YOUR BREAKFAST WITH SENATOR ORRIN HATCH

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP90G00152R000901740005-4
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 14
• Document Creation Date: December 27, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 21, 2011
• Sequence Number: 5
• Publication Date: March 23, 1987
• Content Type: MEMO

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TAB A Exchange of letters on U-2R and SR-71 aircraft
TAB B Selected comments by Senator Hatch at the
Iran/Contra Hearings
TAB C Seating chart for breakfast and profile of
Senator Hatch
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UNITED STATES SENATE
WASHINGTON. D. C
ORRIH G. HATCH
UTAH
Mr. Robert M. Gates
Acting Director of
Central Intelligence
Central Intelligence Agency
Washington, D.C. 20505
Dear Bob:
X11 ~1 '
87-1034X/2
March 26, 1987
I received your letter on the U-2R/TR-1 issue
just yesterday, and I am satisfied with the expla-
nation as given. I suspect that given the busy
times during last year's budget cycle, and with
so many issues before us, that the subtle
distinctions that you mentioned fell through the
cracks.
Again, thanks for the timely response, and I
just wanted to let you know that you and I are
"okay". If there is anything that I can do to
help you out on any issue, please let me know.
Orrin G. Hatch
United States Senator
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JOINT HEARINGS ON THE
IRAN-CONTRA INVESTIGATION
Continued Testimony of Richard Secord
Thursday, May 7, 1987
Senate Select Committee on Secret Military Assistance
to Iran and the Nicaraguan Opposition
and
House Select Committee to Investigate
Covert Arms Transactions with Iran
Washington, D.C.
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(1987 Politics in America not available yet)
POLITICS
In
AMERICA
ME1~'IBERS OF CONGRESS
IN WASHINGTON AND AT HOME
Alan Ehrenhalt, Editor
Renee Amrine, Associate Editor
DRESS
a dn~ision o}
CONGRE~SION.4L Qt~ARTERLI' INC.
1419 22nd Street ?~.~'~~.. ~~'ashingt.on. D.C. 2(10-
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Orrin G. Hatch (R)
Of Midvale -Elected 1876
Born: March 22. 19x4. Phtsburgh. Pa
Education Brigham young l'.. B.S 1959. i'. of Pitts
burgh. LL.B. 1962.
Occupation: Law1?er.
Famih?: N?ife. Elaine Hansen: six childrer.
Keligion: Mormon.
Political Career. No previous office
Capitol Office: 135 Russell Bldg. 20515: 224-5251.
In Rashington: Hatch's rapid rise- tee
power in the Senate has been accompanied b~ a
shift toward the political center. one that has
lessened the aura of militance that made him a
"New Right" favorite during his first years in
office.
Hatch insists he has nut changed much -
he says he never desen?ed the "ultra-corner's
five" label. But if his ideolog}? is not great)c
different. his style certainly is: Over four year
as chairman of the Labor and Human Re-
sources Committee and the Constitution Sub-
committee at Judiciary, Hatch has sometimes
sounded so conciliatory that those watching
have wondered what happened to him.
"The chairman can't just snap his fingers
and expect things to happen," Hatch has said.
end his experience as head of his two panels
bears him out. The Labor Committee under
Hatch has been deadlocked between liberals
end conservatives. His Judician~ pane] has con-
sidered an ambitious agenda of conservative
and New Right goals, such as a balanced bud-
get and anti-abortion proposals, but none of
the changes has yet become law.
]n response to the obstacles he has con-
fronted. Hatch has had to make major compro-
mises in hopes of passim legislation -deals
that sometimes have angered his hard-line sup-
porters. But he car. point to rea] substantive
achievements, especially on matters involving
health legislation.
At times. Hatch still offers the old rhetoric.
He compares his sen?ice or. the Labor Commit-
tee, with its liberal majoritc. to confinement in
purgatory. and he votes with the "consenative
coalition'' in the Senate as offer' as all but e
handful of other members. He led the success
ful fight against a major civil rights bill late ir.
the 1984 session, facing down a bipartisan.
coalition in a bitter argument that tied the
Senate up fur days. But most of the time, he
seems more interested in enacting bills than. in
maintaining ideological puri:c.
u-oti - ~~~~. S~naror
As he gropes toward compromise, Hatch
seems far different from the aggressive outsider
who arrived in 19';. read} to du battle with the
N~ashingtun establishment and its ''soft-headed
inheritor of wealth." He was en angn man in
those days, and he quickh drew a reputation as
a humorless person who did not fit well into
Senate camaraderie.
