TWO NEW MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE INTELLIGENCE COMMITTEE

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CIA-RDP90M00005R001100160029-7
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February 2, 1988
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Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/11/06: CIA-RDP90M00005R001100160029-7 I WA fa OCA 88-0281 2 February 1988 MEMORANDUM FOR:( The Director , SUBJECT: V Two New Members of the House Intelligence Committee On 1 February 1988 two Democratic Congressmen were appointed as Members of the House Intelligence Committee, Nicholas Mavroules (D., MA.) and Bill Richardson (D., NM). They replace the recently deceased Dan Daniel (D., VA) and Dave McCurdy (D.., OK) who resigned from the Committee in December. Mr. Mavroules was born in 1929 in Peabody, MA and he has been a Member of Congress since 1978. He is a fairly powerful Member of the Armed Services Committee, though he has clashed with Chairman Les Aspin over the MX missile issue. He is considered a liberal Democrat and he voted against aid to the Nicaraguan Resistance in 1986. Mr. Richardson was born in 1947 in Pasadena, CA and he is of Hispanic origin. He has been a Member of Congress since 1982 and the major issues he has followed concern the largely Hispanic and Indian constituency which he represents in 'New Mexico. Be, too, is said to be a liberal Democrat. He also voted against aid to the Nicaraguan Resistance in 1986. Neither of these two new Members has visited the CIA, nor have we briefed them recently. As we did with new Member Dan Glickman (D.,, KA) two months ago, we will invite Mr. Mavroules and Mr. Richardson for a tour of the premises and a series of introductory briefings in the near future. irector of Cote, sional Affairs n L. H e 77 Mow~ Distribution: Orig. - Addressee (w/atts) 1 - DDCI 1 - ExDir 1 - DDO 1 - DDI 1 - ER DD/HA/OCA F- 1 - DDS$T (w/atts) 1 - DDA " 1 - Compt " - D/OCA " OCA Record " 8) ,STAT STAT Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/11/06: CIA-RDP90M00005R001100160029-7 li e Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/11/06: CIA-RDP90M00005R001100160029-7 Pop OCA 88-0281 2 February 1988 FROM: John L. Helgerso Director of Congrgs /io'hal Affairs SUBJECT: Two flew=Members-o he-Ho s ~in~t=e`1~1igence~ Comm-i t to e On 1 February 1988 two Democratic Congressmen were appointed as Members of the House Intelligence Committee, Nicholas Mavroules (D., MA) and Bill Richardson (D., NM). They replace the recently deceased Dan Daniel (D., VA) and Dave McCurdy (D., OK) who resigned from the Committee in December. 'M-r:-Mavroul`es was born in 1929 in Peabody, MA and he has been a Member of Congress since 1978.' He is a fairly powerful Member of the Armed Services Committee, though he has clashed with Chairman Les Aspin over the MX missile issue. He Ls--!, con-sid_er_e_d-a_1_i-be_ralyDemocra-t---, and he voted against aid to the Nicaraguan Resistance in 1986. ,Mr--.---R char d-son was born in 1947 in Pasadena, CA and he is of Hispanic origin. He has been a Member of Congress since 1982 and the major issues he has followed concern the largely Hispanic and Indian constituency which he represents in New Mexico. He, too, I-r-s=~8a-:Fd=t-o--be::=a-=l--~-i-be-r-a-1--D-e-m-o-c--r-a-t--. He also voted against aid to the Nicaraguan Resistance in 1986. Neither of these two new Members has visited the CIA, nor have we briefed them recently. rA s=we-d=i d w-i;t h _e-w-Me-m-be-r`Da-n G=1`-i c k=may =- -D , KA=) =two=man t h{s-a=go ,-we-wz 11 n-v=i t-e=M-r- Ma-vz-o-u e s nd=tlr-R `chTa r ds-on'rf o d=ttou r--o f the-pre m se s-and-a-s eTr! e s -:=o fem. i n-t r-,ed u c t o-r-y=b-r-i-e f-i n-g=s -i-n t h-e--n-e ar,f-u t-ux, Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/11/06: CIA-RDP90M00005R001100160029-7 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/11/06: CIA-RDP90M00005RO01100160029-7 3 Bill Richardson (D) Of Santa Fe - Elected 1982 Born: Nov. 15. 1947, Pasadena. Calif. Education Tufts U., B.A. 1970. M.A. 1971. Occupation: Business consultant. Family: Wife, Barbara Flavin. Religion: Roman Catholic. Political Career, Executive director, New Mexico Democratic Party. 