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25X1 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 Approved For Release 2006/01/17: CIA-RDP91-00901R0q .,_Y.:, 9P MtED ~T" CHICAGO TRIBUNE 28 November 1984 Mighty Casey got caught By Aaron Freeman. Nicaragua looked real rocky for the Reagan crowd' that year. Sandinistas ruled the country, filling Republican hearts with fear. When Big Pine Two did nothing and the Contras got nowhere All the hawks in government fell into des air. They said "If only Casey and the CIA could join the fight, He'd show 'em how to move that country further to the right. Then suddenly they all stood up. A cry rose from their lips. It echoed off the fighter planes and rattled off the ships. It rumbled down from Washington to small Hon- duran shacks. That Casey, William Casey, was directing the at- tacks! Mischief showed in Casey's manner as he spoke to the committee. "Forgot to tell you we bombed refineries? So sorry, such a pity. "We must get tough on communism, not like Viet- nam was. "Covert action is the ticket, down in Nicaragua! "Let's neutralize those dirty Marxists, give em all the hook!" So Casey and the CIA made commie kille.- books! Oh somewhere in this covert land there is a quiet place. Somewhere secrets are not leaked and spies do not lose face. Somewhere facts can be covered up, reporters frightened or bought. But there is no joy in Reaganville. William Casey, he got caught. Approved For Release 2006/01117 : CIA-RDP91-0090.1 R000400010002-4 Approved For Release 2006/01/17: CIA-RDP91-00901R00 F~.nPCI~ WASHINGTON POST 28 November 1984 "TMAn AN UNFAVOiZASLE S 'AST - T`~AT NETWORK NEEDS TO BE HEU TRALLZEP" Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 Approved For Release 2006/01/17: CIA-RDP91-00901R0 _ qq .417 ??EARED I WASHINGTON TIMES 28 November 1984 ARAM BAKSHiAN She could fill a new role ov. 20,1984, has two claims IN to the history books. It was the day that 192 Polish tourists traveling aboard the cruise ship Stefan Batory defected en masse in the West Ger- man port of Hamburg. It was also the day that a lone but distin- guished lady jumped ship from the Reagan administration. With all deference to the Hamburg 192, Ambassador Jeane J. Kirkpatrick probably made the bigger splash. Considered by many the most articulate - and most hard-line - foreign policy spokesperson during Mr. Reagan's first term, Mrs. Kirk- patrick now has declared her deter- mination to return to what she describes as "the pleasures of pri- vate life." While anyone who has served four years of hard labor in what is laughingly known as the United Nations deserves a break, one could wish that the administra- tion would find a more productive role for Mrs. Kirkpatrick to play in its second term. Unfortunately, there just aren't any vacant slots at the top policy- making level. Mr. Reagan has alread invited Secretary of State George S ultz, Defense Secre arv Cas ar Weinber er CIA Director William Casey. an ationa ecu- n~ Adviser Robert McF, arlane t~ i sta on and - as of this writing - none has s sown any interest in retiru?g,Haing=asapresi entiT aide to Mr. Reagan for more than 2i years - watched all of them in action, this strikes me, on the whole, as good news. All four organizations are in bet- ter shape now than when their cur- rent heads took command, and a fairly sane balance of inspired ideologues and able administrators prevails. ? At State, Mr. Shultz's avuncular yet no-nonsense style has restored calm in the wake of his well- intended but volatile predecessor, Al Haig. With the prospect of hard- nosed negotiations with the Soviets -growing stronger each day, Mr. Shultz is definitely the man for the .job. ? At Defense, while Caspar Wein- berger has earned a lot of media criticism as a big spender, he deserves credit for presiding over. both a much-needed material build . up and an even more-needed. revival of pride and morale in our armed forces. With the defense budget likely to come under heavy fire from both sides of the aisle in the new Congress, an experienced, knowledgable secretary of defense is a must. Mr. Weinberger fits the; bill on both counts. i ? At the CIA William Case' has. per orme a semi ar eat. ad di-. Lion, as a ong-time mem'be`r: oT_t e' I intelligence community, he brings, to his task practical ex erience that is more valuable than any amount o-# f ~e retie- knowledge What the CIA really does, they don't teach at universities. AiTd t at, t~ -sit s ou e. ? The NSC, Robert "Bud" McFarlane, a former professional military man with subsequent experience as a senior defense expert on the Senate Armed Ser- vices Committee, proved himself worthy of his post long before he was officially designated director. The reason was that his predeces- sor, William "Judge" Clark (now interior secretary), came to the NSC with little experience and leaned heavily on Mr. McFarlane, his deputy. Mr. McFarlane is . a tough, calm, intelligent anti- communist, despite the occasional potshots taken at him by a few dis- sident voices on the far right. So, alas for Mrs. Kirkpatrick, the administration is already dealing with a full deck. Still, why not cre- ate a new top position for an able intellectual who is possibly the most intelligent, eloquent woman ever to attain Cabinet rank? Not that she doesn't have a few blind spots. As a scholar - albeit apoliti- call so- t irate one - M Kirkpatrick has never en'oyed uc11 of a re 1 tat ion as an a min- istrator. And more than half the,Lob ~ie it at State, De ense thie CIA, or the NSC, is_riding herd on'~ n one s fry qu;;ntly errant nderlings. Whether she would have been up to the task we will never know, and perhaps it is just as well. Some of her views, especially an unfortunate fondness for unpopular authoritarian regimes south of the border, are also more than a little idiosyncratic. But there is - or, at least, there was-another way that Mr. Reagan might benefit from Mrs. Kirkpat- rick's counsel during his second term. It has its minuses as well as pluses, but deserves serious con- sideration. Ronald Reagan, unlike some presidents in the recent past, is an open-minded, inwardly secure man who welcomes animated dis- cussion and debate. He likes to hear all sides of an argument before making u;p his mind. On the economic side, that is why his administration has sometimes been accused of speaking with more than one voice, e.g. con- flicting signals from Donald Regan's Treasury, the Council of Economic Advisers under Martin Feldstein, and the OMB under David Stockman. Another major player on eco- nomic and other domestic issues has been White House counselor Edwin Meese, often, with consider- able oversimplification, labeled the in-house conservative. Mr. Meese is no great shakes as an administrator, and he has lost as many policy bat- tles as he has won. But his presence at the president's side over the past four years has made a difference - ! a difference for the better. Why not a foreign policy equivalent of Ed Meese - a White House Counselor on Foreign Affairs who would be there to air ideas and see that a strong ideologi- cal case was always heard? And why not Jeane Kirkpatrick for the job? Aram Bakshian is a staff colum- nist for The Washington Times. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 hen White House deputy press secretary Bob Sims announced the other day that Defense Secretary Caspar Wein- berger, Secretary of State George Shultz, Central Intelligence Agency Director William Casey, and National Security Adviser Rob- ert McFarlane had agreed to Pres- ident Ronald Reagan's request that they remain in their positions for a second term, he was saying, in effect, that there is no room. for proud and prickly Jeane Kirkpat- rick in the second Reagan adminis- tration. For Mrs. Kirkpatrick had made it clear for some time that she was uninterested in remaining as American ambassador to the United Nations after the current General Assembly session ends next month. And those four jobs were the only ones that interested the doughty scholar-diplomat. Approved For Rel ase 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901R0004 ;APPEARED WASHINGTON TIMES ~+ Pr" 28 November 1984 SMITH HEMPSTONE No useful role for Jeane Kirkpatrick? ********.r*, -a Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91- 0901 R000400010002-4 TIME 26 November 1984 Broadsides in a War of Nerves Washington and the Sandinistas take turns crying wolf once again the familiar tremors swept through Nicaragua. In the streets of Managua, the capital, dozens of Soviet- made T-55 tanks clattered into defensive positions. Antiaircraft crews manned their batteries, while zealous neighbor- hood defense committees scurried to dig air-raid trenches. Some 20,000 volunteer coffee pickers were reassigned to local mi- litia units as the Sandinista government announced a "state of alert" affecting the country's 100,000-member military and security forces. For the third time in two years, the Sandinistas were loudly con- vinced-or so they said-that U.S. troops were about to invade their soil. Most Nicaraguans, however, re- mained calm. Despite the government's repeated alarms, residents of Managua made their way to work as usual on the city's overcrowded buses. Schoolchildren played outdoors, even gathering in. clus- ters around the squat, forbidding tanks. Occasionally the civic mood was shattered by a sonic boom, which the government attributed to high-flying U.S. SR-71 spy planes violating Nicaraguan airspace. De- spite the noisy interruptions, few Nicara- guans seemed concerned about the puta- tive Yanqui invasion. A similar case of schizophrenia seemed to be afflicting the Reagan Ad- ministration. At a meeting of the 31-mem- ber Organization of American States in Brasilia, Secretary of State George Shultz pooh-poohed the Nicaraguan war hyste- ria as "self-induced ... based on nothing." Said he: "Obviously they're trying to whip up their own population. But I can't imag- ine what the reason is for doing that." Then Shultz provided a possible answer. The U.S., he said in reference to Nicara- gua's Soviet-sponsored arms buildup, was "trying to work in any way we can to cast this aggressive and subversive influence out of our hemisphere." At the State Department and the Pen- tagon, those sentiments were stated more sharply. Even as U.S. officials repeatedly denied any aggressive intentions toward Nicaragua, they continued to issue stern warnings about the Central American re- public's military buildup, especially the possible acquisition by the Sandinistas of high-performance Soviet-bloc