BILL CASEY AT THE CIA HELM: QUIETLY IN CONTROL

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP90-00965R000807500037-5
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 9
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: January 24, 2012
• Sequence Number: 37
• Publication Date: July 11, 1982
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

STAT
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/01/24: CIA-RDP90-00965R000807500037-5
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/01/24: CIA-RDP90-00965R000807500037-5
 STAT
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/01/24: CIA-RDP90-00965R000807500037-5
t. T J. : Z A FEARED THE NEWSDAY MAGAZINE (N.Y.)
ON FG',:,_ -1 11 July 1982
Bill Casey at the CIA
Helm:..
Quietly in Control
By David Wise
Photo by Ken Spencer'
Some weeks ago, an interesting
piece of information began circulat-
ing in the intelligence community
the closed, spooky world of the Cen-
tral Intelligence Agency, Defense
Intelligence Agency, National Secu-
rity Agency, Federal Bureau of In-
vestigation and the other spy
agencies in and around Washington.
. The word went out that William J.
Casey, the director of central intelli-
gence, had bought an expensive .
house in the exclusive Foxhall Road
section of Washington.
To men and women accustomed to
working with fragments, piecing to-
gether minute bits of intelligence to
form a larger mosaic, the report was
immediately seen for its true signifi-
cance. Better than any official- an-
nouncement, it meant that Bill
Casey, a Long Islander who has a
home in Roslyn Harbor, was plan-
ning to stick around as CIA director.
There have been times in the past
stormy year and a half when it was
not at all clear that Casey would sur-
vive as the DCI, as the spies refer to
their chief. There was a series of di-
sasters. First, Casey named his for-
mer political aide, Max C. Hugel, as
head of the CIA's cloak-and-dagger
directorate. Hugel was soon forced
to resign as the result of disclo-,
sures in the Washington Post
about his questionable business/
dealings. Then the Senate Intellib
gence Committee, responding to a
barrage of publicity, began probing
Casey's own financial past. And
.Sen. Barry Goldwater (R-Ariz.),
chairman of the intelligence com-
mittee, once a Republican presiden-
tial nominee and still an influential
conservative leader, called
point-blank for Casey to resign.'
All of that took place last year,
Casey's first year on the-job. The
storm subsided. The Senate panel,
in a backhanded way, found Casey
`not "unfit" to serve. And through it
all, the CIA director - Ronald Rea-
gan's campaign manager in 1980
managed to preserve his close per-
sonal relationship with the Presi-
dent. ("I still call him Ronnie,"
Casey has said.)
Among those who must surely
have heard the report about the
house off Foxhall -Road was Casey's
deputy, Adm. Bobby Ray Inman,.'
.who Sen. Goldwater and a lot ofpth-
*r members of Congress had o
hoped would be Reagan's origin al
choice for CIA director. Blocked
from the top job, wooed by private
industry with job offers in six fig -
am, Inman in April announced that
he was quitting.
In Moscow, the KGB has no doubt
already heard about Casey's new
house. Very likely, Vitali V. Fedor-
chuk, the recently appointed.chair-
man of the Committee for State
Security, better known as the KGB,
has already informed President Leo-
'nid Brezhnev in the Kremlin.
And the report is true. J. William
Doswell, director of the CIA's Of-
fice of External Affairs, a smooth,
Richmond, Va., lobbyist and former
newsman whom Casey brought in as
his top public relations man, con-
firms it. Doswell said that Casey
and his wife, Sophia, moved last
month from their apartment some-
where in Washington to their new
home off Foxhall Road.
It is .a neighborhood for mllion
.aires - the late Nelson A. Rockefel-
ler maintained a home there - and
Casey qualifies. At 69,' be is a mil-_
'lionaire several times over from his
various investment and business en-.
terprises.- He is also the first CIA di
rector to hold Cabinet' rank.