1978-80; Democratic nominee for U.S. House, 1980. Capitol Office: 332 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-6190. In Washington: Richardson is an aggres- sive, ambitious man whose penchant for public- ity makes some colleagues a little wary of him. But he is a shrewd politician, and he knows how to work his way into positions of influence. Sitting on both the Energy and Commerce and Interior committees, Richardson is in a good position to pursue issues that are crucial to New Mexico. and he does so tenaciously. He possesses superior public relations skills, and he uses his committee assignments to attract valuable attention back home. He sees to it that regular field hearings are held in his district, and that they are widely reported. Richardson's desire for attention causes him problems in the legislative process. Mem- bers hoping to win his support for a measure sometimes complain that the only way to do so is to make him a sponsor and give him a generous supply of the credit, regardless of how important his role has been. Although he bears an Anglo name, Rich- ardson has a Hispanic background, and has been a leader on Mexican-American issues. Early in the 99th Congress Richardson was chosen as chairman of the Congressional His- panic Caucus, but he later stepped down saying that he wanted to spend more time on state- wide issues in New Mexico. His decision to give up the chairmanship came at a time of contro- versy over his support for comprehensive immi- gration reform legislation, which most members of the Hispanic Caucus opposed. The immigration bill combined legaliza- tion of many illegal aliens already in the United States with new sanctions against employers hiring those here illegally. A majority of His- panics in the House argued against the bill on the grounds that the sanctions would lead to discrimination against anyone who looked or sounded foreign. Richardson had voted against immigration reform himself in 1984, but in the 99th Con- gress he favored a compromise in an effort to make the bill as palatable to Hispanic interests as possible. "There's going to be an immigra- tion bill anyway," he said in 1986. "1 hate to fall on my sword." Later he voted for the bill that became law, saying it was "the last gasp for legalization to take place in a humane way." If Richardson's work on immigration led to some tensions within the Hispanic Caucus, it also may have helped change some minds. In 1984, no members of the Hispanic Caucus supported the legislation; in 1986, four of 10 members went along with his position. Another sensitive issue for Richardson has been U.S. policy toward Nicaragua. In his first term. Richardson was a staunch critic of Rea- gan administration efforts to support the con- tra rebels in that country. But in the 99th Congress he altered his course, expressing con- cern about human rights abuses by Nicaragua's Sandinista regime. In early 1985 he warned that the Sandinistas needed to "clean up their act." and a few months later he supported sending the contras non-military aid. "I am willing to give the president of the United States a chance and the benefit of the doubt," he said. The House later adopted a Richardson amendment requiring the president to estab- lish procedures to ensure that the aid would not be used for weapons purchases. In 1986. Richardson opposed administra- tion efforts to send military aid to the contras. Instead he joined with Indiana Democrat Lee H. Hamilton to offer an unsuccessful substitute package providing 527 million in humanitarian aid to Nicaraguan refugees as well as funding to promote regional peace talks. Richardson pays particular attention to the needs of American Indians. who have a significant presence in his district. In the 99th Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/11/06: CIA-RDP90M00005RO01100160029-7 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/11/06: CIA-RDP90M00005RO01100160029-7 New Mexico 3 With three-fifths of its voters either Hispanic or Indian, the 3rd is decidedly more liberal and more Democratic than either of the state's other constituencies. The population is divided between the Hispanic counties of northern New Mexico and the energy-rich Indian lands along the Arizona border. Of the two regions. the Hispanic north is the most