aircraft. The U.S., said Pentagon Spokesman Mi- chael Burch, would "provide whatever as- sistance is necessary" to protect its hemi- spheric interests. Did that include military intervention? Said Burch: "I'm not willing The superpower and the mirapower had different motives for cranking up the mutual war of nerves. In the wake of Pres- ident Reagan's election victory, Washing- ton seemed intent on setting what one offi- cial called "the limits of U.S. tolerance" toward Marxist-led Nicaragua. After their somewhat less than democratic elec- tion triumph on Nov. 4, the Sandinistas seemed determined to keep building up their arsenal as rapidly as possible. Nei- ther stance boded particularly well for the process of negotiated peace in the region, which both sides claim to support. The latest spasms arose, ironically enough, from a false alarm. On Election Day, someone in the U.S. Government leaked word, based on sketchy and uncon- firmed spy-satellite information, that crated Soviet MiG-21 interceptors were about to be unloaded at Nicaragua's Pa- cific port of Corinto from the Soviet freighter Bakuriani. The U.S. has long warned Nicaragua that the arrival of MiG-21 Is or similar fighters would be "un- acceptable," since such weapons would upset the regional balance of air power. By the time the Bakuriani unloaded its crated cargo and returned to sea, Washington was persuaded that MiG-21s had not been delivered, One reason, indi- cated by Shultz, was a Soviet assurance to the contrary. Another was the informa- tion gleaned from the rash of U.S. spy- plane flights, more probably low-flying F-4 reconnaissance jets than the superfast, supersophisticated SR-71s claimed by the Sandinistas (no sonic boom from an SR-71 can be heard when the aircraft flies, as it can on spy missions, at an altitude of 15 miles or more). The U.S. conclusion: Soviet-bloc ships, including the Bakuriani, have more than likely delivered SA-3 and SA-8 anti- aircraft missiles, advanced radar equip- ment that would complete Nicaragua's air-defense system, and a supply of MI-24 "Hind" helicopters. The choppers are heavily armed gunships that the Soviets use against rebellious tribesmen in Af- ghanistan: they are probably intended to flush out 6,000 of the U.S.-backed contra guerrillas, who have now moved perma- nently inside Nicaragua to carry on their hit-and-run war against the Sandinistas. Nonetheless, the Pentagon kept up its threatening expressions of concern. Even without the MiG-21s. U.S. officials said. the arrival of the Bakuriani marked the first time the Soviets had sent weapons to Nicaragua under their own flag, rather than through such surrogates as Cuba or Bulgaria. U.S. military officials said last week that four more Soviet and East-bloc STAT freighters were on their way to Nicaragua. without saying when the ships would ar- rive, or where. Said Pentagon Spokesman Burch: "Nicaragua has now armed itself to a greater degree or in quantities far greater than any of its neighbors. or even a coalition of its neighbors." The Sandinista buildup is indeed im- pressive. Nicaragua's regular army and mobilized reserves now total 62,000, more than the armies of nearby El Salvador and Honduras combined. The U.S. estimates that Nicaragua has 150 tanks and 200 oth- er armored vehicles. 200 antiaircraft guns and 300 missile launchers, in addition to perhaps 18 of the fearsome Hinds. By con- trast. El Salvador. Guatemala and Hon- duras combined have 53 tanks and 104 ar- mored vehicles: none of them has any advanced missile system. Neighboring Costa Rica has only a poorly equipped 9.800-member civil guard. The Pentagon. moreover. maintains that the Sandinistas still want the MiGs and intend to get them. U.S. military offi- cials also charged that five airfields are ei- ther currently receiving improvements or under construction in Nicaragua: at least one of them might be used for stopovers by Soviet long-range Backfire bombers. Bases in Nicaragua. says a Pentagon offi- cial. "would enormously facilitate Soviet reconnaissance flights over America's West Coast." The emphasis on that argument is rela- tively new. In the past, the Administration has more often justified its actions in Cen- tral America by stressing that the Sandi- nistas were shipping arms to insurgents in El Salvador. The U.S. has also pointed to signs of creeping totalitarianism in Nica- ragua. as the Marxist-led regime has curbed press freedom, expropriated the property of private entrepreneurs and built a pervasive security apparatus with the aid of Cuban and East German advisers. T he switch in reasoning seemed to re- flect the Administration's recurring tendency to speak with different voices about Nicaragua:, Privately, some Penta- gon sources attributed the hyping of con- cern over the Bakuriani and its cargo to officials at the White House and National Security Council. The State Department also expressed frustration over the way the MiG issue had materialized: on his way to the OAS meeting. Shultz character- ized the original leak as "a criminal act." Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 I 3r Approved For Release 2006/01/17: CIA-RDP91-00901ROq -h1E'~:S EEC 26 November 1984 PERISCOPE Casey at the Bat-For Himself White House aides suspect that CIA Director William J. Casey, under fire for the mining of Nicaraguan harbors and other covert CIA activities in the Central American country, shrewdly engi- neered a ringing endorsement from President Reagan by leaking stories to two conservative newspapers. The stories questioned whether the CIA director would keep his job; after they appeared, Casey wrote to Reagan complaining that he found it "very difficult to operate" under such conditions. The president predictably re- sponded by declaring his unwavering support for Casey. One reason the White House aides believe that Casey was behind the stories is that they appeared only in The Washington Times and the New York Post, the CIA director's favorite conservative papers. In addition, Casey knew thatbecause Ronald Reagan hates confronta- tion, the ploy would almost certainly result in a vote of confidence. Approved. For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 V ARTICLE &FERMO For Release 2006/01/17: CIA-RDP91-00901R00040 ON PAGE _ HUMAN EVENTS . 214 November 1981+ Possible CIA Choice Disturbs Conservatives Informed intelligence sources tell HUMAN EVENTS they're concerned that William Casey-will make a bad mistake if he appoints Lionel Ulmer, `Commerce, as Deputy Director of Central Intel- ligence. The current deputy director, John:. McMahon, is expected to . leave shortly. This report, not taken seri- .ously -when -the. New York Times first sur- faced it, has been given O&AEA further credence since CIA Director Casey himself has favorably mentioned, Olmer: for the -job. Olmer, however, is not looked, upon kindly by hardliners. They say that he has undermined them on strategic trade issues with the Soviets and has taken an increasingly soft line towards the Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 j~'?T'.?'1r proved For Release 2006/(1ToNCIA-RDP91-0090 24 November 1984 ]AV, A I- U r1 fIJ I)EV L ALEXAND - The ultras-to be distinguished marginally from the or- Long National Nightmare dinary warmongering rabble-include Gen. Paul Gorman, d based in Panama , The final, preposterous image of the election campaign head of the U.S. Southern Comman I _. .. N ~-- special "Election 117;11;2m fTcev At the C.I.A.. Fr Extra" issue. It turns out that all through those long months a team of Newsweek political reporters had an agreement with their sources that they would be given access to certain material on condition it was not published until after the election. One reporter actually had two notebooks, one (presumably labeled B for bullshit) in which he would duti- fully record the assertions of Administration officials that no secret plan to raise taxes was in the works, and the other (T for truth) in which he wrote down things to be concealed- Administration scenarios for raising taxes-until such time as their publication made no difference. Time's Strobe Talbott had a similar deal during the Nitze and Rowney arms talks in Geneva last year. The defense for this sort of arrangement is that without it, the reporter would simply learn nothing-which is pernicious nonsense. By partaking in these embargoes the reporter becomes even more complicit in news management than is regularly the case. The losers are the. readers who trustingly fork out their money each week for Time and Newsweek in the hopes of finding out what's going on, little realizing that bargains have been made to keep them in the dark as long as it counts. at the Defense Department and Constantine Menges at the National Security Council. Gorman and the others tried zealously to promote the Bakuriani/MIG threat in the clos- ing weeks of the campaign but couldn't get it off the ground, since Reagan's top advisers were not keen on a cliffhanging crisis disrupting the pre-election Presidential image of sweet reason. Right at the end of October, in an unusual session of the National Security Council, Reagan rejected the idea of emergency action. The October surprise was that there was no surprise. Had Reagan been slipping, it might have been a different story. On election night the ultras moved, in a pre-emptive coup designed to seize the high ground during the crucial days of policy formation immediately after the victory. News of the imminent arrival of the Bakuriani was leaked to CBS from the Pentagon, and to NBC from the Reagan party in Cali- fornia. Given the origin of the NBC story, it's possible that the ultras inhabit the highest levels of the Administration. For the next three days the media handled the story exact- ly as the ultras had hoped-on the front pages. The em- phatic denials by the Soviet Union and Nicaragua that MIG- 21s had been or would be dispatched to Nicaragua were duly recorded, along with the Administration's em- phasis that no "conclusive proof" of the presence of the MIGs aboard theBakuriani had been obtained. But by then the MIGs had become purely symbolic. To the extent that the coverage revolved around the issue of what the Reagan Administration would do if the planes had arrived at Corinto, it was irrelevant whether they had arrived or not. The papers remembered to mention that it was unlikely the MIGs were aboard and then went back to their worst-case analysis. This is often true in war scares. The Russians never deployed nuclear materiel in Cuba dur- ing the missile crisis of 1962, contrary to popular