AFRICAN GROUP VOTING BEHAVIOR IN THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY
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STAT
STAT
STAT
Central Intelligence Agency
INashingion. C 20505
OCA 88-3914
01 DEC 1988
The Honorable Edward M. Kennedy
United States Senate
Washington, DC 20510
Dear Senator Kennedy:
The Director of Central Intelligence has asked me to
respond to your request for declassification of a study
concerning African voting behavior in the UN. By deleting
sensitive portions of the study, we are able to provide it to
you in an unclassified form. We ask that you not attribute
this study to the Central Intelligence Agency.
We hope that this study will be useful to you in your
planned presentation in the Senate.
Enclosure
Distribution:
Orig - Addressee
1 - DCI
1 - DDCI
I - ExDir
1 - Chm/NIC
/771_7_ ER--73
1 - DDI
1 - D/OCA
1 -'0CA Record
, 1 - Chrono
OCA/Senate
r\ Sincerely,
v Jowl L. Helgerson
Director of Congressional Affairs
(5 Dec 88)
L-2,31-Ir
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African Group Voting Behavior
in the United Nations General Assembly
Summary
The African group comprises about half of the 101-member
Nonaligned Movement (NAM) and wields considerable influence in
the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA). The group has a
strong record of supporting positions counter to US interests
and shows substantially less support for issues considered
priorities by the United States or the USSR. Among regional
subgroups, the six southern Frontline States cast the largest
share of votes in support of positions opposed by the United
States.
o During 1983-87, close to 90 percent of African votes
were cast in support of resolutions on South Africa,
controversial Third World development issues, and the
Israel/Palestine problem. While the Warsaw Pact and
NNM voting record correlated closely with that of the
African group on these major agenda items, less than
10 percent of US votes were in support of these
resolutions.
o On issues identified by the State Department as
important to the United States, almost 70 percent of
votes cast by the African group in 1983-87 opposed the
United States.
While the overall African bloc voting record in the UNGA
tends to parallel the Soviet Union's, much of the high
correlation between African and Soviet Bloc voting at the UN
appears to reflect opportunistic Soviet bloc support for the
agenda of the UN's Third World majority. Moscow has had
limited success in garnering support at the UN for issues of
real importance to it. In addition, Moscow's recent propaganda
initiative, the Comprehensive System of International Peace and
Security (CSIS), failed to win the support of a majority of
African group members at the 42nd UNGA.
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African Group Voting Behavior
in the United Nations General Assembly
Introduction
The 50-member African group--which includes the 44 nations
of continental Africa plus six island nations--makes up almost
one-third of the 159-member United Nations General Assembly
(UNGA) and about half of the 101-member Third World Nonaligned
Movement (NAM), the UN's largest political bloc.' Because of
their size, the Africans wield considerable influence in the
UNGA, which operates on a one-nation, one-vote principle. In
addition, as NAM members Africans have been able to control a
greater share of the UNGA agenda in recent years.
The African voting record appears to run counter to US
interests and to be more supportive of Soviet interests.4 For
example, at the 42nd UNGA last year, the African group voted with
the United States an average of less than 14 percent of the time,
while it voted with the Soviet Union over 97 percent of the
time. In addition, in recent years a large number of resolutions
pertaining to Third World issues have been introduced with
language that specifically condemns the United States or its
allies. At the same time, criticism of the USSR or its allies
has been infrequent despite numerous opportunities to direct
criticism at the Soviets for human rights abuses, use of the
United Nations for espionage purposes, and many other violations
of the UN Charter and international law.
Profile of the African Vote
An examination of the African voting record during 1983-87
was done along two lines?votes cast on major issues debated in
the UNGA and votes cast on resolutions Washington and Moscow
considered important to their respective-interests. In both
cases, the African vote was compared across four major regional
subgroups--the northern-tier Arab-African states, West Africa,
East Africa, and the southern Frontline States. The African
voting record was also compared with other major voting blocs at
the UN, including the NAM, the Warsaw Pact, and the Western
European and Others Group (WEOG).