There is nothing ordinary about
his job. Last fall, playing on
Long island at the Creek ub in
Locust Valley, Casey slipped on the
wet grass on the third hole and
broke his leg. So insulated is the
CIA director, so .protected are his
-movements, that not a word ap-
peared in the press at the time.
(Much later, reporters ail- Washing-
ton noticed Casey on crutches when
he testified at a congressional hear-
ing, and a line or two about his acci-
dent was published.)
The- cloak of secrecy that comes
with the CIA job fits the man, for
Casey is an elusive figure about
whom op niontends to be sharply. di-
vided. His detractors seek to por-
tray him as a controversial, slippery
character with a checkered business
career who has managed to stay one
jump ahead of trouble, barely avoid-
ing a ment with the him of i
Robert earn during Watergate.
For example,-Sen. Joe Biden of
Delaware, a Democrat on the Senate
Intelligence Committee and Casey's
most vocal critic, refused to endorse
the panel's findings on the CIA di-
rector, declaring. "Mr. Casey has
displayed a consistent pattern of
omissions, misstatements, and con-
tradictions." And Casey's critics also
charge he is not really qualified to
run the CIA, since his intelligence
experience dates from World War
II, when he worked for the Office'of
Strategic Services (the OSS was the
forerunner of the CIA). They argue
CG: V?. I'l
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that he has "politicized" tw %.uAs' piece suit and a silver tie. He has a it was pointed out that the CIA
in Okence product afringe of white hair, and wears thick missed the boat in Iran, failing utter-
keep for about glasses in flesh-colored frames. He ly to predict the Shah's downfall in
agency's activities. As Biden put looks more like abanker than a 1979, albeit well before Casey was
teer e'r somehole.e James Bond. He was born in Elm- 'named director. How well had the
whether holthe getting it's hurst, was graduated from law agency done in predicting world
truth" whether we're
from e're Casey "or he whole
"
politicized." school in Brooklyn, and still retains events since Reagan ~k u offffice of
the
Casey's admirers point out that he the distinct accents of New York Poland, for example,
has been repeatedly cleared and con- City. There is a seal of the CIA the election in El Salvador, or the Ar-
firmed by congressional committees hanging on the wall and an Ameri- gentine invasion of the Falklands?
for a series of high-level .govern ' can flag at the far end of the office. "Good," Casey insisted. "We pro-
ment posts, including chairman of The walls are paneled in blond wood, jected what happened in Poland
the Securities and Exchange Com- and the office - except for his old- quite a while before it happened. We
mission and undersecretary. of state fashioned desk - is decorated in ex- were good on El Salvador, and we
for economic affairs, before Reagan ecutive modern. brought attention to the Falklands
L .! ... 4 L... ..eA " A c.1,nA urhath-v
A
a
b
names nun to the CI
jo
.
ASEY begins his i - -
ate Intelligence Committee exbaus he had given the President as much,
tively investigated the. lawsuit day early. "I get as three or four days' advance warn-
" at 6 o'clock to
sratt~On to
ut Ar
entina's
re
i
b
g
p
n* a
o
p
against Casey and other directors of . r
MAW
start my reading. seize the Falklands
Case
,
y
a deepSouth agribusiness company
Thav hrina the .L;.LLim "WV A;A better than t 1
called Multiporucs and icons that
overnight traffic 'According. a New York limes
had "no active role" in the prepara- out to the house. I story published in Apn1, Adm.In-
tion of a circular that the plaintiffs usually arrive here man indicated the CIA licked ad-
charged was false and misleading. at around 7:45. My first appoint- vance knowledge of Argentina's
And Casey's defenders point out ment is at 8. I leave at 7 PM with a invasion of the Falklands. But In_
that an outsider, and a trusted lieu-
tenant bagful of papers to look at man, through a CIA spokesman, re-
certain advantages nof the van president, the may task of bring the evening." cently denied the- report and said he
controlling and leading leadinng a Powerful l Casey does have a scrambler, of did not make the statement attrbut-
secret agency that has, in the past at course. There is one on the tele-: -ed to him in the limes story.