memory. Leading up to the crisis all that U.S. spy planes ever observed were metal canisters that might or might not have contained missiles (not warheads), just as the Bakuriani might or might not have been carrying MIG-21s. A New York Times editorial for Friday, November 9, realized the fondest dreams of the ultras: "If American surveillance has blundered, Nicaragua has an easy way to prove it. Expose the cargo and expose the accusers. The larger point-even if galling-that Nicaragua's arms are a hemisphere [sic] concern has already been granted." Both Philip Taubman of The Times and Fred Hiatt of The Washington Post managed to establish pretty clearly by the weekend what was going on. Taubman cited "certain national security aides" who "wanted to use the issue of the The Phantom Planes George Shultz should become the second member of Reagan's Cabinet to be on the receiving end of a criminal in- dictment. On November 10, discussing the leaked election night reports of the possible arrival of MIG-21 fighter planes in Nicaragua, he remarked, "Whoever leaked that material engaged in a criminal act in my opinion." But back at the start of October, in exchanges with people not in govern- ment, Shultz was alluding to the fact that a Soviet freighter bound for Nicaragua might be carrying MIG-21s. In late September, U.S. satellite photographs of the Bakuriani receiving cargo at its Black Sea port showed that on an adjacent quay sat crates of a type that had been known in the past to con- i tain MIG-21s. After an interval of cloud cover, photographs showed that the Bakuriani had departed and the crates were gone. Intelligence analysts inferred that the latter might have been loaded onto the former, and the news was cir- culated throughout the Administration. As the Bakuriani plowed its way across the Atlantic, round Cape Horn and up toward Corinto, advocates of es- calation against Nicaragua began to see the uses to which ship and cargo could be put. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R900400010002-4 Approved For Release 2006/01/17: CIA-RDP91-00901Rq 7 WASHINGTON POST ART! "I" 23 November 1984 Rowland Evans and Robert Novak Scalping .the Fentag&r, According to a high-ranking Americanolo- tary of State George Shultz to Geneva early gist in the Kremlin, the Soviet leadership next year for across-the-board talks with .privately charges Defense Secretary Caspar' Gromyko. Paul Nitze, Reagan's negotiator Weinberger and one of his top aides with in the failed effort to halt Soviet deployment having drawn up a "master plan" to destroy of the European-targeted SS20 . missile, the Soviet Union. might become Shultz's nuts-and-bolts nego- Georgi Arbatov, head of the renowned tiator starting during the preliminary "um- Kremlin-run U.S.A. Institute, is known to brella" talks, _have expressed that view of the Kremlin's an- In addition, Reagan is all but certain to tagonism toward Weinberger and Assistant ask Weinberger to designate a Pentagon Defense Secretary Richard Perle within the specialist to sit through all the negotiations ,.last six months. It has come into the hands of -not Perle, but perhaps Defense Under- ?U.S. intelligence agenaes but by what means secretary Fred Ikle. Whoever is chosen .>.is not known. It was Arbatov's "personal must be acceptable to the Joint Chiefs of opinion"-that the removal of either Weinber- Staff. rger or Perle would be a "favorable develop- This careful preparation for what the -l.ment" and a "positive sign." president is privately calling his "negotiat- Disclosure of the sgcret Arbatov file on ing track" looks neater and tidier than it is. scalping the Pentagon happened to coincide Even with Reagan's strong emphasis to with instructions from President Reagan to Weinberger and Case thy at he is committed t2p Cabinet officials including Weinberger to negotiations-that, in. the words of one and CIA Director William Casey, that he in- aie it is his '.`frame of mind"-caution tends to follow "a negotiating track" on about new arms control agreements domi- U.S.-Soviet concerns. But Moscow's call to nates the CIA and thePentagan. At Shultz's fire Weinberger.and Pe le may backfire on State Department,, the mood is different: Arbatov by raising their go-slow influence optimistic over possibilities for break-11 "within an administration deeply divided over throughs. arms control. Indeed, administration insiders sympa- The destruction of the Soviet Union, Ar- thetic to the Pentagon's arms control cau- batov said, is planned not by nuclear war tion say that the State Department's private but by "other" means: presumably eco- judgment of Weinberger and Perle on the nomic and political subversion, military nuclear issue is just as negative as the view rearmament too fast for the Soviets to from the Kremlin portrayed by Georgi Ar- match and tougher restraints on sales of batov. technology. The report of Arbatov's vicious criticism The Kremlin's top strategic specialist on of the president's top Pentagon arms-con- how the Soviet.Union should deal with its trol planners_may actually strengthen them. superpower rival denied that the election That would produce a backlash against the campaign had anything to do with it. "Let it Kremlin in the administration's bureau- be known," he said, "that it is the view of cratic struggle for the mind and soul of Ron- the Soviet leadership that the American ad- ald Reagan. Pro-arms control diplomats ministration does not want improved rela- might be disadvantaged at the hands of Pen- tions with Moscow and therefore for the t_agon-CIA skeptics who are convinced that foreseeable future the Soviet Union cannot _ the United States was taken u a move on arms control." in earlier SALT agrtggieq ancLmus is., All this transpired before the president S2p_1tak r.oo_f verification procedures for all met Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei future a greements. Gromyko in the White House last' month. One fact was emerging with clarity here Since then, and particularly since his land- following high-level study of the Arbatov slide reelection on Nov. 6, the president has file: however persona non grata Weinberger been moving fast-too fast, some officials and Perle may be in George Shultz's State believe-toward arms control talks with Department, the Kremlin's top American- Moscow under a vague, White House-pro- ologist has ended all prospect of their leav- claimed "umbrella" formula. ing their posts any time soon. The "umbrella" formula will send Secre- 61S4, News croup Chicago, inc.. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 Approved For Release 2006/01/17: CIA-RDP91-00901R00 nT I,j F ~iiS aP !4 NEW YORK TIMES 22 November 1984 ABROAD AT HOME I Anthony Lewis Keeping the Faith BOSTON fateful struggle is under way in % Washington, a struggle for the A !,soul of the second Reagan Ad- ministration. Will it be a Government of ideologues or of conservative prag- matists? The outcome will shape the cow -se of policy on war in Central America, on the budget, arms con- trol, the lot. One of the combatants has just given us an insight into the struggle. E ne is Faith Ryan Whittlesey, Assist- ant to the President for Public Liai- n. Mra. Whittlesey provided the. jierhaps inadvertent glimpse in a let- er to the editor denouncing a column f -nine about an egregious misstate- ment by Vice President George Bush. Talking about human rights in Nicaragua and El Salvador, Mr. Bush said the oitterence was like "night and day" - Nicaragua did not have "any human rights at all." I com- luenteci that in El Salvador right- wing death squads and Government security forces had murdered 42,u& c:,Vilia= in the last five years, includ- iing the komat. Catholic Archbishop, wbile_t Nicaragua Government troops hat murdered or kidnapped around 200 people. Mrs. Whittlesey wrote that the fig- ure of 42,000 such deaths in El Saiva dur- was incredible. But lust two years ago a highly credible source put the 1979-S2 total at perhaps 30,000, and there hare. been many more, killings ,ince. Tiiat source was Beane Hinton J.S. Ambassador at the time, `a key. pan appointee. He warned in a public speech that the "gorillas" responsi- ale were "destroying El Salvador .. =very bit as much as the guerriIlas." A= to Nicaragua, Mrs. Whittlesey ~. red be igiare of 2tiO deaths end appearances. Th re r : N ie- Which is the . real Reagan? raguan Permanent Commission on Human Rights (C.P.D.H.), she said, reports 10 to 20 a month. Yes, it does call attention to that many suspicious cases - but then it investigates fur- ther and drops many. The C.P.D.H. final report for 1983 listed 15 deaths and 31 disappearances for the year. No rational person can look at those two countries and not see that the hor- .or of murder and kidnapping has 'aaen infinitely worse in El Salvador. The figures are grotesquely dispro- portionate. Their reality could be ig- nored only by a cynical politician - ar someone blinded by rightist ideol- ogy. That is Faith Ryan Whittlesey. A onetime Ambassador to Switzer- land, Mrs. Whittlesey was brought into the White House to do the usual job of the public liaison office --- build sup- port for Administration policies among community groups. But she has devoted herself instead to pushing the agenda of the New Right. Business groups, called to the White House for what they thought might be discussions of tax or eco- uomic policy, have found themselves being harangued by Mrs. Whittlesey about the need for stronger U.S. ac- tion in Central America or the won- ders of tuition tax cr 'i ts, To many in and.o L c: the White house, it has appeare5 fo e~ .ae tirue ;slat Mrs. W ittlesay sec ~t ''sib as keeping the President to the true faith. By preaching the ideology of the right, that is, she helps to make sure that Ronald Reagan is not sub- verted by the pragmatists. Central America is a critical test- ing point for the right today. It wants to destroy the Nicaraguan Govern- ment by any means - U.S.