IFor the purpose of this Raper, South-Africa is not considered
part of the African group.
2Voting data used in this report is based on a database of UN
voting information maintained by the. US Department of State since
1978.
2
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African Voting on Major Issues in the UNGA
During the period 198,3-87 five major issues have been the
focus of considerable UNGkdebate--South Africa, Third World
development, Israel/Palestine, disarmament, and human rights.
o South African resolutions typically concern apartheid,
Namibia, South African intervention in surrounding
states, and Pretoria's alleged possession of nuclear
weapons.
o Third World development resolutions fall into two broad
categories--those blaming the West for Third World
development problems, and those relating to disaster or
famine relief. The latter usually pass by consensus.'
o Resolutions on the Israel/Palestine issue usually are in
support of the "inalienable" rights of the Palestinian
people and the Palestine Liberation Organization
(PLO). They also condemn the Israeli occupation of
"Palestinian and other territories" and Israel's alleged
possession of nuclear weapons.
o Disarmament issuesinclude resolutions usually promoting
multilateral disarmament. The resolutions are often
sponsored by such activist, 'nonaligned States as India,
Yugoslavia, Sweden, Mexico, -and Malaysia.
o Human rights resolutions usually focus on violati? ons by
"pariah" states, such as Israel, South Africa, and
Chile.
Several patterns were evident in comparing the African
voting record across regional subgroups (figure 1):
o Support for South African and Third World development
3For the purposes of this paper, economic development issues
include only those resolutions passed in the General Assembly
Second Committee-which handles Third World financial and economic
problems--that were brought to a vote. Most development-related
resolutions, such as flood or famine relief, are noncontroversial
and are passed by consensus. A smaller number are forced to a
vote because they are controversial, including those blaming the
West for Third World economic problems or those authorizing funds
for large-scale development projects of questionable merit.
Since 1985, for example, Washington has objected to a resolution
passed by the Second Committee condemning the US trade embargo of
Nicaragua.
3
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FIGURE 1
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AFRICAN REGIONAL SUBGROUPS: VOTING PATTERNS ON MAJOR
ISSUES DEBATED IN THE UN GENERAL ASSEMBLY
1983 - 1987
PERCENT OF VOTES
CAST IN SUPPORT
OF RESOLUTIONS
ON MAJOR ISSUES.
100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
SOUTH
AFRICA
THIRD WORLD ISRAEL/
DEVELOPMENT PALESTINE DISARMAMENT HUMAN RIGHTS
L.
^
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issues was consistently high across regional subgroups.
o Al! subgroups rendered high support to resolutions on
the Israel/Palestine issue, with support of the Arab and
Frontline States particularly high, at close to 98
percent of votes cast.
o Support was more varied across regional subgroups on
human rights and disarmament, with the Arab and
Frontline States delivering higher support than the
countries in West and East Africa.
In comparing the African group with other voting blocs, the
record shows that: (figure 2):
o The African group voting record correlated closely with
that of the Nonaligned Movement on all five issues.
o There was a wide disparity between African group voting
behavior and the voting of the United States on all five
major issues. There was a significant, but lesser,
disparity between the African group and the WEOG.
o A close correlation existed between the voting patterns
of the African group and the Warsaw Pact on South Africa
and Third World development. On Israel/Palestine and
disarmament issues, the Warsaw Pact and African group
voting records show less variance than the WEOG and
African group voting patterns.
