PARTY DISCIPLINE IN THE LIGHT OF THE DECISIONS OF THE XIII. PLENUM OF THE E.C.C.I

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• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP90-01226R000100040012-6
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
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• Document Page Count: 9
• Document Creation Date: December 21, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 3, 2008
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COPY: ENT:88
COMP :
SOURCE: COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL
No. 2, FEBRUARY 1, 1933.
VOL. X, pp. 85-88 and
continuations.
PARTY DISCIPLINE IN THE LIGHT OF THE DECISIONS OF THE
XII. PLENUM OF THE E.C.C.I
By 0. Bever.
Very little attention has been paid recently to
the question of Party discipline in the documents of
the Communist Parties and in the Party press. This is
a serious omission. In Party circles there is a widely-
spread opinion that discipline is something which comes
of itself, that there is nothing to explain, that every
Party member knows that he has to carry out the Party
directives. This idea is deeply mistaken. In reality
Party discipline is very unsatisfactorily arranged in
the Parties of capitalist and colonial countries with
very few exceptions, and this unsatisfactory Party dis-
cipline is the direct result of the fact that the
Party committees do not take up the systematic explana-
tion of the principles of Bolshevik Party discipline
among the members and do not carry on a stubborn struggle
for the establishment of Bolshevik discipline in the
every-day practice of Party work.
The Second Congress of the Comintern gave the
following directives on the question of Party discipline
in the Twenty-One Conditions of acceptance into the
Communist International:-
N129 All the Parties belonging to the C.I.
should be formed on the basis of democratic cen-
tralism. At the present time of acute civil
war` the Communist Party will only be able fully
to do its duty when it is organised in a sufficiently
thorough way, when it possesses an iron discipline
bordering on military discipline, and when its
Party centre, who are to endow this centre with
complete power, authority and ample rights, on..
joys the confidence of the members of the Party,"
The Comintern had to put forward this demand be-
cause the European Social Democratic Parties, from the
left wings of which the Communist Parties in capitalist
countries were formed, had no firm discipline. The
Social Democratic Parties were chiefly adapted to the
parliamentary struggle, and had no need of iron discipline
in their ranks. From the very first days of its existence,
the Comintern was compelled to declare a merciless strug-
gle against these social democratic traditions. The
situation of the relative stabilisation of capitalism
assisted a renewal of Right opportunist, social demo.
eratie traditions in the ranks of the European and
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American Communist Parties. In these circumstances of
the end of the revolutionary wave and the weakening of
the mass revolutionary struggle of the proletariat,
discipline became definitely weaker in all European and
American Communist Parties.
The XII. Plenum of the E.C.C.I. established the
fact that "the international situation sharply raises
the question of the fulfilment of the task which is
fundamental at the present time -- the preparation of
the working class and the exploited masses in the course
of the economic and political struggle for the impending
fights for power, for the dictatorship of the proletar-
iat." These changing international circumstances
evidently require from all Communist Parties, and above
all from the Communist Parties which are acting on
sectors where a revolutionary situation exists (China,
Spain) and in which a revolutionary crisis is rapidly
maturing (Poland, Germany, Japan), should rapidly and
definitely strengthen their Party discipline and require
the establishment of iron discipline "bordering on
military discipline" in the ranks of the Communist
Parties as an absolutely compulsory organisational
prerequisite for the preparation for decisive revolu-
tionary fights and the final triumph of the working
class in each country and on an international scale.
The concrete question of Party discipline at the
present juncture stands as follows:--
At the XII. Plenum of the E.C.C.I. it was continually
stressed in the speeches of all the delegates that one
of the chief causes why the Communist Parties were lag-
ging behind the growth of the revolutionary activity of
the masses was the neglect of the organising role of
the Communist Parties in the revolutionary mass movement.
But a necessary condition for carrying out the leading
role of the Communist Parties is the strengthening of
iron discipline in them and simultaneously the increasing
of the revolutionary initiative in the localities. But
in both respects, there are great shortcomings in the
Communist Parties.