-sponsored terrorism. or, if needed, American troops. That is why Mrs. Whittlesey is so uncomfortable with those figures on Nicaragua and El Salvador. For her it is necessary to paint Nicaragua as the Devil, as 'a huge menace that demands U.S. intervention. Faith Ryan Whittlesey herself is a marginal figure, but her perform- ance in the White House shows the determination of the right to claim Ronald Reagan as its own. She was one of the 22 ambassadors who en- dorsed Jesse Helms for re-election, and Senator Helms is not marginal. Most Reagan voters may have been moved by economics and liking for the President, but the rigid right is taking his victory as a mandate for its views. And it has weight in this Ad- ministration. Witness the extraordi- nary spectacle of two possible nomi- nees for Secretary of Education, John Silber and William Bennett, being sent over to an extreme-right group to get its stamp of approval. The mysterious que_.tion in all this is where Ronald Reagan stands. Does he want 'to,be Reagan, as the right puts it? Dom he find life more com- fortabie nearer the center, where he moved in the campaign? Or is he lust prepared to drift with events, offend- ing as ffew of his intimates as possi- le iettingWilliam Casey and Caspar Weinbee er push its toward wit,, in -entry Arterica,viu eT-.euige Saultz.. hangs LacI_? G "~ STAT Approved For Release 2006/01/17: CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 ON PAGE oved For ReleaVF691 ~t1NC RDP91-00901 21 November 19 Reagan will retain top foreign policy advisers By Robert Timberg Washington Bureau of The Sun WASHINGTON - President Rea- gan has asked all four of his senior foreign policy advisers to stay on into a second term, effectively quashing speculation that U.N. Am- bassador Jeane J. Kirkpatrick, a conservative favorite, might be given one of their jobs. White House spokesman Marlin Fitzwater told reporters covering the president's vacation in Santa Barbara, Calif., yesterday that Mr. Reagan had personally asked Secre- tary of State George P. Shulta, De- fense Secretary Caspar W. Weinber- ger, CIA Director William JCasey and National Security Adviser Rob- ert C. McFarlane to continue in their posts. Secretary Shultz's retention was reported last week. The other three were expected to remain, but yester- day's remarks by Mr. Fitzwater made it official. Reagan "is extraordinarily pleased. Mr. McFarlane, an ex-Marine by her work, values her service very officer who only recently has begun much and would very much like her to shed his low public profile, was to stay." deemed most expendable if the pres- Ambassador Kirkpatrick, a blunt- ident decided to give Mrs. Kirkpat- spoken conservative Democrat cred- rick one of the four top jobs. ited with saving the first night of Mrs. Kirkpatrick, a Reagan last summer's Republican National favorite, was known to be interested Convention from terminal torpor in. the NSC post and was the candi- with a rousing foreign policy ad- date of conservatives for the posi- dress, has made no secret of her de- tion last year when it was vacated sire to return to Washington, where by William P. Clark, now interior she maintains a home and holds a secretary. teaching post at Georgetown Univer-. But administration officials, ask- sity. ing not to be identified by name, said At the same time, sources say she yesterday that the president last has told friends that she would agree week asked Mr. McFarlane, a 1959 to remain in the administration if graduate of the Naval Academy, to she had a real role in shaping foreign continue in office, and he agreed to. Poli Y. ,do so There has been some speculation To a lesser de ree, there have ,been rumors a rs. ircl patrick i mbee o ere the CIA o re lac- r. Casey, w ose four-year ten- ure has been marked by controversy over rsona finances and clashes HE cong~ressmen,,over intelligence oesight.~T In New York, meanwhile, Ambas- sador Kirkpatrick unwittingly set off a minor furor yesterday when she reiterated her standing position that she intends to return to private life when the current General Assembly session concludes next month. "I was committea through the that Mr. Reagan might try to satisfy ;,General Assembly, and I would, af-, Mrs. Kirkpatrick by creating a ter that, talk to the president and we White House post for here But it is would work out. something, which difficult to see how that could be would permit me to return to pri- . done without undercutting Mr. Mc- vate life," she said. Farlane. Although Mrs. Kirkpatrick, 58, She showed no interest when talk has made-essentially the same state- of naming her to a major overseas ment regarding her future for ambassadorial post surfaced in the :months, it was read in some quarters press. as expressing an unswerving deter- As a result of. Mr. Fitzwater's mination to quit the administration. comments yesterday, her situation Late in the day, however, mission. seems best summed up by one White spokesman Joel Blocker . tried to ' House aide who yesterday described mute the .ring of finality to his boss's it as "No room at the inn." comment. He referred reporters to At the same time, Mr. Blocker 'her statement to Newsweek maga- and others noted that the president zine two weeks ago in which she and Mrs. Kirkpatrick have not yet said, "There are some things I would had a post-election chat about her like to see done in U.S. foreign poli- future and probably won't until the I cy, ayddionly for those reasons would General Assembly adjourns Decem- ber 18. The president has been lavish in "It will be an interesting conver- his praise for Mrs. Kirkpatrick sation," said one official, asking not throughout her tenure, and Mr. Fitz- to be id tifi , I __ ____ 1 ,... . en - gat a year agu Mrs. Kirk- patrick had expressed a desire to leave the United Nations and was dissuaded by Mr. Reagan. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 ON PAGE ved For Releas 200BI4/i7I A-RDP91-00901R000 21 November 1981+ - Split in Reagan Team By STEVEN R. WEISMAN Special to The New York Times WASHINGTON,'Nov. 20 - The new indications today that Jeane J. Kirk- patrick may soon leave the Adminis- tration illustrate what many officials acknowledge to be serious problems in the running of President News Reagan's foreign policy Analysis -machinery. The problems stem prin- cipally from the fact that W. Reagan is heading into a second term with basic divisions between con- servatives and moderates unresolved. These divisions have led to internal dis- putes and even stalemates on Central America, arms control negotiations and relations with the Soviet Union. Because Mrs. Kirkpatrick is re- garded at the White House and State Department as one of the most promi- nent conservatives in the Administra- tion, there has been jockeying by con- servatives to have her appointed Secre- tary of State or national security advis- Few Vacancies at the Top Mrs. Kirkpatrick has generally not commented on such efforts, but her friends have made it clear that she. .would stay in the. Administration if such a post was offered. It has become increasingly obvious in recent weeks, however, that there are a to any to vacancies soon. to House officials sav that. one by one, Mr. Reagan has asked. Sec- retary of State George P. Shultz,, Wil iiamJ__.Cssey,~, the Director of Central ' Intelligence, and Defense, Secretary Caspar W. Weinberger to_stay on. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 ARTICLE APPEAP-Wyed For Re1ea0(/11fiA-RDP91-00901R ON PAGE ~- 21 November 1884 W "c ing Profile: Herblock Art of Makin . Them. Cringe TheFine ~' By WILLIAM E. FARRELL Glass," which is a trip through the spedal to The New York Timms first four years of Ronald Reagan's WASHINGTON, Nov. 20 - He has Presidency in cartoons and print. made national and world figures Like other Presidents Mr. Block cringe as they opened their morning has caricatured, Mr. Reagan does not newspapers and saw themselves, get off lightly. While sometimes pro- their foibles and their bloated rheto- fraying him as a figure of daffy inept- ric skewered in caricatures. ness, however, these cartoons of Mr. He is credited with coining the term Reagan do not approach the caustic Richard M. "McCarthyism" in a savage drawing Nixon, ckwho renderings usually of appeared as in 1950 in which the word was printed Nixon, on a mud barrel. shifty and grizzled, desperately in He has won three Pulitzer prizes need of a shave and moral uplift. and shared in a fourth and has accu- When Mr. Nixon was elected Presi- and just about every journalism award imaginable. For 55 of his 75 years, Herbert Law- rence Block, alias Herblock, has been drawing political cartoons. There have been thousands of them - he is not sure how many - and for a very long time they have been damned, praised, torn up, saved and antholo- gized. In addition, they are now syndi- cated in 150 publications. The Guy Who Cuts to the Quick Five days a week Mr. Block works on deadline at The Washington Post in an office that gives new meaning to the word disorder. By the end of the day there is always a cartoon, as cur- rent as the day's news, one that more often than not cuts graphically to-the quick of a complex issue. Often they satirize, sometimes in angry . collu- sion with the captions he writes., but they can also sympathize, explain and illuminate. Friends and associates, somewhat surprisingly, describe Mr. Block as "the good guy next door," an "aver- age Joe," "like a friendly grocer" and "unassuming." It all sounds too good to be true. But these descriptions stand up in a face- to-face meeting with the cartoonist in his cheerfully chaotic office, which houses Daumier prints, a drawing by one shave, and a drawing of the Presi- dent without five o'clock shadow ap- peared. Is he planning an equivalent concession to Mr. Reagan as he be- gins his second term? "I've been drawing him nice," the cartoonist replied. ""My Reagan is not a tough-looking Reagan. I do him pretty straight. It's the things he does that are bad. He looks all right." And What About Casey? Mr. Block's only response is a laugh when he is asked about his aji, tude toward w~ William J..Caseythe Di- rectoi-of -Central ntelligence-M Casey is consistent rtra~eds a portly figure with a raper bag"oygr his head carrying a brie#cse dtb the words "not unfit to serve"Ater ci on it. The comment came,Iom the Senate confirmation hearings on rCasey's appointment. Mr. Block prefers e pressure of a daily deadline. He keeps no stockpile of drawings, no idea file. Each day he goes to work not knowing what he will draw, he said. For ideas he reads the newspapers, particularly. The Wash- ington Post and The New York Times, and talks with Post reporters. "You've got a real nice bunch here, real helpful," he said. "You go out, shmooze around and talk to people, hang around the water cooler. the great American ' cartoonist Whether it's just killing time or Thomas Nast, coffee cans filled with cranking up, I don't know." soft-leaded pencils, a battered desk 'In the End, You Decide' with a much-used drawing board on Using cheap newsroom paper, Mr. it, some crepe paper decorations and Block sketches out a possible cartoon. sagging balloons from a bygone party. If