loyally Democratic. It includes six of the seven New Mexico counties car- ried by Walter F. Mondale in 1984. The centerpiece of the region is Santa Fe. the second-largest city in the state. and a pleas- ant mix of Spanish and Indian cultures has attracted a steady influx of young Anglos. The rest of the Hispanic north is pri- marily mountainous, semi-arid grazing land that supports some subsistence farming. Unemployment has been high in the area: the Mora County jobless rate was well above 30 percent for much of this decade. An economic oasis is the Anglo commu- nity of Los Alamos, where the atomic bomb was developed during World War 11. One of Congress he sought funding to fight alcohol and drug abuse among Indians in the giant anti- drug package. He has also worked on other Indian health legislation, but those efforts were frustrated in the 98th Congress, when Presi- dent Reagan pocket-vetoed an Indian health package, and in the 99th, when the House and Senate were unable to resolve differences. Richardson has been an active player on Energy and Commerce from his first months on the committee. In 1983, he teamed with Repub- lican James T. Broyhill of North Carolina to offer a producer-oriented version of legislation governing gas pricing. This was a good deal for both men. Richardson, by teaming with one of the chamber's shrewdest legislators, got his name on a major bill at a stage when most freshmen were still invisible. Widely identified as a liberal Democrat on most issues, Richardson is not an automatic environmentalist vote on Energy and Com- merce. When the Transportation Subcommit- tee began taking up legislation to reauthorize the "superfund" hazardous-waste cleanup pro- gram, Richardson resisted a proposal to add petroleum leaks, including 261 in his home state, to the list of sites to be cleaned up. Oil North and West - Farmington; Santa Fe the most prosperous counties in the coun- try, its unemployment rate has been negligi- ble in the 1980s. Its voters - well educated and scientifically inclined - are larger Republicans. But there is a strong moderate streak in some of those Republicans: John B. Anderson's presidential bid drew 15 per- cent in Los Alamos County in 1980. The Indian country divides more close- ly at the polls. The Indians, most of them Navaho, usually vote Democratic. But they turn out in small numbers and occasionally bolt to the Republicans - the council for the Pueblo tribes endorsed Reagan in 1980. The largest county in the region is San Juan County, where a conservative Anglo population settled around Farmington to tap the vast supply of oil, gas and coal in the Four Corners area. San Juan County gave Reagan two-thirds of its vote in 1984. Population: 432.492. White 272.117 (63%). Black 2.060 (1%). American Indian, Eskimo and Aleut 90,403 (21%). Spanish origin 168,577 (39`/0).. 18 and over 280,182 (65%), 65 and over 34,045 (8%) Median age: 26. and gas companies in New Mexico were con- cerned that under such a proposal they could be held partly liable for supplying fuel to local service stations with leaking tanks. But when the full committee voted to report superfund legislation in late 1985, Richardson and nine other Democrats joined in rejecting it as too weak. Richardson also speaks out frequently on behalf of New Mexico's troubled uranium in- dustry. In 1985 he offered an amendment to the authorization bill for the Nuclear Regulatory Commission allowing the agency to require that utilities use domestic uranium. He withdrew the proposal when Interior Chairman Morris K. Udall promised to hold hearings. At Home: A former staff member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Richard- son made his entry into politics in 1978,, when he moved to Nev.