What does such a situation show?
It shows two things;
(1) Among the masses of the Party members, including
among them the leading Party activists, there is not yet
the necessary clear understanding that the victorious
liberating struggle of the working class is impossible
without a strong centralised leadership and that a neces-
sary prerequisite for carrying out the centralised
leadership is the ability of the Party organisations to
carry out rapidly and consistently the directives of the
Party committees above them.
(2)
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(2) On the part of the organs of Party leadership,
on the part of the Party committees, there is no correct
arrangement of systematic verification, instructions and
a stubborn struggle in the matter of carrying out of the
directives of these Party committees and other higher
organs of Party leadership by the lower Party organisa-
tions. These two points, however, require in turn to be
concretised.
The liberating struggle of the proletariat inevit-
ably bears an international character. One of the chief
causes why the C.P.S.U. was and is able to build Socialism
in one country is the assistance given to the toilers of
the U.S.S.R. by the workers and peasants of other capital-
ist and colonial countries. The Comintern is the inter-
national Party of the proletariat. It leads the revolu-
tionary struggle of the workers and peasants of all
countries, giving instructions on the forms and methods
of the revolutionary struggle of the toilers in every
country on the basis of a study of the international
situation.
Therefore, an important component part of the iron
discipline of the Communist Parties is their readiness to
carry into practice the political line and the various
concrete directives of the Communist International. This
international discipline of the Communist Parties obtains
particular importance at the present juncture, in the
present circumstances of the end of capitalist stabilisa-
tion, when the ruling classes are using innumerable pro-
vocations to impel the working class to undertake a
premature advance, and when, on the other hand, inter-
national actions of solidarity are particularly important
without a single hour of delay, and finally when the
question will rise with increasing intensity before the
communist Parties as to their readiness to support some
particular form of the revolutionary struggle of the
working masses of another country or countries. The great
strike of the English miners in 1926 was broken partly
because it was not supported by the workers of other
countries. The strike of t'1-16 Belgian miners in 1932 did
not meet an international response. The international
campaign of struggle in defence of the Chinese revolution
is unsatisfactory at present. A particularly great
responsibility lies at present on all Communist Parties
in the matter of making real preparations for civil war
in case the ruling classes should begin imperialist war
or intervention against the U.S.S.R. The Communist
Parties can only successfully pass the test of civil war
if they have iron discipline in their ranks.
The readiness of the Communist Parties of capitalist
countries to carry out the directives of the Comintern is
of tremendous importance from another point of view. In
the Executive Committee of the Comintern are concentrated
the best forces of the international workers' movement,
the whole experience of the Marx-Leninist leadership of
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the revolutionary class struggle. The whole historic
path travelled by the Communist International shows the
extent to which the Communist Parties of all countries
need the aid of the leading organs of the Comintern,
both when solving their own internal national questions,
and above all in the struggle against social democratic
and anarcho-syndicalist traditions, which are still extremely
tenacious of life in the Communist Parties of capitalist
countries, traditions which drag the Communist Parties
into the morass of open Right and "left" opportunist
waverings and and vacillations. It is sufficient to
remember the role of the E.C.C.I. in the struggle against
the Right opportunist Brandlerite leaders of the C.P. of
Germany and later in the matter of liberating the C.P.G.
from ultra-"left" ['leaders." Ruth Fischer and aslov, to
realise clearly the whole significance of strict inter-
national discipline by the Communist Parties for the
rapid and genuine bolshevisation of their ranks, and
consequently also in the matter of their general prepara-
tions for the decisive strugglesfor power.
At present the Comintern sets before its sections
as most important tasks which ensure the winning over
of the majority of the working class and the preparation
for decisive struggles, to strengthen the influence of
the Party in the big factories, in all mass proletarian
organisations, especially in the trade unions and the
organisations of the unemployed, by the capable applica-
tion of the tactic of the united front from below, com-
bining legal methods of Party work with semi-legal and
strictly illegal methods; to destroy the mass influence
of social fascism and prepare the broad masses of the
employed and unemployed proletarians for the higher forms
of class struggle, on the basis of the struggle for their
immediate demands. Thus in the near future a measuring
rod of the good discipline of the Communist Parties will
be the successful fulfilment of these demands which are
put forward by the XII. Plenum of the E.C.C.I.