least, violated the law and the rights phone in the black Oldsmobile in On Capitol Hfll, among the staff
of Americans. which he is driven to work each and members of the Senate and
At a Washington cocktail party morning. The car enters the CIA's House intelligence committees, one
not long ago, someone cracked: "Bill underground garage and he is hears talk. of "politicization" of intel-
Casey is the first director of the whisked by private elevator to his ligence. The basic fear is that Casey,
CIA who doesn't need a scrambler." office. According to his aides, he a political appointee who served as
The joke was a reference to Casey's usually works Saturdays. Casey la- the President's - political manager,
reputation for mumbling and ram- ments that he has rarely been back might be inclined to tailor CIA esti-
bling at times - in congressional to his Roslyn Harbor home since mates to administration po
testimony, for example. Christmas. (He was there briefly in Three episodes are cited. Last
But Casey's mumbling is like a February, when he returned to year, at a time when the administra-
squid releasing ink to confound his Long Island to attend the funeral of tion was pushing claims that the So-
foes. In a recent, 45-minute inter- his younger brother, George, and viets were training and funding
view in his seventh-floor office at again last month when l- was the international terrorism, Casey or.
CIA headquarters, Casey did not featured speaker at a fund-raising deered red CIA three rert as successive sessing t drafts hat of a
ii a
mumble at all. His sentences were dinner in Manhattan for the lawyers' sue. About the sport seas ng t a tel-
clear and his syntax better than aver- division of the Anti-Defamation s ace issued a time, th report
age for a Washington political figure. League of the B'nai B'rith.) ligence agency inumber of crrt
Casey does not grant many inter- Asked what he does for relax- ta cd de us counted around the globe
views, and I had hoped to tape his ration, besides golf, the CIA director inci isnear p ear rind. The teal was
answers to my questions. A tape re- replied: "I read a lot." He reads cover a high as what the
corder is a "prohibited item" that is some spy novels, he added, but "not more more a ~ twice a as s
yearlier. a not supposed to be brought into the much. I read a lot of history, biogra- CIA had there were 6, year a i earlier.
CIA building, so I put a small mi- phY?" of 3,336.
crorecorder in my pocket to get -it Although the Senate committee instead
More recently, three Democratic
past the guards. When I started to found Casey not "unfit" to serve, senators, led by Paul Demos is Tsongas of
take it out to tape Casey, he balked. the CIA director clearly thinks he Massachusetts, led Paul that the
"1'm an informal guy," he said, "and has done better than that. "I CIA's charged
anast for
I don't want to have to be so careful brought the agency alive," he said. CA's chief AAmericaintelligence
Constantine
when we're talking together." So no "I got it moving. I made it vastly Menges, was slanting intelligence to
rocess
olic
th
.
y p
e p
tape, but he talked freely and at more relevant to
length, in an offhand, affable style. I've gotten the analytical process re-
The CIA chief wore a dark, three- organized. I made national esti-
mates the centerpiece of intelligence
analysis. I got the whole [intelli-
gence] community participating in
the development of national esti-
mates."
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fit policy. Menges, a political conser-
vative, was brought in by the Rea-
gan administration. Tsongas stalked
out of a closed briefing at which
Menges testified, and he and two
other Democrats later wrote to Ca-
sey to complain.
"My interest in intelligence goes
well back before the 1980 cam-
paign," Casey said in replying to the
charge that he is playing politics at
the CIA. "As for reaction to my hav-
ing run the campaign, I don't think
that's a disqualification." The
Menges flap, he said, "was a misun-
derstanding between a newly re-
cruited intelligence officer and some
members of the -committee." Casey
dismissed it with a wave of his hand;
he tends to wave away things that
he does not like.