- Mexico to become executive director of the Democratic State Committee. Within months he was planning a 1980 congres- sional campaign against Republican Rep. Ma- nuel Lujan Jr. He was criticized as a carpetbag- ger, but he responded that his ethnic heritage - he was raised in Mexico City by a Mexican mother and an American father - made Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/11/06: CIA-RDP90M00005RO01100160029-7 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/11/06: CIA-RDP90M00005RO01100160029-7 Bill Richardson, D-N.M. heavily Hispanic New Mexico a logical home. By coming within 5,200 votes of the seem- ingly entrenched Lujan, Richardson became a star in his state party overnight. When the northern New Mexico 3rd District was created the next year, he was the early favorite to win. His campaign survived some serious prob- lems. He had to retract a statement in his literature that identified him as a "top" foreign policy adviser to the late Sen. Hubert H. Hum- phrey. Questions about a $100,000 campaign loan produced a probe by the Federal Election Commission. Although he was eventually cleared of any wrongdoing, the probe did bring his campaign unwanted negative publicity. Richardson countered the bad press by campaigning dawn to dusk through the small towns and pueblos, reaching the Hispanic and Indian voters who together cast a majority of the ballots. With his 1980 organization still in place and a substantial campaign treasury, Richardson won the four-way primary with 36 percent. In the most loyally Democratic con- stituency in the state, his win was tantamount to election. Richardson has not had serious compe- tition since then, although at least one of his campaigns attracted considerable attention. In 1986, he was challenged for re-election by for- mer. GOP Gov. David Cargo, a whimsical man Committees Education and Labor (17th of 21 Democrats) Elementary. Secondary and Vocational Education; Employment Opportunities. Energy and Commerce (18th of 25 Democrats) Commerce, Consumer Protection and Competitiveness; Energy and Power; Telecommunications and Finance. interior and Insular Affairs (15th of 23 Democrats) National Parks and Public Lands; Water and Power Resources. Select Aging (31st of 39 Democrats) Housing and Consumer Interests, Human Services. Elections 1986 General Bill Richardson (D) David F. Cargo (R) 1984 General Bill Richardson (D) Louis H. Gallegos (R) 95.760 (71%) 38.552 (29%) 100,470 (61%) 62.351 (38%) Previous Winning Percentage: 1982 (65%) District Vote For President 1964 1980 1976 D 77,774 (46%) D 59,788 (40%) D 73,305 (53%) R 89.612 (53%) R 76,859 (52%) R 63.159 (46%) Campaign Finance Receipts Expend- Receipts from PACs itures 1986 Richardson (D) $370,329 $244 188 (66%) (27%) $354 849 6,865 Cargo (R) who was seeking a political comeback 15 years after leaving office - following a long absence from the state. Cargo managed to land some blows. When Richardson accepted an honorarium for touring a southwest Virginia coal mine, the Republican branded him "Peso Bill" - a move that gener- ated home-state pressure and eventually helped encourage Richardson to donate the money to charity. Unfortunately for Cargo, his organization and vote-getting abilities did not match his capacity for one-liners. Richardson. capitalizing on publicity he received for his work on a bill to grant a national historic designation to the Santa Fe Trail, blew Cargo away with over 70 percent of the vote. Richardson almost passed up politics for a career in professional baseball. Following his boyhood in Mexico City, he moved to the United States to attend school. At age 18, he was drafted by the Kansas City (now Oakland) Athletics. He might still be roaming the base. ball diamond had an elbow injury not ended his sports career. After graduating from Tufts University. Richardson moved to Washington and found work in the State Department's congressional relations office. He subsequently worked for three years as a Senate Foreign Relations Com- mittee staffer before moving to New Mexico. 1964 Richardson (D) $439,746 $258.235 (59%) $425.934 Gallegos (R) $207.831 $27,400 (13%) $201,935 Voting Studies Presidential Party Conservative Support Unity Coalition Year S 0 S 0 S 0 1986 24 76 90 9 52 44 1985 25 71 89 6 33 65 80 1984 31 66 89 9 19 71 1983 16 82 87 9 29 S = Support 0 = Opposition Key Votes Produce MX missiles (1985) N Cut tedera! subsidy for water projects (1965) y Weaken gun control laws (1986) V Cut back public housing construction (1986) N Aid Nicaraguan contras (1986) N Impose textile import limits over Reagan veto (1986) V Block chemical. weapons production (1986) y Impose South African sanctions over Reagan veto (1986) Y Interest Group Ratings Year ADA ACU AFL-CIO CCUS 1986 75 16 100 41 1985 70 14 76 32 1964 85 17 100 43 1983 95 13 88 20 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/11/06: CIA-RDP90M00005RO01100160029-7 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/11/06: CIA-RDP90M00005RO01100160029-7 6Nicholas Mavroules (D Of Peabody - Elected 1978 Born: Nov. 1, 1929, Peabody. Mass. Education: Graduated from Peabody High School. 