it is topical, as it often is, he tries to and a lumpy couch cloaked in a~color- show it to a reporter knowledgeable ful afghan. in the particular field, although ''in Mr. Block looks and acts much the end you have to decide yourself," younger than his years. He laughs, he said. easily, punctuates his remarks with The final drawing usually takes unsalty asides such as "oh boy" or three hours. When the 8:30 P.M. "oh hey" and tends, out of enthu- deadline' pis met, Mr. Block stays siasm and interest, to upend an inter- around the office to make sure the view by y becoming the questioner. reproduction is clear and to sketch in He has just published his ninth last-minute changes if necessary. book, "Herblock Through the. Looking He has the ability to illustrate ab- struse issues. After reading about the national debt, which tops a trillion dollars, and the high annual interest on it that comes out of Federal taxes, for example, Mr. Block drew two fat vampires with snaggle teeth, a father and son act, labeled "National Debt" and "Annual Interest on the Debt." The taxpayer was portrayed as a hap- less ingenue whose neck was being fanged by "Annual Interest" while the other vampire said: "You first, son." Many years ago Mr. Block took. some courses at the Chicago Art In- stitute, in his native city. But, as it de- veloped, his style is all his own. He is addicted to puns in his writing, of which he says: "It's kind of a compli- ment when they groan." Figures who appear often in his work have generally evolved over time. "Carter - he had this way he looked" that fortified an impression of weakness, Mr. Block said. Mr. Nixon had a crouched posture "like Uriah Heep," and Mr. Reagan often "has his arms out like he's going to draw or something." Faces on the Streets Mr. Block used to be "a Sunday painter," and he says he still sees faces on the streets that interest him as subjects for drawings and sketches. But his talents for exagger- ation and graphic lampoons are re- served for politicians and elected offi- cials, all of whom are regarded as fair game for the HerbIock canon. Oc- casionally, he pencils in a caricature of himself, a bit like Alfred Hitch- cock's walk-ons in his films. "To draw a terrible-looking woman as a terrible-looking woman, gee, it isn't necessary," he said. But frauds, kooks, bullies, manipulators and self- seekers, beware. There is anger in this. gifted, genial man whose sketches and drawings can devastate and puncture in the manner of one of his heroes, Thomas Nast, whose scathing cartoons of Boss Tweed and his henchmen helped topple them. As another deadline approaches, there are no visible signs of anxiety. Mr. Block shows a visitor a sketch that will be the nucleus of the next Herblock cartoon, this one a broad- side on the inertia of the Reagan Ad- ministration's environmental pro-. grams. He straightens out his draw- ing board, reaches into a coffee can for some sharpened pencils and says: "One way or another you manage to make it every day." Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 Y ~~ ~~4 ronu~ eleasg 006/OMA[ f I 1 D1~9~00901 R00400010002-4 f r?^^r - 21 November 1984 Soviet Reported Ready o. Talk About Weapons Shultz, Gromyko May Meet By Don Oberdorfer Washington Post Staff Writer The Soviet Union has sent a message to the United States that-could establish the basis for an early meeting between Secretary of State George P. Shultz and Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei A. Gromyko for the purpose of restarting arms-control discussions, U.S. sources said yes- terday. The Soviet message, delivered to the State Department last Saturday, was described as a tangible sign of Moscow's willingness to meet on the arms question. One official said what remains is to establish the time and place for a Gromyko- Shultz meeting, which probably would be either in Moscow or a neutral capital in Western Eu- rope. It was unclear to what extent the Soviets ex- plicitly accepted the U.S. formula for "umbrella talks" over six arms issues: strategic arms, in- termediate-range arms, weapons in space, con- ventional forces in Europe, confidence-building measures and chemical weapons. One - U.S. source suggested that the question is largely one of semantics, since the Soviets have made known 'their willingness to talk about broad range of arms, questions at a Shultz-Gromyko session. A Shultz-Gromyko meeting is likely to be only a preliminary step toward resumption of detailed TJ.S.-Soviet negotiations. The two sides continue' to have different priorities, with the Soviets most keenly, interested in averting military ac- tivities in space and the United States mainly interested. in reducing existing offensive nuclear arsenals. Moreover, the substantive positions of Mos cow and Washington remain far apart on nearly all the .arms areas being mentioned for explora- tion. Some of the most contentious issues are under dispute between .'agencies and factions --bjere. -A White House official said President Reagan discussed arms control in conversations last 'week with Shultz, Secretary of Defense Caspar V ein er er, 'CrA_TSirector illjam asey and national security , affairs- adviser o ert McFarlane, among of ers. The conversations are reported to have resulted in anan un erstan -_ ing t aN Pagan an Shultz -will have to Note Reagan has describeA foreign policy priority for his sec- on term. Another result of the discussion, sources said, is a consensus at-top levels that a "special envoy" or "spe- cial coordinator" for arms control I will be named to -assist Shultz if across-the-board discussions with the Soviets can be arranged. State Department spokesman John Hughes, while refusing to comment on Saturday's message or other communications in confiden- tial channels, said, "We remain .,deeply interested in improving our relations with the Soviet Union and resuming an arms-control dia-. logue." He noted that Shultz, in an ap= pearance Friday night on the NBC Nightly News, said, "We're ready to sit down and engage in real nego- tiations with the Soviet Union on arms control and seek concrete re- sults and work out problems." Shultz was responding to written statements from Soviet President Konstantin U. Chernenko to NBC News correspondent Marvin Kalb. Kalb, on Monday night, was the first to report the delivery of Sat- urday's message from the Soviets. A senior State Department offi- cial discouraged speculation that an early summit meeting between Reagan and Chernenko might result from a Shultz-Gromyko exchange. Chernenko, in answers to questions from Kalb, said he did not believe that the time was right for such a meeting. 1 /17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901R00040q WASHINGTON TIMES 21 November 1984 kpacntrick reaffirms wish o leave United Nations post by Gus Constantine patrick is doing an outstanding job and Jeremiah O'Leary but added he does not know if the THE WASHINGTON TIMES United Nations Ambassador Jeane Kirkpatrick yesterday reaffirmed her "desire to return to i private life" and said once again that she will talk to President Rea- gan when the current U.N. General Assembly session ends "to work out something." At a briefing for reporters at the U.S. Mission in New York, the ambassador, as she has done repeatedly this year, gave a care- fully hedged response to questions about her plans for the future. Shorn of diplomatic doubletalk, the response seemed to be: Yes, she would stay on in some other capac- ity if given the chance to do certain unspecified things she would like to see done in U.S. foreign policy. Bar- ring that, she feels the time has come for her exit from a post in which she has battled doggedly to reassert U.S. interests in the world body. Remaining to be "worked out," according to sources close to Mrs. Kirkpatrick, is who will take over the U.N. post. Mrs. Kirkpatrick said her successor- "whether a profes- sional diplomat or a political appointee"- should be prepared to "stay a long while at a very difficult job." At the Western White House in Santa Barbara, Ca i hite House spokesman Marlin Fitzwater said yester_d President Reagan aTrea has had personal conversa- tions with national security adviser Robert C. M' cFarlane, Secretary of State George PShultz Secretary, ~ee`nse Caspar Weinberger and CIA Director William Casey in- which he asked them specifically to stay on. Mr. Fitzwater said President Reagan thinks Ambassador. Kirk- president has asked her to remain on his foreign policy team. Sources in the White House have been saying for some time that there would be resistance by the rest of the foreign policy team to having the outspoken Mrs. Kirkpat- rick in such a role inside the White House. During the past year, the U.N. envoy has remained scrupulously noncommittal in her public statements as a stormy debate developed over whether a person of her unequivocally conservative persuasion should be elevated to one of the top foreign affairs posts in a second Reagan administration. First, she was touted as a replacement for William Clark as the president's national security adviser. Then, when McFarlane was selected for that post, the debate shifted to whether she should replace George Shultz as Secretary of State. With the announcement this week that Mr. Shultz has agreed to remain in that post, pressures appeared to be mounting to elevate Mrs. Kirkpatrick to a key foreign policy post. "I have the intention to return to private life;' she told a news confer- ence at the U.S. mission ' to the United Nations. "I have a desire, and that is my desire." The press conference was called by the U.N. ambassador to review U.S. accomplishments at the world body. She told reporters regard for the United States in the General Assembly had improved during her time. . "The U.S. situation is very sub- stantially improved. There is sim- ply no question about that;' she said. "In our view, and I suspect in the view of many other countries, the tone of the General Assembly has substantially improved. There are fewer tirades of hatred and sple- netic outpourings. One of the striking features is how much less venomous, harsh and abusive rhe- toric is used. "We are better able to protect ourselves against unfair abuse and better able to protect our interests ... than we were. " She attributed the development to the fact that, "We made it very clear to everyone that we took the United Nations and what happened here very seriously." Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 Approved For Release 2006/01/17: CIA-RDP91-00901ROq t^st^l.E APPEARED" -- BOSTON GLOBE OK PAGE ) 20 November 1984 .The President has. reached a fork in the not in the office anymore. ) road. One tenacious, ideologically., driven Perle,in many ways the brain behind De- school of advisers is urging him toward a mili-. fense Secretary Caspar Weinberger, has made tant, confrontational, military-based policy. continual mischief, formulating one-sided pro- This course could generalize the war in Cen- posals guaranteed to be unacceptable to the tral America, propel the nuclear-weapons race Soviets and exaggerating the difficulties of to new heights of insanity, destabilize rela- "verifying" treaty compliance. Sowing obsta- tions with allies and possibly revive '60s-style Iles in the path of arms control, he dominates political tumult at home. the policy vacuum created by Reagan's lack of Two .. roads diverge far Reagan President Reagan's place In history will be Perle as the key official who must be neutral- determined to a considerable degree by staff- ized if there is to be any progress. (According " ing decisions he makes in weeks ahead in key to President Reagan, the correct usage of foreign' policy areas - Soviet relations, arms "neutralize" is as follows: "You just say to the control and Central America. fellow who's sitting there in the office, 'You're Another school, more inclined toward prag- interest and Secretary of State George Shultz s work toward a modus vivendi with adversar- On Central America. the key _...people to ies such as the Soviets and irritants such as watch - in addition to Kirkpatrick Are CIA the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua.. Director William Casey, Undersecreta of If Reagan chooses this course, he could fense Fred Ikie, and two secondary but in flu- make a breakthrough in arms control and re- ential officials: Nestor Sanchez, who works for duce tensions in Central America, . thereby Ikle, and Constantine Menges, the Latin snatching a second-term rabbit out of the hat: America specialist on the National Security "Reagan the Peacemaker. Council: Because of Reagan's detached manage- This team, which has pushed steadily for a ment style and the lack of an underlying poll military approach in Central America, has 'cy consensus, who fills what job in this Ad- . 'checked the diplomatic twitches that originate ministration is crucially important. The ideo- sporadically in the State Department. For ex- logues, sensing that the election "mandate" ample, this is the group behind the firings of positions them to leave an indelible mark on Thomas Enders as undersecretary of state for US policy, aim to polish off the Sandinistas hemispheric affairs, Thomas Hinton as am-. and render arms control irrelevant. This wing bassador to El Salvador, and Anthony Quain now hopes to elevate UN Ambassador Jeane ton as ambassador to Nicaragua; all three fell Kirkpatrick to national security adviser, dis- because they grew to favor negotiated settle- placing Robert McFarlane.' If that happens, ment over war. and if North Carolina's Jesse Helms takes The key to peace in Central America will be over as'-chairman of the Senate Committee on ? whether President Reagan removes himself Foreign Relations, US policy is in fora wild from the thrall of Kirkpatrick, Casey and Ikle. downhill ride. The key to arms-control progress will be Pragmatic arms controllers generally re- whether he curbs the influence of Richard gard Assistant Secretary of Defense Richard Perle. It is that simple.- matte diplomacy, is urging the President to lethargy. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 ARTICLE APPEARED NEW YORK TIMES ON PAGE, 7 bved For Releas8(k0W0 : 1L'~WRDP91-00901 R0004001 0002-4 Weinberger Is to Stay, Aide to Reagan Says WASHJNGTON, Nov., 19 (AP) -. President Reagan has asked Defense Secretary Caspar W. Weinberger to keep his job in Mr. Reagan's, second term and Mr. Weinberger has accept- ed, a White House official said today. The deputy-White House press Secre- tary, Bob Sims, said that the national security adviser, Robert C. McFar- lane, t e Dirwrtor of Cpn }- Bence, Witham J. Casey, and the Secre- tary of -State, rge P. Shultz, had also talked to Mr. Regan and had . agreed to stay on the job. "The President has talked td-all- of these individuals and they are all to the best of my knowledge hoping to stay," Mr. Sims said. , Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA7RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901R0004000 ARTICLE APPEARED WAS.{ING370N TIMES ON PAGE. B -/ i9 November 1984 RMS AND THE ;MAN- DATE .::Think-tank din-' ners normally give you airline food and a nice snooze during the speeches. But honestly, darlings! Not this year's Ethics and Public Policy Center dinner. It was to honor Paul Nitze, the Arms Control negotiator. Somewhere between Ernie Lefever's welcome and the last crumb of cassada with fruit mousse, it turned into a riproaring Star Wars debate. Harold Brown, once Jimmy Carter's Defensemeis. ter, told the rather rightish crowd that there wasn't a ghost of a chance that a space-based anti- missile system could work. Besides, he said, "intercepting one missile is not a military strategy." That woke up a few who'd dozed off while the first speaker, Admi- ral Elmo Zumwalt, was revealing why he calls Mr. Nitze's wife "Nanny." Then up jumped Sen.- John Tower, to defend Defense. He waxed so snippy about his Con- gressional colleagues' kibbitzing, everyone said he sounded just like a DefenseSec. Then on came the real one, Cap,Weinberger, to tell the Prez's favorite Defense Allegory. (Stop Ear if you've heard it. The one about the minister's son who meets the bear in the wood? Unable to escape, he falls to his knees to pray. Upon opening his eyes he sees the bear, too, upon its knees. "A miracle!" he cries. "You, whom I doubted, so different from me, yet we're praying to the same God" "I don't know about you;' says the bear, "but I was say- ing grace.") He declared the orbiting space shield "well within our technological, scientific, pro- ductive and inventive genius," and "vital." People like Bill Casey and Bill Clark nudged and nodded and clapped away..DC's US Attorney 'Joseph Di Genova held hands with Deputy Assistant Attorney Gen- erz I Victoria Toensing, who's his wife; former CIAer William Colbv did not hold hands with bride-to-be Sally S e ton. a was -4t a different table.) n out-oP-Tip-- sync Presidential video message was great fun; Clare Boothe Luce was in all her glory; and, best of all, the honoree told Deep Inside Skinny Tales of the Bureaucracy. (Ear liked the one about Ave Har- riman, who's rather deaf, being offered a presidential appointment on the phone, and accepting it. Then, he hung up and asked his companion what his new job was. "Assistant Secretary for Eastern Affairs," bawled his friend, who had overheard the shouting Pres- ident. "Damn," said Ave, "I hoped it was European.") A satis- fying, if exhausting, Washington Night on the Town. Come back tomorrow, after a good night's sleep.. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 V ON PAGE 10, Sec. 1 19 November 1981+ ARTICLE APPEAI roved For Release ~ &A1617 MDP91-00901 R000 J ProfessiQfla1'. CIA directors Senators Barry Goldwater and Daniel Moy "nihan, chairman and vice chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee, are pushing leg- islation to require that all future directors and 'deputy directors of central intelligence be pro- fessional intelligence officers. Their effort results Pram the experience of. working with CIA Director William Casey who brad been campaign manager and a pofitical rcrony of President Reagan and who has run lafoul of Congress for cavalier financial +cfiealings, the bending of intelligence reports to itit the administration party line and the agen- ;cy's activities in Central America. Because of Mr. Casey's lack of credibility on 'Capitol Hill, senators were able to make the White House agree to have only professional intelligence officers in the deputy post as long .as Mr. Casey remains director. Indeed, the Goldwater-Moynihan measure 'comes too late to do anything about Mr. Casey. Having been confirmed, he can serve as long as the President wishes him to. And it's a bad principle anyway. A President should not be constrained in his choice for. the post by requirements that render it a bureau- cratic civil service job, especially as it deals with the highest levels of national security policy. Under . two professional directors, Richard' Helms and William Colby,.the CIA was greatly: plagued by problems. Under a nonprofessional. director, George Bush, its morale and good' standing were much restored. Mr. Goldwater and Mr. Moynihan mean well. The post of intelligence director is too important to be handed out to political buddies. But the. place to attend to that is in the confirmation: process. They should take a lesson from the experience of the FBI, which also suffered from: politicized directorship until Congress made it' clear that it would tolerate no such appointment again. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 Approved For Releasa666k1f ~tiA Fkb~W6@?6iRO 18 November 1984 - REAGAN WILL TAKE HIS TIME FILLING TOP-LEVEL VACANCIES BY HELEN THOMAS WASHINGTON President Reagan has no plans to shake up his ."winning team'' at the-start STAT of his second term and he says he will take his time about filling top-level vacancies Several names have cropped up in the bidding to replace Education Secretary Terrel Bell, who was the first Reagan cabinet official to resign since the president's landslide reelection victory. When Reagan was asked recently if he would replace Bell quickly, he replied: " I ' m going to take my time. " Education Department officials consider top contenders for the post to be William Bennett, 41, a conservative Democrat and chairman of the National Endowment for the Humanities, and John Silber, 58, president of Boston University since 1970. White House aides expect_Labor Secretary Raymond Donovan to leave the Cabinet early in the new term. Donovan, who has been indicted for grand larceny and fraud stemming from a New York City subway project, is currently on a leave of absence. The president intends to resubmit the nomination of counselor Edwin Meese to be-attorney general, replacing William French Smith who wants to return to private practice in California. Inevitably, those who supported the president in his re-election campaign will have top priority. The president also was expected to find a spot for Republican politicians who were defeated in the election. Sen. Charles Percy, R-Ill., chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, who