With this aim, the E.C.C.I. and also the leading
organs of every section (above all the C.C.) must ensure
that all the Party organisations in all countries and.
every Party member is fully acquainted with all the chief
directives of the Comintern, especially if there are
directives of the C.I. with regard to the given country
and the given Party organisation. The masses of Party
members can be made aware of the decisions and the
directives of the Comintern in various ways. Among
these methods should be specially emphasised the discus-
sion of the decisions and the directives of the Comintern
at general meetings of Party members, including meetings
of factory and street cells. The checking up of the
fulfilment of the decisions and directives of the Comin-
tern must be organised in all Party organs, right to the
lowest cell. No instructor or representative is in a
position to make an all-round deep and practical verifi-
cation himself as to the fulfilment of the directives of
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the Comintern without mass self-criticism from below.
Therefore, the question of mass self-criticism from
below now takes on the character of one of the chief
political and organisational problems in the preparation
of the working class for decisive victorious fights.
In our Parties, self-criticism from below up to now
has been very poorly developed (and in some cases is
altogether absent). Recently self-criticism from above
has been widely spread (France). But, firstly, self-
criticism should not take the form of self-castigation,
and secondly, self-criticism from above, the self-
criticism of Party leaders (central and local) must
compulsorily be supplemented by self-criticism from
below. Self-criticism from below is an important basis
of the regime of centralised iron discipline in the
ranks of the Communist Parties.
Self-criticism from below is an absolutely specific
form for forging out iron Party discipline. It is only
possible in the ranks of Bolshevik Communist Parties,
because the Communist Parties carry out the role of the
vanguard of the proletariat by the most consistent and
capable defence of the interests of the working class as
a whole. Comrade Lenin systematically emphasised that
the Communist Parties, as the vanguard of the working
class, must at the same time learn from the masses, and
must Pith particular attention study the methods and
organised forms of the class struggle which are created
by the revolutionary initiative of the masses. Lenin
himself was an incomparable master of the use of the
experience of the revolutionary creative powers of the
masses. It is sufficient to remember his teachings on
the Soviet Government as a historic form of the dictator-
ship of the proletariat, teachings which were taken from
the practice of the revolutionary initiative of the
Russian proletariat.
There is nothing more harmful than a mechanical
sergeant-major conception of centralisation and Party
discipline. In the Communist Parties, the extensive
powers of a powerful and authoritative leading centre must
compulsorily go hand-in-hand with the bold initiative of
the local Party committees, especially the factory cell.
The local Party committees and cells must utilise every
favourable moment to strengthen the influence of the
Party organisationally an politically in the loca ities,
even though they have not ye received directives on
these questions from higher Party centres. Knowing the
general position of the Party and the Comintern, knowing
the line of the Party and the Comintern on the chief
questions of Party work, the local Party committees and
cells must on their own initiative introduce changes
into the existing forms and methods of Party work on
every occasion when changing circumstances demand it,
without waiting for special directives from the centre.
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This boldness and independence of the local Party
organisations in carrying out the general line of the
Party and its.C.C. according to the concrete local con-
ditions formed the main strength of the underground
Bolshevik Party, when the local Party organisations, in
view of police repression, were frequently cut off from
their leading centres for long periods and had to act
without losing a minute. This boldness and decisiveness
of the local organisations of the Russian Bolsheviks
lead to the victory of the October Revolution. The local
organisations and every Party member, knowing the general
directives of the C.C. on the seizure of power, did not
wait for special directives for themselves, but acted
with the greatest unselfishness according to local con-
ditions. On the contrary, in West European Communist
Parties, the local Party organisations and especially
the factory cells, were until recently anemic and passive
as a rule and did not take the risk of acting without
directives from the 0.0. Such was the case, for example,
in Berlin on July 20, 1932. The Berlin Party Committee
was late with its call for a demonstration after the
appeal for a general strike, and the cells in turn did
not show the slightest initiative. As the result, the
call for a general strike hung in the air.