News accounts about the report
on Soviet involvement in terrorism
were "a total distortion," he said. "I
looked at the estimate and felt it did
not fully reflect Soviet activity in
support of terrorist training. In the
report there was a dissenting opin-
ion of DIA [the Defense Intelligence
Agency]. I simply said, 'You fellows
[DIA] take a stab at it' That came
back, and I thought it too heavy the
other way. I_ called in a senior re-
view panel under Lincoln Gordon,
who served in high positions in
Democratic administrations,' and
asked him to work it through and
that was the estimate we published
within the community."
Casey also brushed aside the dou-
bling of the totals of terrorist inci-
dents around the world. "That
report was here when I got here,".
he said. "I don't know why that hap-
pened." One of Casey's aides, Lavon
B. Strong, explained the change in
the totals by saying "That was a
computer problem." The criteria for
listing an event as a terrorist ins-
dent were broadened, he said, and
the report "took in a lot more." The
higher total, however, is compatible
with 'the Reagan administration's
emphasis on terrorism. "There's so
much pressure to show the Soviets
are bad guys," one congressional ob- 1
server of the agency said, "that oth-
er issues get submerged."
HE CIA director
also glides over re-
ports of friction
between him and
Inman, his former
deputy. "Inman
and I had a fine re-
lationship," Casey
declared, adding that his deputy had
originally planned to stay only "for a
year or two." Inman is an intelli-
gence professional who formerly
headed the National Security Agen-
cy, the nation's code-making and
code-breaking arm. He enjoyed
enormous support and respect in
Congress but, having run his own
show at NSA, was reportedly un-
happy as CIA's No. 2. His departure
dismayed Republicans and Demo-
crats alike on the Senate Intelli-
gence Committee, and prompted
one committee member, conserva-
tive Republican Richard Lugar of
Indiana - an old personal friend of
Inman's - to hold a press confer-
ence in which he bluntly warned the
administration to appoint another
professional to the job. "The ques-
tion now- for each one of us is who
are we gonna call [at CIA]?" Lugar
said, implying, it seemed, minimal
confidence in Casey..
A reporter asked, "You're saying
Mr. Casey doesn't t-know enough for
you to call on the telephone and say,
'Advise me on this question'?"
"That's right," Lugar replied.
Faced with these rumblings on
.the Hill, Casey moved swiftly to ap-
point another professional, John N.
McMahon, to replace Inman as the
CIA's deputy director. McMahon,
53, is a 30-year veteran of the intelli-
gence agency who formerly headed
its covert side but is better known as
an administrator.
Casey has testified before the
Senate Intelligence Committee that
during his OSS service in World
War II he helped to coordinate the
work of French resistance forces be-
fore the Normandy invasion. Later,
as chief of intelligence operations
for the OSS in the European the-
ater, he supervised air drops of Al-
lied agents into Nazi Germany to
report on troop movements and air
targets. Casey retains a personal in-
terest in covert operations. The via
is divided into two parts: the intelli-
gence side, which performs analysis
and provides estimates and fore-
casts, and the covert side, which
spies and tries secretly to manipu-
late and influence events abroad.
One arm of the CIA attempts to re-
flect the world as it is; the other,
more controversial arm attempts to
reshape the world to the liking of
the United States. It does so
through covert operations, which
are euphemistically called "special
activities."
There has been a general belief in
Washington that the. Reagan admin-
istration would attempt to step up
the pace and number of covert oper-
ations as part of an effort to "un-
leash" the CIA. Casey won't talk
much about covert operations:
"I will say that covert action and
special activities substantially in-
creased during the last year or two
of the Carter administration. Since
then, covert action has been more
narrowly focused on providing traif-
ing and on developing expertise to
help friendly countries protect and
defend themselves against terror-
ism and destabilization efforts from
external sources."