was defeated in a re-election bid, was considered to be in line for an appointment, perhaps in the diplomatic field. UN Ambassador Jeane Kirkpatrick is itching to leave New York but her supporters are seeking to promote her to a White House.advisory position. The word around town is that she would like to be national security affairs adviser -- a job now held by Robert McFarlane. She. also reportedly would like to become secretary of state, but Reagan has assured George Shultz he wants him to remain in the Cabinet. Shultz and a number of top White House aides are not too favorably disposed to the brilliant, but-sharp-tongued Kirkpatrick. However, Reagan admires her. hardline advice, particularly on Central America. For that matter, Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger is said to covet the position of secretary of state. He and Shultz are at odds on a number of issues with Weinberger taking a much tougher approach toward negotiations with the Soviets. CAA Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 Y Approved For Release 200&A/1 q RiOPPIR0901 ROO i71T!C%r APEEA, ED Ott ME 9,5- --a U.S. May Adopt Tougher Stance On Nicaragua Managua Must Be Flexible In Talks Next Week, Administration Says By ROBERT S. GREENBERGER Staff Reporter of TirE W At,t. SirREI-.'r Jou..Nnt. WASHINGTON-A meeting next week between U.S. and Nicaraguan officials may offer Managua a last-ditch. opportunity to head off a rougher Reagan administration policy toward the leftist Sandinista re- gime. An administration official says the Nica- raguans asked that such a session be sched- uled quickly, in the wake of administration charges that Managua is building a massive arsenal designed to threaten its neighbors. The meeting would be the eighth in a series of bilateral talks`begun after Secretary of j State George Shultz's surprise visit to Mana- gua last June. It is scheduled to begin Mon- day in Manzanillo, Mexico. An administration official calls next week's session "the .most critical one we've had to date," and says the Nicaraguans must show more flexibility in these talks. He adds the Sandinistas must recognize both that they will have to deal with President Reagan for four more years, and that there is a consensus in Congress that the U.S. won't tolerate the presence of certain Soviet- supplied offensive weapons in Nicaragua. Last week, U.S. officials worried that a So- viet freighter might be unloading supersonic MiG-21 fighters in Nicaragua. The ship's cargo included weapons but not MiGs. The concern over the MiGs reflects a fierce olic debate currently un y wi in the administration -a dispute that is preventing any ns constructive reponse to anag a's __Rroposa~s_ Tfie moderates, mostly_ at the State Department, want to - keep negotiating with the Sandinistas toper- sade them to modify there~iavi2r,. agd stop supplying leftist guerrillas in El Salva- dor. However, hardliners at the Per tago11. Central Intelligence Agency and National Security Council fear that the Sandinistas freighters are on the way to Nicaragua with are usipK_n~otiations only to buy time and j additional arms shipments. An official said consolidate their rule. The hardliners are late yesterday that one of these ships has ar pushing unsuccessfully so tpugher policy. - --- that officials suspect it may be carrying arms and patrol boats. 16 November 1984 `Peace Scare' The policy debate intensified earlier this fall when, according to one official, a "peace scare broke out" among the hard- liners worried about a pre-election Reagan peace offer to Nicaragua. These officials were concerned that any negotiated settle- ment would obligate the U.S. to accept the Sandinistas, but allow Managua to cheat on the agreement. Fears intensified when Sec- retary Shultz announced he would travel to Panama in mid-October to attend the inau- guration of Panama's president. The hard- liners suspected that Mr. Shultz might make another surprise trip to Managua. The hardliners-such as CIA Director William Casey an staffer Constantine Men es- uched for a National Security Council meetin , whit was held Oct. 30, to t to convince Mr. Rea an o t e an ers of negotiating with- Managua. resident Reagan reiect d h arguments and told Mr, Shultz to continue the ne otiating~rocess_ Nevertheless, analysts say the moder- ates' victory may be only temporary and tactical. For example, the hardliners influenced the first formal offer presented by the U.S. to Managua during the current round of bilateral talks in Manzanillo, Mex- ico. In September, the U.S. told Nicaragua that it should send home Cuban and East- bloc military advisers in a phased with- drawal over a 90-day period. In exchange, the U.S. offered only to "take into consider- ation" these actions; the U.S. wouldn't com- mit to a reduced military presence in the re-, gion. Nicaraguan Objections This proposal, which was the product of a U.S. interagency group, "isn't a negotia- tion, it's a call for surrender," complains a senior Nicaraguan diplomat. According to the diplomat, the U.S. also asked Nicaragua to expel Salvadoran leftist guerrilla leaders and incorporate into their own political pro- cess U.S.-backed insurgents who are locked in a bitter battle with Managua. The hardliners, worried that time favors the Nicaraguans, are working to make sure that U.S. proposals are tough so that Wash- ington isn't lulled into negotiations with Managua. They say the Sandinistas already have consolidated their rule with elections held earlier this month. Citing an accelerat- ing arms buildup, they note that, for the first time, Moscow is shipping arms directly to Nicaragua, rather than through third countries. U.S. officials say several more Soviet The Reuters news service later reported STAT that a Soviet freighter docked there had be- gun unloading a cargo that included a num- ber of tractors and trucks. As a result, some U.S. officials have con- cluded it is time to broaden the policy objec- tive, from a concern about Nicaragua arm- ing leftist guerrillas in the region to moves preventing the consolidation of what they view as a totalitarian state in the hemi- sphere. In recent days, U.S. officials point- edly have made comparisons between Nica- ragua and Cuba. Last Sunday, on NBC's "Meet the Press," Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger said, "One Cuba is a big problem and a second Cuba would be twice that kind of problem." Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000400010002-4 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000400( !RTI'~l r . RED WASHINGTON POST 16 November 1984 Hill Urged to Probe Reports of Illegal CIA Activity in U.S. By Joanne Omang Washington Poet Staff Writer An arm of the American Civil Liberties Union called yesterday for Congress to probe charges that the Central Intelligence Agency conducted illegal operations inside the United States in an effort to influence U.S. policy in Central America. The Center for National St curity Studies said a probe by House and Senate intelligence commit- tees should focus on published interviews with Ed- gar Chamorro, an official of the Nicaraguan Dem- ocratic Front (FDN), the largest of several U.S.- backed groups of rebels fighting the leftist govern- ment of Nicaragua. Chamorro told The Washington Post and The New York Times that the CIA had instructed FDN leaders to misrepresent their policies in talking to members of Congress, in order to induce Congress to keep funding the rebel effort. CIA officers arranged flights to Washington for the rebels, briefed them on members of Congress and advised them on the best lobbying approaches, Chamorro said in the interviews. "If these reports are true, the administration's covert operation against Nicaragua ... has re- sulted in an egregious covert interference with our domestic political process," center director Morton H. Halperin said in letters to the committees. Sen. Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D-N.Y.), vice chairman of the Senate intelligence committee, wrote CIA Director William J. Casey last Friday asking whether.Chamorro's charges are true and, if so, which members of Congress were targeted for lobbying. A spokesman for the House Foreign Affairs Committee said yesterday that the issue would be included in hearings set for the first week in De- cember oil a CIA manual that advised the Ni- caraguan rebels on "selective use of violence" to "neutralize" political targets. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 ~',,; I ;;,.l,r :;;?; Lt;NApproved For Release 2 6 A 00901 00400010002-4 INTERNATIONAL -President Reagan Getting Conflicting vice 'About Foreign Policy, but Can He Choose? By DAVID IGNATIUS The bureaucracy is sharply divided on Staff Reporter of THE WALLSTREETJOURNAL this question. The Pentagon argues that WASHINGTON-After a year of drift the U.S. should stick to its current posi- and election sloganeering on foreign pol- tions until the Soviets offer concessions, icy, President Reagan faces tough choices while the State Department contends that that will determine the course of U.S. for- the U.S. should take the initiative in trying.1 eign relations during his second term. to break the logjam by giving the Soviets a The bureaucratic battle for the presi- detailed summary of what it hopes to ac- dent's soul already is under way, with the complish in so-called "umbrella talks" on State Department and the Pentagon offer- arms control. ing him sharply conflicting advice on ma- Some administration officials think that jor issues, from arms control to Central America. The basic debate is whether Mr. Reagan should try to be a peacemaker duri. g his second term, following through on his campaign rhetoric, or return to the more confrontational policies that charac- terized most of his first term. For the moment, Mr. Reagan seems to be leaning toward the non-confrontational State Department line. He began planning his second term foreign-policy strategy at a meeting this week with Secretar y of State George Shultz and National Security Adviser Robert McFarlane, who have been trying to push Mr. Reagan toward better relations with the Soviet Union. Mean- while, Pentagon hardliners continue to lobby behind the scenes against any soften- ing of U.S. positions. Painful Decisions Setting a firm course will be painful for Mr. Reagan, who dislikes having to resolve policy disputes among his advisers. In- deed, he denied last week that there were any serious internal differences within the administration on arms control, saying: "I don't know where all this talk