"Bonn' Orrin," critics called him. after his
slow monotone occupied the Senate for weeks
as he mounted a successful filibuster against
the 19~81abor law revision bill. That was party
sour grapes from backers of the bill, but it
reflected a widespread perception even on his
own side of the aisle. In 19'9, when he ran for
the chairmanship of the Senate GOP campaign
committer, Hatch thought he had enough com~
mitmentc of support to win. But when the vote
was taken. John Heinz of Pennsy]vania had
beaten him. Some senators said afterward that
Hatch's reputation as a strident consen?ative
ideologue had cost him votes.
The perception had begun tr. change by
the time Hatch took over the Labor Committee
in 1981. ]t evolved further as he worked u,
resolve the deep disagreements on the panel
over President Reagan's proposed budget cuts.
The Reagan administratwn proposed end-
ing many of the existing programs and replac-
ing then: with "block grants " to the states. at a
lower level of funding. But there w?as no major-
ity fur that approach. Hatch labored through
the spring to find a c?umpromise position that
could win a committee maioritc without losing
the support of the administration. l'Itimately.
he agreed to a compromise turning some of the
programs into block grant. but leaving mane
of them intact.
Meanwhile. Hatch had sh;~w?n considerable
skill in managing the committee through an
earlier crontruversy -the- nomination of Rav-
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? r
mood J. Donovan to be aecretarc of .labor.
Despite criticism from the R'hite House. Hatch
insisted on s vigorous investigation of Donovan.
who was accused of having ties to organized
crime.
Even after he was confirmed b> the Sen-
ate. however. Donoven's legal problems per
silted. end Hatch was dragged further into the
case. ~~'hen committer staffers renewed their
investigation. Donovan associates hired private
detectives to imestigau the staffers There was
even an alleged death threat against one staff
member. A special federal prosecutor eventu-
e]h declined to indict Donovan. but not until
after Hatch learned with some irritation that
V1'hite House officials had withheld damaging
information from the committee during the
nomination hearings. Donovan later was in-
dicted by a New fork grand jury and resigned
in March 1985.
Manv labor localists were sure that
Hatch's chairmanship would guarantee angry
confrontations betweer. him and the unions.
Ever since he led the 19'b labor law filibuster.
Hatch had been viewed by labor as its arch-
enemy in the Senatx. The realit} has been far
less catach?smic.
As chairman. Heuh has won committee
approval for a few relatively minor bills fight-
ing labor corruption. But more controversial
proposals. such as establishment of a
subminimum wage for young people. have gone
nowhere. "lt is nezt u. impossible to du am~-
thing on that committee without the approval
of labor union leaders in R'ashington.'? he has
complained.
More to the point, Hatch does not have the
firm support of a majority of his committee.
V1'ith ooh- a 9 ~ partisan spread on the panel.
Hatch can ill afford the frequent loss of two
GOP votes that result from the much more
moderate stance of Republicans Robert T.
Stafford of Vermont and Lowell P. R'eicker of
Connecticut. Many times. Hatch is unable ever,
w muster a quorum on the panel. or finds
himself outmaneuvered by ranking member
Edward M Kennedy and his more disciplined
Democratic troops.
Still, the 98th Congress was a productive
one for Hatch and the committee. VCorking
with House Democrat Henrc A. H axman of
California, chairman of the Energy and Com-
merce Subcommittee or. Health. Hatch reached
agreement on a wide variety of bill:. including
measures to encouzage the production of low-
cost generic drugs, ease {ugistica? problems as-
sociated with humor, organ. transplant surgery.
and require tough new health warnings on
cigarettes. All three cleared Congress in 1984.
Hatch's job on the Judiciary Committer
changed in 1981 from one of blocking liberal
legislation to that of thing to advance censer
votive proposals.
His most notable success during the 9ith
Congress as chairmen of the Constitution Sub
cc,mm,ttee was the narrow Senate approval in
1982 of a constitutional amendment requiring e
balanced federal budge:. N'ith strong backing
from President Reagan. Hatch secured the two-
thirds majorit> needed fur passage.
R'hile the Housr rejected the amendment.
pressure continued to build in the states for a
constitutional com?ention to draft a balanced
budget mandate. Hatch favored a bill in 1984
to set up procedures for such a convention. but
it went no further than Judician? Committee
approval in the 98th Congress.
The debate over the balanced budget pro-
posal was mild. however, compared with the
storm of controversy Hatch encountered on the
abortion issue. Hatch ended up thoroughly
angering many militant "right-to-life'' anti-
ebortionists, but not making much progress on
his ow-n anti-abortion proposal.
Hatch argued that only a constitutional
amendment would be sufficient to overturn the
Supreme Courts decision permitting abortion
- a crucial difference with militant groups
that wanted to ban abortion by statute and
thus avoid the constitutional amendment pro-
cess. Moreover, Hatch's amendment in effect
turned the issue over to the states. allowing
them to make am decision they w?ant.ed. while
some right-u,-life groups sought a national pr~-
hibition.