African Voting on Issues of Concern to the Superpowers
On examining African votes on issues of concern to the
superpowers, the group's support for these resolutions was much
lower than for the issues above. Many African states abstained
or absented themselves during votes on resolutions directly
related to US or Soviet interests. For example, on UNGA
resolutions considered to be of concern to Moscow and Washington
in 1987, 30 percent of the African group abstained or was
absent. By contrast, on all resolutions last year, less than 20
percent of the group abstained or was absent. Because of the
ambiguity of absenteeism and abstentions in judging a member's
support for a particular resolution, a calculation was made of
member votes against major interests of the United States or
total votes cast. Based on this calculation, the record
indicates:
o On issues of concern to the United States, almost 70
percent of votes cast by the African group in 1983-87
opposed the United States. West African opposition was
a little less--65 percent--than the group average, while
Frontline States' and Arab-African states' opposition
4
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FIGURE 2
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UNITED NATIONS BLOCS: VOTING PATTERNS ON MAJOR
ISSUES DEBATED IN THE UN GENERAL ASSEMBLY
1983 ? 1987
PERCENT OF VOTES
CAST IN SUPPORT OF
RESOLUTIONS ON MAJOR
ISSUES.
100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
SOUTH
AFRICA
THIRD WORLD
DEVELOPMENT
ISRAEL/
PALESTINE DISARMAMENT HUMAN RIGHTS
L
a.
6
WARSAW PACT
3 0
0
UNITED STATES
WARSAW PACT
0
0
'41
WARSAW PACT
0
ac.
8 8
9
thEr
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was higher at over 85 percent and 75 percent
respectively (figure 3).
o Members of the African group opposed Moscow on Soviet
priority resolutions at about the same rate as it
opposed the United States on its priority resolutions.
Within the group, West African and Arab states cast a
? greater share of votes opposed to Soviet priorities--
about 70 percent--while the East Africans and the
Frontline States share was lower at about 55 and 45
percent respectively (figure 4).
o The East African and Frontline States opposed the United
States more than they 'opposed the USSR; the Arab-African
states cast a similar percent of votes in opposition to
both the US and Soviets on priority issues (figures 3
and 4).
o Voting patterns of the NAM and the African group on
superpower priority issues in the UNGA were similar--
approximately 70 percent of their votes were cast in
opposition to resolutions of US or Soviet concern
(figures 5 and 6).
Influences on African Voting
The African voting record on UNGA votes suggests that the
group is motivated primarily by African and Third World interests
and less frequently by the interests of the Soviet Bloc or the
West. The group also closely votes with its NAM colleagues in
supporting overall Third World interests.
The Nonaligned Movement
Solidarity with the Nonaligned-Movement (NAM) appears to be
an important factor behind much African bloc voting. The anti-
Western tilt of the NAM agenda has forced moderate NAM members to
choose between supporting Nonaligned and African solidarity or
voting with the West. The impact of the NAM comes through in
meetings as diverse as a NAM ministerial to UN-related committee
meetings. For example:
o At a Nonaligned Ministerial meeting held in Havana in
May of 1988 African group members backed NAM strategy--
forged by India and supported by other radical NAM
states--for the Third UN General Assembly Special
Session on Disarmament (SSOD-III), according to press
reports. UN records indicate that the staunchly anti-
United States NAM approach spelled out at the
ministerial was adhered to by its members at SSCO-III
and led to the breakdown of the session.
5
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FIGURE 3
AFRICAN REGIONAL SUBGROUPS: VOTING PATTERNS
ON ISSUES OF IMPORTANCE TO THE UNITED STATES
DEBATED IN THE UN GENERAL ASSEMBLY
1983 ? 1987
OPPOSITION SCORES:
Percent of votes
cast supporting
resolutions opposed
by the United States
or against resolutions
favored by the United
States.
90 r
80
70
60 I-
50 -----
40
30
,c? kcc
44/
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FIGURE 4
AFRICAN REGIONAL SUBGROUPS: VOTING PATTERNS
ON ISSUES OF IMPORTANCE TO THE USSR DEBATED IN
THE UN GENERAL ASSEMBLY
1.983 - 1987
OPPOSITION SCORES:
Percent of votes cast
supporting resolutions
opposed by the USSR
or against resolutions
favored by the USSR.