Covert action closer to home was
authorized in the executive order on
intelligence signed by Reagan on
Dec. 4. When published accounts
last fall said that the draft of--the
new order would permit spying on
Americans, Bobby Inman said he '
did not favor such changes. `The 'ob
of the CIA is abroad," he said. Job
might resign, be added, if "repug-
nant changes" were adopted.'
The order was toned down a bit
from the original draft, but it broad-
ens the CIA's power beyond Presi-
dent Carter's order in two ways.
For the first time, it permits CIA
covert operations in the United
States. And it allows the CIA to col-
lect foreign intelligence from unsu-
specting Americans. Casey's
predecessor, Adm. Stansfield Turn-
er, who served as CIA director dur-
ing the Carter administration, has
attacked the Reagan order and
warned that it-would permit unwar-
ranted "intrusion into the lives of
Americans."
Casey said of the Reagan order:
"We have no interest, and no desire,
and no capability to spy on Ameri-
cans. There are certain things where
Americans, because of their exper-
ience, can help you with foreign intel-
ligence. The order doesn't authorize
any intelligence- gathering or special
activities on domestic matters."
Stanley Snorkin, who served with
Casey at the Securities and Ex-
change Commission and is now the
CIA's general cuurnsel, sari that the
COL'L 1 TNU~D
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...... .. ... ... . .. .... ......,-r-"-- ua.gaa.a. ....a....t........,.... -.... .............a.. ------ ---- ----o-- --- -
mean "that little, if anything, could could not have been lost on his audi- staff. Casey, lke all CIA directors,
be done in the U. S. even to start a ence. wears two hats by law; he is simulta-
covert operation. We felt we should One veteran intelligence specialist neously head of the CIA and co-
be able to start operations in the expressed strong doubts that the ordinator of the work of all the
U. S. so long as they had an over- CIA had provided much warning of other government intelligence agen-
seas aspect.". The order, according the Falklands invasion by Argenti- ties.
to Sporkin, "permits an activity in na. "Technically, our overhead re- One of Casey's predecessors at
the U. S. so long as it is conducted in connaissance is excellent," he said, the CIA, William E. Colby, who is
support of a national foreign policy "but we simply don't have enough now a Washington lawyer, said the
objective abroad." airborne assets - satellites and air- agency seemed to be doing fairly
Sporkin also commented on the craft - to cover the world. We well. "A director with direct access
other change in the Reagan order, didn't have enough up there to spot to the President and a professional
dealing with intelligence collection the Argentine move beforehand. I to manage thhW is an ideal situa-
methods. "In certain exceptional suspect that 85 to 90 per cent of our tion," Colby sakL But he added, cau-
cases, you would not want to identi- coverage is over Cuba and the Sovi- tiously: "the proof of the pudding is
fy yourself as a CIA agent," he said. et Union and Eastern Europe. An what they produce, and I don't read
"For example, during the hostage intelligence agency's job is to give
crisis it was important to talk to the warning, not to provide a play-by- John M. Maury, president of the
Americans leaving Iran to find out play afterward." Association of Former Intelligence
what was going on and where the The CIA's biggest problem, some Officers, declined to connnent offi-
hostages were located. A number of experts believe, is that the agency IY on QWY, saying his organiza-
these people were so anti-agency, over the years, partly as a result of bon takes no position on the CIA,
they wouldn't have talked to CIA. budget restraints, permitted its net- director. Maury, a former high CIA'
Whether that could be done under work of agents on the ground to official, did say that Casey "has ad-
the Carter order, I don't know. But wither away. "They just weren't in dressed the problem of tryi to im-
we wanted to make it clear that un- place, especially in Latin America," p the analysis function.
der certain circumstances, so long as one intelligence man said. "But According to Casey aide Levon
gmg~y has done so by en
no intrusive techniques were being that's been going on for a long time, 'Strong;
used, and all we were doing was and its not Reagan's fault or Ca- the among CIAes estimators wanal -
as be-
openly asking questions, and the an- sey's. For years the paramilitary gun under Turner. Differences
swers were voluntary, that it was types, the overt operators, were rid-
among am de-
not necesssary for a person to iden- ing high. The collectors were passed to in the analysts national now "clearly c
tify himself as being with the CIA." over, downgraded. Once you do intelligence
In the intelligence world there are that, it takes a long time to re- Strong s that go to the President,
mixed views of both Casey and his build."'