Despite Hatch's efforts, his constitutional
amendment went down to defeat in 1983. Even
the Judiciary Committee did not back the
proposal, sending it along on a 9-9 vote without
a recommendation of approval. It did slighth
worse on the flour, falling on a 49-5Q vote that
was IE votes short of the required two-thirds
majuritc.
A similar fate befell Hatch's attempt to
gain approval for a constitutional amendment
to allow prayer in the public schools. There too.
Hatch pushed a more limited proposal than
that sought be some conservative groups. urg-
ing that only silem meditatior. be allowed in-
stead of the organized. vocal prayer sought by
President Reagar. and his fundamentalist
Christian allies. But Hatch made bttle headway
or, the issue. The Senate overwhelmingly voted
dow-r. a silent prayer amendment in 1584. leas-
ing Hatch to continue managing the vocal
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prayer amendment out of toyalt~ t.. Reagan
and the Judician Committee. It alsc, war de
frated. Reining onh~ 56 of the 6' cotes nrrded
fur approval. B.' the end of the tear. Hatch was
forced to pressure Lhe House to drop a schcH,!
pra>er provision from a bilingual educauun
bil- for fear it would stir up a Cilibuster he
would not be ably to defeat
Beture the Repuhlicar. taker,eer of the
Senate. Hatch won a notable cicu,r~ on Judi-
cian in blckking legislation to strengthen fed
era' enforcement of apex. huusmg lave, He led a
successful filibuster against the bill lair in the
19h~ congressiuna! sessiur.
He sought to add tr the bill a requirement
the' the government prove the: alleged cio
Inters of open housing laws had intended to
dt~criminate in the sale or rental of housing.
Bu; last-minute negotiations broke down, and
the bill died.
In the 9"th Congress. the most important
cici; rights issue at Judiciary was extension of
the ]96~ ~?oting Rights Act. and here too Hatch
way one of the critics
He focused on the "intent'' concept. Ctcil
rights groups were pushing to expand the law
u` allow voting rights violations to be pureed b>
sh,wing that an election. law or procedure pro-
duced a discriminator result. whether inten-
tic?nal or not.
Hatch fought to retain the existing law's
standard, which required proof that there had
been an intent to discriminate in setting up
election laws. The "results" test. he warned.
would lead to proportional representation, of
minorities in Congress and state legislatures.
Bu: the Judiciary Committee apprueed a cum-
promise version essentially retaining the "re-
sults" test and the measure cleared Congress
sc..m after.
Hatch found himself fighting ci~~i! right
gr.,ups again, in I9Ea. this time oeer a bill to
o?:erturn a Supreme Court decisiur. restricting
er.`.urcemer.t of the sex-discriminauun pruhi-
b:;:ons of Title I?~ of the 19-3 Education
Amendments. Reversing past practice. the
court had ruled that the anti-bias laws covered
oni~ specific programs that received federal
funds. not entire institutions.
As a resuL? of the ruling. a bn,ed bipartisan
c,.aLtic,r: formed tee push legislstior making
ciea~ the; am institution receieinc fedora; a,d
w;;u!d he coc-eyed b~ ant,-bias laver ir. ell its
p-ograms Hatch seemed u. have some scmpa-
tt`. w"Ith the basic thrust o` the proposal. but
argued that thy: measure a= written. was toc~
br,.ad and would bring civil rights enforcement
cr--:~ whullc new areas
.Although the bill passed the H his critics in
Ptah her not Bidding for a second term, in
1963. he found himself under strong challenge
fur being rigid both in his consen?atiee views
and his personal style.
Ted Nilson. his affable Democratic oppc,-
nent. war a more then credible candidate. As
two-term macor of Salt Lake Cih. B'ilson had
become swell-known figure throughout the
state. and he carefully began building his cha;-
lenge to Hatch a year m advance. B?ith B'ilson
trailing the incumbent by ooh percentage
pointy in a January ]9R'3 pull taken by the
IJeseret .~-eu.~ in Salt Lske City. Hatch looked
vulnerable.
B-ilsun was not the ooh one with designs
on the incumbent. After Hatch blocked labor
law re.?isiun in 19;6, the late AFL-CIO Presi-
dent George Meant' had cowed. "B'e'll defeat
you no matter what it takes." But while
Hatch's longtime status as a labor antagonist
guaranteed B'ilson strong union support,
unions ere nut the most useful allies in conser-
eatice lttah. Being a labor target almost cer-
tainly did Hatch more gaud than harm.
Hatch also, sought to meet complaini"~
about his demeanor. Funding a television cam-
paign w?it}; a trrasu.*y nearh three times the
size of his opponent's. he ran ads that showed
him playing with children and dogs.