100
90 -
80 -
70
60
50
401--
30 t-
20
10L
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FIGURE 5
UNITED NATIONS BLOCS: VOTING PATTERNS ON
ISSUES OF IMPORTANCE TO THE UNITED STATES DEBATED
IN THE UN GENERAL ASSEMBLY
1983 - 1987
OPPOSITION SCORES:
Percent of votes
cast supporting
resolutions opposed
by the United States
or against resolutions
favored by the United
States.
100
90 -
801-
701-
60 r
40 I-
30
201-
10 --
0
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FIGURE 6
UNITED NATIONS BLOCS: VOTING PATTERNS ON
ISSUES OF IMPORTANCE TO THE USSR DEBATED IN THE
UN GENERAL ASSEMBLY
1983 - 1987
OPPOSITION SCORES:
Percent of votes cast
supporting resolutions
opposed by the USSR
or against resolutions
favored by the USSR.
90 -
80 -
70
60 -
50 L
4 0 -
30-
20 -
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o The record shows that the African group along with its
NAM colleagues backed Cuba at the UN Human Rights
Commission (UNHRC), in February of 1987 and 1988, and at
the UN General Assembly, in 1986-87, in countering a US-
sponsored resolution condemning Cuban human rights
abuses. Cuba succeeded in defeating US-sponsored
resolutions on this topic at the UNGA in 1987 and 1988,
and at the UNHRC in 1987.
From a Western perspective, the record on African voting
patterns is mixed. On the downside, the voting record suggests
that few African countries appear supportive.
o Egypt has sponsored resolutions in the UNGA over the
past five years criticizing Western capitalism for
exploiting Africa economically. Of the 50 members of
the African group, Egypt ranked 18th in its support of
the United States on all UNGA votes in 1987.
o Of the 15 African states that received the largest
amount of US developmental assistance in the previous
year, none voted for two UNGA resolutions in 1986 that
were strongly opposed by Washington--one condemning the
United States for its April 1986 raid on Libya and the
other condemning the United States for its policy toward
Nicaragua.
o British bilateral assistance failed to influence African
nations to oppose a resolution, introduced annually
since 1982, calling on the United Kingdom to negotiate
the future of the Falkland Islands with Argentina. In
1987, 43 African nations supported this resolution,
while only one--the Gambia--voted negatively.
Only France appears to have influence over some African
members who enjoy cultural, historical, and economic links to
Paris. France has been able to convince an increasing number of
African states to withhold support from resolutions proposed by
the South Pacific states and backed by the NAM calling on Paris
to hold free elections in New Caledonia. While resolutions on
this question narrowly passed at the last two UN General
Assemblies, Paris was successful in significantly reducing the
number of African votes in support of the resolution last year
(table 1).
6
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Table 1: Declining African Support for Resolutions on the
New Caledonia Question, 1986-87
Vote on Resolution Calling on France to Hold Free
Elections in New Caledonia
YEAR
yes no abstain absent
1987 34% 26% 24% 16%
1986 52% 22% 18% 8%
The West
Some African states appeared to be tiring of anti-Western
rhetoric and exhibit an increased willingness to work with the
West at the UN.
Senegal--a UN Security Council member--assisted US
efforts at the 42nd UNGA to eliminate direct
condemnations of the United States in resolutions on
apartheid and Namibia.
o Ivory Coast, Zaire, Liberia, and Morocco also have used
their influence with the African group during the last
three UN General Assemblies to push moderate language
andlimit direct condemnations of the United States in
resolutions dealing with_ apartheid and Namibia.
o Cameroon, despite sharp disagreement with the United
States over UN reform issues, played a crucial role in
US efforts to discredit Moscow's controversial
Comprehensive System of International Peace and Security
Initiative at the 42nd UNGA.