Therefore, the XII. Plenum of the E.C.C.I., while
demanding from all Communist Parties an increase in the
responsibility of every Party member and every Party
organisation, simultaneously declared in the most deci-
ded form against super-centralism and for the initiative
and independence of local Party organisations, especially
the Party cells.
The correct line of the local Party organisations
and cells is attained by a good selection and by the
systematic Marxist-Leninist training of the leading cadres
from top to bottom. Lenin from the first steps of his
work for the organisation of the Bolshevik Party system-
atically and with the greatest insistence raised the
question of the Party committees compulsorily, including
the best and most popular leaders of the workers who were
in contact with the masses. In view of the fact that
under the difficult police conditions of tsarism, "for
better ensuring the correct and continuous functioning of
the local organisations, it is permissible to make partial
use of the principle of co-optation." Comrade Lenin
definitely insisted that the "co-optive members should be
replaced at the first opportunity by comrades properly
elected on the basis of the rules."
(See Org. Resolution of the Conference of the
R.S.L.P. (b) December 19, 1908).
Why did Lenin insist on these demands to the Party
leaders? Because the popular workers' leaders in close
contact with the masses well reflect the feelings of the
masses and. can best of all bring into practical existence
the correct fighting slogans of the general line of the
Party.
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Party. In addition, Party committees composed of popular
leaders of the workers, in view of the deep faith of the
masses in them, can most easily convert these fighting
slogans into fighting mass revolutionary actions, i.e.,
they can carry out the general line of the Party in
practice. Until recently, in our Communist Parties, when
Party committees are being formed, the question of put-
ting on to them the Party members who are leaders of the
workers and are most popular and best connected with the
masses has not been raised with sufficient consistency.
On the contrary, in view of the absence of self-criticism
from below, when forming Party committees, there have
been not infrequent cases of acting haphazardly, working
on considerations of groups, etc. At the XII. Plenum of
the E.C.C.I. the delegates of the C.i.s of France, Great
Britain and the U.S.A. spoke very eloquently of this, the
delegates of the C.P. of Germany gave various facts, etc.
Therefore, all Communist Parties should now attentively
examine how matters stand with them regarding the composi-
tion of the Party committees, and whether they contain
the popular Party members h o are leaders of the working
class and connected with the masses.
On the basis of the materials which we possess, we
can definitely assert that in all countries there are
many popular revolutionary workers' leaders who are
authoritative among the masses, who, however, not only
do not sit in the organs of the Party leadership, but are
even unknown to the latter. For this very cause, we find
the cases of which the delegates at the XII. Plenum of
the E.C.C.I. spoke -- big strikes break out in the
factories where the given Party committees did not expect
any strike movement, or there are cases of big strike
movements extending over whole districts the Lancashire
textile strike) led by workers unknown to the Party
leaders.
The Party committees must make provisions so that
in the course of class fights non-Party workers will be
brought forward to the role of popular Party leaders and
also the workers of social democratic organisations and
members of reformist trade unions. ~"hile exposing the
social fascist hangers-on and plain police spies and
strikebreakers, the Communist Parties must at the same
time use every effort to bring within the orbit of their
influence all honest non-Party worker' leaders and
leaders promoted by the masses from among the revolution-
ary-minded social democrats and members of reformist
trade unions, making the widest use along these lines
of all kinds of mass organisations -- trade unions, co-
operative societies, sport clubs, etc., and especially
the revolutionary elected organs of workers' representa-
tives, such as factory committees, workers' delegations,
strike committees, etc.