B'ilsun. hoping to maintain his each mo-
mentum. spent much of the campaign sifting
through carious strategies searching for a wac
to undo the incumbent. He branded Hatch's
politics as extremist. indicted his style ar "stri-
dent and cunten;ious.'~ accused him of caring
more about national consen-atice causes than
about L'tah. and. finally. criticized the Reagan
economic philosophc that Hatch cowed he
would continue to fight for if re-elected.
The iatte~ approach probable did not help.
l'ta}. ga.e Reagan. ~3 percent of its presidential
ballots in l9Ei~ - his bas*, showing in the
counts - anri the presidents popularity re-
mained high there in late 1982. Bu~ced by two
Reagan visits to the state during the campaig ;.
Hatch held onto his seat with nearly 6i~ percent
of the vote.
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Orrin G. Ho-th, R-fl/oh
Reegen also pla.?ed an important rule in
Hatch's path w N?ashingwn in 196 Then a
political neophyte. Hauh mounted a Senate
candidac?> that represented as purr ar, example
of anti Nashington politics as the nation has
seen in recent ~?ears
Hatch's lack of government experience at
em level almost certainly helped htm In his
private legal practice. he had represented cli
ants fighting federal regulations
Hatch was recruited for the Senate Carr:
paign against incumbent Democrat Frank E
Mass by conservative leader Ernest N~ilkerson.
whc~ had challenged Muss in 1964 The cam
paign attracted the zeal and money of a grr~ur
of consenatices whn had been politically tna+
tice
Hatch's competitor fur the Republican
nomination was Jack N-. Carlson. former L .
assistam srcretar~ of the interior. Carlson. seen
as the front-runner, underscored his extensive
N ashington experience. arguing that it would
make him a more effective senator Besides the
interior Department, he had sen?ed with the
Committees
Labor and Muman Raaourr?t ICnairman+
Etlucat~on Arts enC the MumantlKS, Employment anC Pro-
tluctrvrtt Labor
Sudpat 15tH o! 12 Republicans!
Judiciary 94tH of 10 Repubhcansl
Gonstdutror tchairmanl. Patents, GOpyriphts anC Trademar~s
Security and Terrorism
Select Inbllipana 14th of E Republ~wns`
1912 GIMnI
Oran G Matcr fR~ 309.337 (5E?-?
TeC wuson ID; 2t9.a8~ 14t`~?
Prariou~ Wmmnp Pargntapc 1976 (545?~
1912
t1aL^ (qi
Wdscr. (D
Campaign Finance
Recerpt~ Expend?
Receipb hom PACE iture~
54.779.9'1 590200 1195. S~ EE_ E3f
St.6e9.ett s3~,.3r n9?,. s~~.7G~ t7:
Voting Studies
Presidsntia!
Pattr
Conserratne
Support
Unity
Cw6tion
Yur
S
0
S
0
S
0
196a
7E
19
9-
9
9E
Uffrcr of I\9anngement and Budget? the Council
of Economic Advisers and the Defense Depan?
ment
That was the wrung record for lttah in
19.6 Hatch. seeing that the state w?as fed up
with federal rules. took the opposite sppruach.
The parts rnnvention gece htm .'b votes w 93(~
for Carlson. a Furd supporter. In the weeks that
remained befurr the primary, Hatch won nu
meruus converts The da> before the outing. he
reinforced his conservative credentials b~ run-
ning newspaper ads trumpeting his endorse
merit be Reagan. Hatch won by almost 2-w-1
The primary gave Hatch a publicitc bonus
that helped him catch up try Muss. who faced nu
pang cumpeutors Muss. seer, as a liberal b.
l tah standards. had helped himself at home b~
investigating >\7edccaid abuses and fighting w
ban cigarette advertising from television. He
stressed his seniorit} and the tangible benefits
it had brought the state. But Hauh argued
successfulh that the real issue was limiting
gmernment and taxes. and that he would be
more likely to du that than Moss.
1913
72
2E
90
9
93
)
1992
76
t3
80
12
9G
6
1911
87
tt
89
S
9t
7
1990
3t
6E
79
15
ai
15
1979
27
6E
9G
3
9G
3
1971
19
75
93
3
93
3
1977
41
49
8E
1
91
1
Key Votes
Overturn Supreme Cwrt dr~s,o^ leyal?mg abortror 11983 Y
Avow cnem~ca' weapons prddudion (19E3~ Y
Create Maroc Lutne? King Jr nolidayft963! N
Ba? tundinc, for Ma mrss~le r19E3 N
Perm.' scnoo: prayer n96c Y
Gut mlluary arC tc E' Salvador 1198