighters. Decentralized The FDN runs a decentralized, loosely controlled army in which the commander-in-chief, Enrique Bermudez, often does not know until weeks later what operations his men carried out. Field com- manders like Mike Lima .handle the war, and would be in positions of power if the FDN overthrew the Sandinistas. = According to its founders, the embryo of the FDN was a group of about 60 former National Guard officers who banded together in March 1980 to form the Septem- ber 15 Legion, named for Nicara- gua's Independence Day. Former National Guard Capt. Armando Lopez, now Comma' ider "L-26," head of logistics fox, the FDN, re- . calls that in 19811 legionnaires went in groups of 23, for refresher training courses to Argentina, "the first country that believed in = us. "We weren't Somoza followers, we were a professional army," ar-. gued "L-26." "We couldn't be ex- _ pected to create guerrillas to fight the Sari dinistas from bakers or shoemakers." FDN military chief Bermudez also was among the first legion- naires. A US-trained 27-year vet- eran of the National Guard, Ber- l mudez spent most of his career as an instructor or administrator, never heading his own combat unit. He was Somoza's military at- tache in Washington for three years to 1979. Bermudez, who wears no insig- nia to mark his rank on his sim- ple green-blue Sears Roebuck uni- form, said 13 former National Guard officers have 'top military posts in the FDN. Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/05/02 : CIA-RDP90-00965R000605210020-9 Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/05/02 : CIA-RDP90-00965R000605210020-9 Formed in Guatemala in Sep- tember 1981, the FDN united the September 15 Legion with conser- vative civilians like the brothers Aristides and Enrique Sanchez, now the organization's secretary general and chief of psychological warfare, respectively. In 1979 En- rique Sanchez was a congression- al deputy from Somoza's Liberal Party. Their family lost three lame farms in the Sandinistas' first e propriations, aimed at Somoza and his closest associates. Arms from CIA In early 1982 the CIA began_ equipping the FDN wit fles and mortars. "We fell on each other with hugs, we kissed the rifles, we jumped for joy," "L-26" remem- bers. At first through Argentine Intermediaries, then with Its own agents, the CIA issued battle or- ders. traine' contra commandos to plant mines and gave them the explosives to do it, and tried to fashion an internationally accept- able political face for the FDN. Until early this year Reagan justified US support for the con- tras - which totaled $80 million before funding ran out last June - as a way of stemming the flow of arms from Nicaragua to El Salva- dor's leftists guerrillas. But contra leaders, mentioning the interdic- tion of arms only as an after- thought, say the FDN's professed goal is to "expel the Marxist-Le- ninist Sandinistas and restore the rule of law" in Nicaragua. By late 1983 the` CIA faced a crisis, because the rebels were not advancing as rapidly as Washing- ton had hoped. Power disputes flared among the commanders. In Nicaragua, villagers reported rapes, mutilation of prisoners and unwarranted destruction by the guerrillas. Under, CIA pressure, the FDN court-martialed and executed a former guardsman. Commander "Suicide," and two of his lieuten- ants. "They committed many abuses against the civilian popu- lation," was Bermudez' only com- ment. In December 1983, the 1& pressed the FDN to form a new "national directorate" to give a more prominent role to civilians like businessman Adolfo Calero, squeezing out at least seven for- mer guardsmen. - "In order for us to get aid, it was logical for our benefactor to idemand something in return, to guarantee the investment," said 'L-26." "We were just an armed group. The national directorate was hand-picked and selected [by the CIA], and we accepted hap- pily.`=-But Calero, now the FDN's top civilian, bristles at the suggestion he was recruited or imposed by theJA, "That's the damnedest lie in the world," said the former execu- tive, who managed an 800-worker Coca Cola plant in Nicaragua, and was jailed four times by Somoza. "I had qualifications few people had - experience, a personal way of life over. many years. None of the Americans I associated with in this was older than me, or had more education." What the contras are fighting against is clearer than what they are fighting for. A triumphant FDN, Bermudez said, would break down farming cooperatives formed by Somoza's properties and distribute them among indi- vidual peasants. Enrique Sanchez said-he expects to regain his ex- propriated lands. "I'm Nicara- guan, too." he said. "The one right the FDN logically defends is respect for private property." Bermudez said the FDN would hold internationally supervised elections. The Sandinistas, he said, would become "citizens with the same rights as everyone else." But he said, "I doubt they'll accept that - they're fanatic Marxist-Le- Meanwhile, Bermudez sits atop a burgeoning insurgent army in which regional commanders plan many of their own operations and recruit their own troops. FDN training includes no sys- tematic teaching about the group's political goals, or about the rules of war. Asked whether his troops get such courses, Mike Lima said, "Negative. We don't have any political goal except pre- serving the individual freedom of each person. Our fighters don't have much culture or education. All they need to know is that the Sandinistas are bad." The FDN is weighing plans to seize territory in Nicaragua to de- clare a provisional government to be headed, according to Aristides Sanchez, by Calero and Arturo Jose Cruz, a conservative banker who signed a pact with the FDN earlier this month. But Bermudez said the contras do not yet have sufficient guaranties of interna- tional recognition to attempt the move. - While Bermudez said the FDN would impose "no limitations" on a possible peace dialogue, many commanders spoke vehemently against it. "We'll fight this war to the fin- ish if we have to use picks and shovels," said "L-26." "We won't hold peace talks over the graves of our dead." Next: Can the rebels win? Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/05/02 : CIA-RDP90-00965R000605210020-9