1947. Occupation: Personnel supervisor. Famil)': Wife, Mary Silva; three children. Religion: Greek Orthodox. Political Career. Peabody City Council, 1958-61 and 1964-65; mayor of Peabody. 1968-79; candidate for Peabody City Council, 1955; candidate for mayor of Peabody, 1961. Capitol Office: 2432 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-8020. In Washington: When Mavroules first arrived in Washington, a small-town Massa- chusetts mayor with a parochial set of con- cerns, nobody would have singled him out as a future activist in national defense policy. But he has grown into an important player on major issues. one who has left the Peabody City Hall far behind. Mavroules' presence on the Armed Serv- ices Committee is essentially an accident. His state delegation wanted someone on the com- mittee to protect its defense contracting inter- ests. and Mavroules. as a freshman. drew the assignment. It was not his first choice, but he accepted it with the cooperative spirit of a man who plays by the rules. In his second term, though. after enduring some complaints at home that he was too pliant a leadership loyalist. Mavroules began striking out on his own. His target was the MX missile. Over a period of four years. allied with arms control activists, he negotiated with the House leadership, sponsored key amendments and held strategy sessions in his office. He could claim much of the credit for the cap on MX development that became law in 1985. After his high profile on the MX missile. Mavroules saw himself as an alternative to Les Aspin as chairman of Armed Services. As early as July 1986. Mavroules said his candidacy was "very possible" if the Democratic Caucus did not re-elect Aspin. Mavroules had been hurt by Aspin's opposition to him on the MX. "In the very long run," a dejected Mavroules said after the vote, "Aspin's position will serve to damage his credibility or, the Democratic side." But he never campaigned actively, insist- ing he was not out to oust Aspin: only when the caucus gave Aspin a no-confidence vote early in 1987, did he became a candidate. By then, it was too late for him to emerge as the leading challenger. Mavroules was eliminated on the first ballot; eventually Aspin defeated all chair- manship challengers and won a second term. The MX battle began in the 98th Con- gress. with anti-nuclear pressure building from a burgeoning grass-roots lobbying campaign. Mavroules and other MX critics made a major effort to kill the missile once and for all. Their 1984 vehicle was the defense authorization bill, to which Mavroules offered an amendment blocking any production of the MX. After several hours of intricate parliamen- tary skirmishing. he won a major victory by forcing the House to vote on his measure. But when the roll call was held, he lost the war - his amendment was defeated by three votes. "We have raised the public awareness of this issue," Mavroules said. "We have millions of people watching it and they deserve an up- or-down vote." Early in 1985, the issue came up again, and again Mavroules' side lost, 219-213. But each new consideration of the MX seemed to place him in a more central position. In 1985. he shared leadership duties on the anti-MX side with fellow-Democrats Les AuCoin of Oregon and Thomas J. Downey of New York. Mavrou- les lacked their glibness and knowledge of overall defense policy. But he also was less burdened by identification as an unyielding liberal. and during much of the debate. he seemed to be the one coordinating strategy as the MX opponents lobbied to the last vote. By mid-1985 both sides were weary from the protracted battle, and appeared ready to compromise. Mavroules joined the more con- servative Democratic Rep. Dave McCurdy of Oklahoma and won a permanent cap of 50 MX missiles. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/11/06: CIA-RDP90M00005RO01100160029-7 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/11/06: CIA-RDP90M00005RO01100160029-7 Massachusetts 6 The 6th offers chronically depressed mill towns. workaday factory cities, com- fortable suburbs, pockets of aristocratic wealth and scenic ocean-front villages. Its vote-heavy areas are at the southern end of Essex Count}. and are strongly Democratic. Lynn, historically a shoe-manufactur- ing center but now home of a large General Electric Co. aircraft engine plant. is the 6th's largest city. Lynn and nearbv Pea- body. which was once the largest leather- processing city in the world. are conserva- tive Democratic territory. They were crucial to former Democratic Gov. Edward J. King in his two Democratic primary battles against the more liberal Michael S. Dukakis. Both cities voted for Democrat John Kerry in the 1984 U.S. Senate contest. but Pea- body narrowly backed Reagan for president. East of Peabody is Salem. which resem- bles it in its Democratic roots and depen- dence on the electronics industry. Salem's image. however. is inextricably bound up with colonial New England's history. It was the scene of the famous witch trials of the 1690s and later a prosperous port from which Yankee traders set sail for the Orient and Europe. Its narrow streets were the setting for Nathaniel Hawthorne's dark ex- plorations of the New England psyche. North of Salem in Essex County, the aristocratic Yankee tradition provides GOP votes, although they have tended to be Mavroules has had his failures. After chairing a special Armed Services panel on military procurement reform and steering some of its recommendations through the House, he had to struggle with skeptical Senate conferees to salvage any important changes. When his colleagues objected that he had given away too much. Mavroules became defensive and argued that he had done as well as could be expected. A second disappointment came as critics of Reagan's defense buildup focused on reducing funding for the strategic defense initiative. Mavroules expected to offer the key floor amendment. but seniority gave the honor to Charles E. Bennett of Florida. Mavroules remains an old-style Massachu- setts politician. He looks after constituents personally. holding office hours Mondays and Fridays back home. North Shore - Lynn; Peabody liberal votes. Suburban Wenham was one of only three towns in the state where John B. Anderson outpolled Jimmy Carter in 1980. In 1984. there was a dramatic change. ?'enham gave about two-thirds of its vote to both Reagan and Republican Senate can- didate Rav Shamie. On the northern coast, maritime inter- ests are central to Gloucester, home of the Fisherman's Memorial landmark, and Rock- port, a historic fishing village deluged with tourists and artists in the summer. New- bur yport. whose 19th-century clipper ship economy gave way to light manufacturing. is the "Yankee City" singled out for study by sociologists in the 1920s. In recent years it has attracted some urban emigrants. Haverhill, on the New Hampshire bor- der. won the dubious distinction in a 1981 survey of being named the nation's metro- politan area with the least desirable "qual- ity of life." The town's economic base in the shoe industry long ago disappeared, but there has been recent growth in the avail- ability of high-technology jobs, and the city's comparative) low living costs are beginning to lure younger professionals who cannot afford to live in Boston. Population: 518.841. White 508.101 (98%). Black 5.084 (1%). Spanish origin 5.898 (1%). 18 and over 381191 (74%). 65 and over 68.157 (13%). Median age: 33. He has been able to use his Armed Services seat to benefit his district's largest defense contractor. General Electric Co.. whose plant in Lynn makes engines for the Navy's F-18 attack fighters. He also pushed through a bill direct- ing the Defense Department to use more re- newable energy technologies. including solar energy. The city of Beverly, in his district, has been the site of a photovoltaic demonstration project. At Home: It took Mavroules a while to get settled in his seat. But in 1984. when he won 70 percent of the vote. Mavroules joined the league of Massachusetts Democrats who rou- tinely win by hefty margins. In 1986. he ran without Republican opposition. As a traditional urban ethnic Democrat. Mavroules has little in common with the Yan- kee elite that populates so much of his district. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/11/06: CIA-RDP90M00005RO01100160029-7 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/11/06: CIA-RDP90M00005RO01100160029-7 He learned his politics in Peabody's City Hall, where he served a total of 16 years, first on the City Council and later as mayor. In 1978, Mavroules sensed that Democratic Rep. Michael J. Harrington had lost his rap- port with working-class Democrats. There was e feeling Harrington had spent too much of his career on human rights in Chile rather than on unemployment in Lynn. So Mavroules entered the primary. Harrington, however, decided to retire rather than fight for a fifth full term. Mavrou- les went on to win the Democratic nomination against a state representative from Lynn and an Essex County commissioner who had Har- rington's endorsement., but little else. Mavrou- les' victory margin was nearly equal to the plurality he won in his hometown of Peabody. In the 1978 general election, Mavroules faced William E. Bronson, a conservative air- line pilot who was eager for a second try after holding Harrington under 55 percent in 1976. \1-ith stronger party backing, Bronson reduced his 1976 deficit of 30,000 votes to fewer than 14.000. But the seat went to Mavroules. Although Bronson wanted still another chance in 1980, he lost the Republican primary narrowly to Tom Trimarco, a moderate lawyer Committees Armed Services (11th of 31 Democrats) Investigations: Procurement and Military Nuclear Systems. Small Business (7th of 27 Democrats) Procurement. Innovation and Minority Enterprise Development (chairman). Nicholas Mavroules (D) 168.662 (70%) Frederick S. Leber (R) 63.363 (26%) Previous Winning Percentages: 1982 (58%) 1980 (51%) 1978 (54%) 1986 General Nicholas Mavroules (D) 1984 General District Vote For President 1984 1980 1976 D 110.771 (45%) D 94,549 (38%) D 132.3841 (53%) R 137.256 (55%) R 109,933 (44%) R 109.094 (44%) 1 41.896 (17%) with Italian ethnic support. Viewed as the strongest candidate Repub- licans had put up in a decade, Trimarco worked hard to tie Mavroules to the Carter administra- tion. He made clear inroads in the district, holding Mavroules' margins down everywhere outside the old factory towns - Peabody, Salem and Lynn - that were responsible for the Democrat's initial election. Only a 20.000- vote plurality in those three cities allowed Mavroules to win. Trimarco decided to try again in 1982, and he put together a better-funded and more sol- idly organized campaign than his first. He geared his pitch to the blue-collar cities that had helped Mavroules hang on in 1980. Trimarco stressed his working-class origins and tried to put some distance between himself and the Reagan administration. But Mavroules was stronger than before. His work in the House against the MX missile system had helped him shake his reputation as an old-fashioned party loyalist who initiated little on his own, and gave him appeal along the moderate Republican North Shore. He also used GOP economic policies effectively against Trimarco. winning back Democrats who had defected or sat out the 1980 election. Voting Studies Presidential Party Conservative Support Unity Coalition Year S 0 S 0 S 0 1986 19 80 87 5 18 80 1985 20 76 87 6 13 87 1984 33 62 87 8 25 75 1983 21 76 87 7 18 80 1982 40 56 85 7 25 70 1981 36 63 84 14 28 72 S = Support 0 = Opposition Key Votes Produce MX missiles (1985) N Cut tederal subsidy for water projects (1985) Y Weaken gun control laws (1986) N Cut back public housing construction (1986) N Aid Nicaraguan contras (1986) N Impose textile import limits over Reagan veto (1986), Y Block chemical. weapons production (1986) Y Impose South African sanctions over Reagan veto (1986) Y Campaign Finance Interest Group Ratings Receipts Receipts from PACs Expend- iturea Year ADA ACU 1986 1986 85 5 Marvoules (D) $235,761 $91,250 (39%) $184.485 1985 85 10 1984 75 4 1984 1983 85 9 Marvoules)D) $282.105 $107,568 (381A) $242,841 1982 80 9 Leber (R) $10.946 0 $10.897 1981 80 7 AFL-CIO CCUS 93 24 94 27 92 38 100 20 100 19 87 16 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2012/11/06: CIA-RDP90M00005RO01100160029-7