had
leadership at the CIA. One source Clearly, Inman's departure was anon' he said, Case es-
with good access to that secret blow to the CIA. "Inman was fed up streamlined and reorganized
world declared: "There's so much with Casey, - there was constant eogr s, nuttIDg the anar
ces
pressure to show that the Soviets trouble," one knowledgeable source of offi rather
than as
are the bad guys that every other is- said. "McMahon may be good but he th
e past. h result,YStron~ said, is
sue gets submerged. Historical, doesn't have the outside political "integrated analysis" combining the
economic, and social issues are ig- support or stature to handle the rest input of military, political and eco-
nored." He added: "Right after Rea- of the intelligence community that nomic specialists.
gan took office, all of a sudden they Inman had." But it is covert operations,. not
issued a White Paper on El Salvador In addition to 'McMahon, the analysis, that has gotten the CIA
with incredibly alarming tones and CIA's deputy director, Casey has into trouble in the past. In recent
sweeping judgments on the basis of five other deputies who head the years, the activities of former clan-
little information and a lot of guess- agency's' main directorates. John destine operators for the CIA have
work." Henry Stein, a veteran spook who posed a new problem for the agency,
A few days after Casey took over served as the agency's station chief one.that has haunted it during Ca-
at the CIA, he spoke to the agency's in Cambodia and Libya, heads the sey's reign First, during the Nixon
employees in the domed headquar- Directorate of Operations, the co- era, several former CIA men were-
ters auditorium at Langley, Va. He into the Democratic
urged the agency's analysts 'to call vert formerly of the the awn y Robert lea 8 National breaking Committee's headquarters
them as you see them." In return, he
Soviet expert, heads the Directorate in Watergate. Then, in April, 1980,
promised to make sure that their of Intelligence, the agency's analyt- two ex-agents, Edwin P. Wilson and
work got to the President. While ical side. Leslie C. Dirks, a physicist
thus urging the analysts to perform and a veteran CIA scientist, heads
their work impartially and honestly, the Directorate of Science and Tech-
Casey at the same time warned that nology. Harry E. Fitzwater, for-
the Soviet Union was "providing merly the CIA's personnel chief,
weapons, training, organization and heads the Directorate of Adminis-
l e ad e r sh i p . . . to terrorists tration, and John E. Koehler, a for-
throughout Africa, Southeast Asia, mer national security fo-
and on our very doorstep in Central the Congressional Budget OfSEe C pl'~'~ Il'1U D
America." And he argued that past
CIA estimates have tended to un-
derestimate danger to the U. S.; Ca-
sey said he wanted to see "a greater
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Frank E Terpil, were indicted by the fed-
eral government for training Libyan ter-
rorists and shipping explosives to Libya's
dictator, Moammar adaf~ Wilson was
arrested last month by U. S. marshals at
Kennedy International Airport after being
lured from Libya by U. S. undercover
agents. Terpil is still a fugitive and be-
lieved to be living abroad. What makes the
can even more embarrassing for the CIA
is that several high officials of the agency
apparently remained in close contact the
Wilson and Terpil after the pair left
CIA in 1971.
Casey testified before the House Intelli-
gence Committee in February that the CIA
had no "official" involvement with the two
men, but he seemed to be talkinng about
contacts after their indictment. Although
Casey ordered an internal investigation of
the case, he is known to have expressed
concern privately that restrictions on the
activities of CIA agents after they leave,
the agency might discourage people from
joining the CIA in the first place. Casey did order a number of step's taken
to deal with the problem of ex-agents, but
the problem is still largely unresolved.