The Soviet Union
Much of the high correlation between African and Soviet Bloc
voting at the UN appears to reflect opportunistic Bloc support
for the agenda of the UN's Third World majority rather than vice-
versa. Despite Soviet efforts to influence African voting in the
General Assembly, UN records suggest that African support for
anti-Western rhetoric in UN resolutions is self-initiated and
generally has little to do with Soviet Bloc lobbying efforts. In
trying to influence the African vote, the Soviets have used their
influence with Third World clients in the NAM to sell Soviet
policies to the Third World and to influence NAM debate. India
aided the Soviets in 1983 when it was chairman of the Nonaligned
Conference, joining Vietnam and Afghanistan in an attempt--which
proved unsuccessful--to prevent the new Grenadian government from
being represented at the 38th UNGA held that fall.
7
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Appendix
Voting Categories, Groups, and Methodology
Data used in this memorandum are based on final votes taken
on resolutions passed during the 38th-42nd sessions of the United
Nations General Assembly (UNGA) in 1983-87. Procedural motions,
amendments, and resolutions passed by consensus--which tend to be
on noncontroversial subjects--were excluded. The resolutions
examined fell into five broad categories of issues, representing
approximately two-thirds of all final vote resolutions debated
during this time. Within the African group, voting behavior was
compared among four regional subgroups:
o The southern Frontline States include Zambia, Zimbabwe,
Angola, Botswana, Mozambique, and Tanzania.
o The northern Arab states consist of Djibouti,
Mauritania, Somalia, Sudan, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia,
Algeria, and Morocco.
o The West African states comprise Senegal, Gambia, Guinea
Bissau, Guinea, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Ivory Coast,
Ghana, Togo, Benin, Nigeria, Gabon, Mali, Burkina Faso,
Cape Verde, Sao Tome and Principe, and Niger.
o The East African states include Kenya, Tanzania, Malawi,
Madagascar, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, Comoros, and the
Seychelles.
The African voting record was also compared as a group with
three other major UN voting blocs.
o The Nonaligned Movement, (NAM) which includes 101 Third
World countries--Afghanistan, Algeria, Angola,
Argentina, Bahamas, Bahrain, Barbados, Belize, Benin,
Bhutan, Bolivia, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Burundi,
Cambodia, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Central African
Republic, Chad, Colombia, Comoros, Congo, Cuba, Cyprus,
Djibouti, Ecuador, Egypt, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia,
Gabon, Gambia, Ghana, Grenada, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau,
Guyana, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Ivory Coast,
Jamaica, Jordan, Kenya, Kuwait, Laos, Lebanon, Lesotho,
Liberia, Libya, Madagascar, Malawi, Malaysia, Maldives,
Mali, Malta, Mauritania, Mauritius, Morocco, Mozambique,
Nepal, Nicaragua, Niger, Nigeria, North Korea, North
Yemen, Oman, Pakistan, Panama, Peru, PLO, Qatar, Rwanda,
Sao Tome and Principe, Saudi Arabia, Senegal,
Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Somalia, South
Yemen, Sri Lanka, Saint Christopher and Nevis, Saint
Lucia, Sudan, Suriname, Swaziland, Syria, Tanzania,
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Togo, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Uganda, United Arab
Emirates, Vanuatu, Vietnam, Yugoslavia, Zaire, Zambia,
and Zimbabwe. The PLO and North Korea are members of
the NAM but are not full members of the UN.
o Warsaw Pact members are the USSR, Poland, East Germany,
Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Rumania, and Bulgaria.
o The Viestern European and Others Group (4E0G) is made up
of the United States, the United Kingdom, France,
Canada, Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Ireland, Finland,
West Germany, Greece, Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg, Malta,
Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Turkey,
Australia, and New Zealand.
Group support on the major issues was determined by taking
the percent of votes cast in support of each resolution in the
major issue category. For example, in 1983-1987 over 80
resolutions pertaining to South Africa were passed by the UNGA.
The number of affirmative votes was calculated on these
resolutions as a percent of total votes cast to arrive at a group
figure of support for South African issues at the UNGA.
The annual list of priority UNGA votes for the United States
drawn up by the State Department was used to establish issues of
importance to the United States. In 1983-87 over 500 votes were
considered priority issues for Washington, including a 1983
resolution condemning US intervention in Grenada, a 1986
resolution condemning the US raid on Libya, and a number of
resolutions criticizing US policy in the Middle East or in
southern Africa.