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The question of Party discipline must compulsorily
be connected with penalties for failure to comply with
the demands of Party discipline. The Party rules provide
for various penalties -- reprimand, warning, expulsion
from the Party. In Party practice, all these measures of
Party disciplinary influence are used, but it should be
mentioned that they are frequently used mechanically and
not in connection with the work for the Bolshevik steel-
ing of the Party ranks, for which reason these measures
frequently miss their aim. At the :.II. Plenum of the
.0. C.I. much was said about the mechanical expulsion of
opportunist deputies by the C.C. C.P.F., without explain-
ing this measure to the masses of Party members and the
working class, as the result of which some of these
deputies again secured election to parliament and pre-
served, or sometimes even enlarged, their contact with
the masses (through the municipalities).
It should be emphasised that the question of any
kind of penalty for the violation of Party discipline
must be taken along the lines of fulfilling the basic
political and organisational directives of the higher
Party organs, in which case the main attention must be
paid to verification and correction in the course of the
work. This requires every Party committee to watch
attentively what is being done in Party organisations
led by them, how the chief directives are carried out at
every sector, so as to come immediately to the assistance
in every case when these directives are carried out badly
or altogether not applied, taking the necessary measures
immediately to change the state of affairs which has
arisen. This requires the establishment of personal con-
tact between the Party leaders and the Party organisations
under their guidance (especially with the cells), the
decisive elimination of leadership through circulars which
is widely practised at present, including the C.P. of
Germany. This requires also the abolition of the usual
practice at the present time when members of the Party
committees go out to the localities only to deliver long
speeches, without entering into a study of the life and
activity of the given local organisation, and not checking
up on its work on the spot and giving instructions with
regard to the best carrying out of the directives of the
higher Party organs, including the directives of the
Comintern. Besides this verification and instruction
from above, there should be regular meetings and confer-
ences of the Party activists and Party conferences for
collective verification of the work which is being carried
out, with the aim of bringing shortcomings and mistakes
to light, and taking measures to eliminate them on the
spot, in the course of the work.
In all these forms of verification, in every concrete
case, the question must be concretely raised as to the
responsibility of every Party worker and particularly of
every member of the Party leadership. Up to the present,
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this responsibility is frequently not applied at all in
the Communist Parties of capitalist countries. If it
is operated, then it is at the time of intense struggle
against oppositions and deviations. But we must keep
in view that the struggle against deviations should be
carried on all the time, that it would be foolish to
wait for the accumulation of a considerable number of
various deviations and the formation of an opposition
to commence a struggle against them. Then, in addition
to deviators there may be (and are) in the organs of
Party leadership simply incapable workers. At the same
time there are growing (and many have already grown)
hundreds and thousands of new activists which the whole
Party should discover in the course of strikes, demon-
strations, and other mass revolutionary actions, checking
up on them at meetings of activists and Party conferences
and drawing them into leading work, thus extending the
circle of the Party and near-Party activists and assuring
the possibility of a rapid replacement of useless leading
workers who have disclosed their inability to carry out
in practice the line of the Comintern and the directives
of the leading organs of their Party.
It is impossible to create the iron discipline
necessary in the Communist Parties without systematically
checking up on the fulfilment of decisions and without a
correct policy of cadres, without a systematic selection
of the best popular leaders of the working class into the
leading Party organs, workers who understand how to
independently carry out the line of the Party and the
Comintern suitably to the concrete conditions of the
place and time. From this point of view we must sharply
criticise the documents of the Communist Parties since
the XII. Plenum, because in them the question of checking
up on the fulfilment of decisions and the question of
cadres are either not raised at all or are raised in a
most general form.
The international conditions categorically require
all the Communist Parties of capitalist countries to put
an end rapidly and decisively to suc.-A a state of affairs,
when a correct political line is left in the air because
no one takes the trouble to carry it into practice, when
the most important decisions, after being adopted unani-
mously, are worked up only in the form of circulars, etc.
Every Party member, and above all every member of the
Party leadership, must be responsible for the Party
business given to him, must answer with his unstained
Party reputation, for being on leading work and finally
for his right to remain in the ranks of the Communist
vanguard.
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