Stanley Sporkin said Casey had directed
him to study the CIA's employment con-
tracts to see whether they could be revised
to prevent ex-CIA officers from selling
their expertise abroad. The contract-revi-
sion approach was abandoned. If the con-
tracts were drawn too tightly, Sporkin
said, "it would be tremendously draconian
to say, in effect, these people could never
earn a living." While the employment con-
tracts have not been changed, Casey did is-
sue a new employee code of conduct and
ordered CIA contractors to check with the
agency before - accepting anyone's word
that they represented the CIA. At the re-
quest of the House committee, the agency
has also drawn up, but not endorsed, legis-
lation which would require former agents
to register if they were engaged in Wilson-
Terpil-type activities. But if anything is
done, Sporkin said, "we feel it should apply
to all government agencies, not just to
CIA."
Whether hostility on Capitol Hill will
continue to cause problems for Casey is not
certain. The Senate Intelligence Commit-
tee, in its final report in December, chided
the CIA director for failing to disclose
more than $250,000 worth of investments
and. $500,000 in debts and liabilities when
he was appointed. "Mr. Casey was, at mini-
mum, inattentive to detail," the senators
said.- And unlike his two most recent prede-
cessors, Casey has kept control of his per-
sonal stock holdings. But for now, at least,
Casey. has weathered the storm.
As director, Casey has battened the
hatches at the CIA, sharply curtailing the
number of briefings for newsmen and end-
ing the practice of publishing the CIA's un-
classified studies. And Congress has
moved to-approve legislation backed by Ca-;
sey to prohibit the disclosure of agents'
identities in the press.
Casey denies that the controversies that
have surrounded him have affected the
CIA. "This is not a fragile group of peo-
ple," he said. "Morale here is very good."
Many months ago, when Casey gave his
first speech to CIA employees, he remind-
ed them that in wartime London he had
served with a committee that studied Brit-
ish and other Allied intelligence in order to
develop plans for a central intelligence
agency in the United States after the war.
Casey returned to Washington and helped
Gen. William J; Donovan, director of the
Office of Strategic Services, draft a memo-
randum to President Roosevelt urging the
creation of what became the CIA.
"So, in a sense, I was there at the begin-
ning," Casey told the assembled CIA
agents. "Nobody saw me, but I was
there." p
David Wise is a Washington-based
author who writes frequently about
intelligence affairs. His most recent
book is "Spectrum," a novel about
the CIA.
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/01/24: CIA-RDP90-00965R000807500037-5
 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/01/24: CIA-RDP90-00965R000807500037-5
NEWSD*,AY
MAGAZINE
William?J. Casey,
director of the Central
Intelligence Agency,
in his seventh-floor office
in CIA headquarters
at Langley, Va. On the
wall behind him is an
aerial view of the CIA
building. The 69-year-
old millionaire, a native
of Long Island who
still maintains a home in
Roslyn Harbor, is the
first CIA director to hold
Cabinet rank.
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/01/24: CIA-RDP90-00965R000807500037-5 _
 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/01/24: CIA-RDP90-00965R000807500037-5
with then-presidential candidate Ronald Reagan in Los Angeles in
Case
y
June, 1980, when Casey was serving as Reagan's campaign manager. A
month later, at right, Casey chats with Nassau County GOP leader Joseph
Margiotta during a political reception in Dearborn, Mich.
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/01/24: CIA-RDP90-00965R000807500037-5
 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/01/24: CIA-RDP90-00965R000807500037-5
Clockwise from top left, Casey, Sen. Alfonse D'Amato (R-N. Y.), Sen. Barry
Goldwater (R-Ariz.) and Sen. Daniel P. Moynihan (D-N. Y.). meet before
Casey's confirmation hearing last year. Above, Casey with Sen. Henry M.
Jackson (D-Wash.) during a probe of Casey's business dealings.
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/01/24: CIA-RDP90-00965R000807500037-5