Soviet priorities were determined by including all UNGA
resolutions sponsored by a Warsaw Pact country or these
resolutions strongly opposed by the Soviet Bloc, such as the
annual resolutions condemning the occupation of Afghanistan and
Cambodia. Using these criteria, only 13 votes in 1983-87
qualified as Soviet priority issues. Because Soviet bloc voting
tends to follow the lead of the Nonaligned Movement at the UN,
identifying issues of importance to Moscow is more difficult than
for the United States. In addition, few resolutions contained
negative references to any member of the Soviet bloc.
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D/OCA plans to prepare a response for his
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ER 88-3818X/1
Executive Secretary
16 Nov '88
Date
AN/ Arib iln olt
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From: John Helgerson
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We plan to prepare an
wer for your signature.
1,94.
We plan to prepare an
answer for my signature.
N
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k/2
John, I prefer to
...A i
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EDWARD M. KENNEDY 1,1? 00 -JO_LOA/
' MASSACHUSETTS
nitcb &tato &etude
WASHINGTON, DC 20510
November 15, 1988
The Honorable William H. Webster
Director of Central Intelligence
Washington, D.C. 20505
Dear Bill:
-
and for giving Greg Craig of my staff a chance to
read it.
In Greg's view, there is a good deal of interesting
information and analysis that has a bearing on legislation that I
am planning to introduce this coming year. -V9..7MTRO"Egnrurrifill
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hepeRamms-
Thanks for anything you can do to help.
Sincerely,
Edward M. Kennedy
L-23/ IR
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2(DDCD
X
3
EXDIR
.-
4
D/ICS
/
5
DDI
X
/
6
DDA
7
DDO
/
8
DDS&T
9
Chm/NIC
/ X
10
GC
11
IG
/
12
Compt
13
D/OCA
7
14
D/PAO
15
D/PERS
16
D/Ex Staff
17
/
189
1
/
20
/
21
/
22
/
SUPE NSE
Date
Remarks ri # 1 3
please.
For direct response,
EK-3812A -
Executive Se-cretary
5 0 88
Date
3637 (10-81)
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release
P
2013/12/05: CIA-RDP90G01353R001400130017-9
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release
2013/12/05: CIA-RDP90G01353R001400130017-9
e
TO:
'.?
ACTION
INFO
DATE
INITIAL
b'l
4111
X
2
DDCI
X
3
EXDIR
4
D/ICS
5
DDI
X
6
DDA
7
DDO
8
DDSILT
9
Chm/NIC
X
10
GC
11
IG
12
Compt
13
D/OCA
X
14
D/PAO
15
D/PERS
16
D/Ex Staff
17
18
19
20
21
22
SUSPENSE
Date
Remarks TO # 13: For direct response,
please.
Execufiye Secretary
5 0d 88
Date
3637 (10-81)
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release
2013/12/05: CIA-RDP90G01353R001400130017-9
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2013/12/05: CIA-RDP90G01353R001400130017-9
AM EDWARD M. KENNEDY
MASSAditiSETTS
41111.0 *tato innate
WASHINGTON, DC 20510
October 4, 1988
Mr. William Webster
Director
Central Intelligence Agency
Washington, D.C. 20505
Dear Director Webster:
It is my understanding that the C.I.A. has completed a study
entitled "African Voting Group Behavior in the United Nations
General Assembly." I am preparing legislation on the President's
Report to Congress on Voting Practices in the United Nations, and
I believe that this study may be useful.
I would appreciate receiving a copy of the study at your
earliest convenience. The Senate is scheduled to adjourn on
Friday, and I am hoping to introduce this legislation within the
next two days.
If at all possible, I would like to use this study in the
course of my presentation. I would hope there are no
classification problems.
Thank you for your attention to this matter.
Sincerely
Edward M. Kennedy
--.23I-//e
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2013/12/05: CIA-RDP90G01353R001400130017-9