came from." (The "talk" comes from the president's own senior aides, who discuss the conflicts among themselves and with reporters.) Some aides predict that Mr. Reagan. will stick with this approach during the second term-ignoring internal conflicts or denying that they exist and thus risking -Personnel changes. Many officials agree that to mobilize his administration during the second term, Mr. Reagan should change some members of his team. Some State Department officials think the president should drop Secretary of De- fense Caspar Weinberger and his hard-line aide, Richard Perle, to ensure a united front behind arms-control negotiations with the Soviets: Administration hawks, how- Mr. Reagan, despite his seeming tilt to- ever, would like to strengthen their band ward the- State -Department, has already by bringing Jeane Kirkpatrick, the outspo- backed the Pentagon on the most impor- ken ambassador to the Unitec Nations, into tant foreign-policy issue of the, second the White House. Various sE nior officials term: the Strategic Defense Initiative to ! would like to dump CIA Director William develop space-based defensive weapons. Casey By committing himself so strongly to this so-called Star Wars effort, some officials believe, Mr. Reagan may have lost any chance of winning reciprocal concessions from the Soviets on offensive nuclear weapons. -Central America. The administration can't seem to make up its mind about the basic issues: whether it will tolerate the presence of a pro-Soviet Nicaragua in Cen- tral America and, if not, how to change the situation. The State Department favors a combi- nation of m:htarv pressure and negotia- tions, arguing that this will moderate the behavior of the Sandinista government and stop it from meddling in the region: but hardliners at. the Pentagon and the Cen- tral Intelligence Agency don't trust the Sandinistas and urge military measures to suppress-and perhaps topple-the Sandin- istas now. before they become entrenched as another Cuba. These hawkish views, and the furor last week over the possibility, that the So- viet Union might have sent MiG fighters to Nicaragua, are partly a reflection of the sharp inter-agency battle over what to do muddled policy and continuing inter- about Central America. One of Mr, Rea- visers agree that if Mr. Reagan wants to leave a strong foreign-policy legacy, he will have to begin making hard choices soon. The key areas include: -Arms control. Mr. Reagan has said that reviving talks with the Soviet Union would be his top priority during the second term. But he hasn't yet made clear, to ei- ther the Soviets or his own administration, what specific new proposals he wants to put on the table. to fish or cut bait," that the U.S. must de- cide soon whether it wants a negotiated settlement with Nicaragua or a military solution. -Terrorism. The sides are reversed in this inter-agency squabble with a hawkish Air. Shultz favoring retaliation against ter- rorist groups and many Pentagon and CIA officials urging caution. But there is the same confusion over polic and a lack of clear gm dance from the president. But given Mr. Reagan's distaste for dig-' ;' ciplining his subordinates and his corres- ponding tolerance for disorder, the second term may have the same cast of charac- ters, and the same chronic infighting, as the first. Predicts one senior official who has been intimately involved in policy dis- putes: "My own feeling is that the presi- dent won't make any major changes. In the end, everybody will probably stay where they are." Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 Approved For Release 20017 ~1- ovem erR 4 CIA - NICARAGUA BY ROBERT PARRY WASHINGTON A senior Senate Democrat and a branch of the Ameri are calling for an investigation of the CIA's repor rebels on how to lobby members of Congress, an action an illegal domestic covert operation. In a letter to CIA Director William J. Casey, Se D-N.Y., vice chairman of the Intelligence Committee, of Congress "targeted" for lobbying and "the characteriz.U...... members." Moynihan said that "if substantially accurate, these charges reflect an invasion of the privacy of members of Congress and improper conduct about which the intelligence oversight committees of the Congress have to inquire." In coaching rebel leaders on dealing with Congress, one CIA officer reportedly described Rep. Geraldine Ferraro, D-N.Y., as "very, very liberal" and "impressionable on religious issues." The contents of Moynihan's letter, dated Nov. 9, were disclosed Thursday by a Senate aide, who spoke only on condition that he not be identified. Meanwhile, in letters to the oversight committees and the CIA, the ACLU's Center for National Security Studies said Thursday that the alleged coaching would violate President Reagan's 1981 executive order on intelligence activities and a law requiring that Congress be notified of "significant" CIA actions. The Reagan executive order bars the CIA from engaging in covert.activities "intended to influence United States political processes, public opinion, policies or media." CIA spokeswoman Kathy Pherson said the agency had no comment. The CIA already is under congressional investigation for its role in producing a manual that advises Nicaraguan rebels in the "selective use of violence" to "neutralize" officials of the leftist Sandinista government. According to one congressional source, House Intelligence Committee investigators began on Wednesday interviewing the mid-level CIA personnel who were disciplined by the spy agency in connection with the 90-page manual, entitled "Psychological Operations in Guerrilla War." Several of the six punished officials have refused to sign papers accepting the discipline, claiming they are being made "scapegoats" to protect senior CIA officials, sources within the Reagan administration and Congress said. Three of the officials were given letters of reprimand, two were suspended without pay and the manual's author, identified by the pseudonym John Kirkpatrick, was allowed to resign from his CIA contract. The letters from Moynihan and the ACLU center cited a Nov. 1 New York Times article based on an interview with Edgar Chamorro, propaganda chief for the CIA -backed Nicaraguan Democratic Force, known by its Spanish initials FDN. can ted th n. as ki Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 00,71'. ,.v APE~''edForReIeRfsg1 IqlAIRMP 91-00901R00 15 November 1984 Ord-liners gain grotm I By James McCartney Inquirer Washington Bureau WASHINGTON - The hawks in the Reagan administration who private- ly advocate military action against the Sandinista government in Nica- ragua have won the first round in the post-election battle for control of administration policy in Central -America, congressional sources say. Administration opponents on Capi- tol Hill are reading that message into a new round of bellicose statements and threats against Nicaragua by top administration officials. The congressional sources say the administration appears to be moving toward direct military action and is seeking to build public opinion to support it. Said one Democrat on the House- Foreign Affairs Committee staff: "The hard- liners are looking for a provocation to bring those who op- pose them into camp. They are trying to build a consensus for military action in an administration that has been divided." The premise of the Capitol Hill critics is that the furor over the threat of Soviet MiGs arriving in Nicaragua has been a carefully or- chestrated effort by those who favor military action to create an atmos. phere of crisis. These critics believe that the advo- cates of military action planted the election-night news leak that a Sovi- et cargo ship that might be carrying MiGs was on its way to Nicaragua. The idea, they say, was to focus pub- lic attention on Soviet supplies to Nicaragua and force the administra. tion to threaten a military response. The administration has quietly let it be known for more than two years that it would consider a military re- sponse if Soviet MiGs appeared in IVA" Laffii tttle over PORCY Nicaragua. But officials had kept the ; t -1 National Security Council staff at the Soviet cargo ship secret, evidently White House President Reagan's peaceful motiva- tions on the eve of the election in which he was campaigning as a peace candidate. As those on Capitol Hill see it, the plan to create a crisis succeeded, possibly beyond its proponents' wild- est dreams. The Nicaraguans themselves helped to contribute to a crisis at- moshpere by ordering a nationwide alert. And administration spokesmen felt compelled to acknowledge that U.S. air strikes were a possibility if MiGs were discovered. Theoretically, the crisis should have abated when it was determined that the Soviet ship was not carrying MiGs. But on Tuesday, Pentagon spokes- man Michael Burch changed the ground rules for possible American military action. He said a U.S. mili- tary response might be necessary if Nicaragua attacked its neighbors, and he suggested that might well be what-it was planning to do. Burch also suggested that the Unit- ed States might have to destroy Sovi- et-made helicopters that could be used against U.S.-supported insur- gents, known as contras, who are attempting to unseat the Sandinista - regime with military force. Few observers were surprised that this new rationale for possible Amer- ican military intervention came from the Pentagon. Several top civil- ian officials at the Pentagon are among the most ardent advocates of force to unseat the Sandinistas. - Well-informed administration offi- cials say these advocates include Fred e, undersecretarv of de- fense for policy, who has strong al- lies among is immediate at es as well as in CIA Director William J. Case and Constantine Menges a for- per to official who is now on the The split on central American poli- cy in the administration has been between this group and a tough, but more moderate group centered in the State Department. The difference in the views of the two groups was described some months ago by a high-ranking ad- ministration official who spoke on condition he not be quoted by name. "I am quite confident that there are people in the government who believe that the day after the elec- tion we ought to clean up the matter in Nicaragua ... to eradicate the can- cer of communism in the region ... with a major military operation," the official said. He identified Ikle, Casey an Menges as among members of this group. Members of this faction, he said, hold the view that the Sandinistas are Marxist-Leninists who are com- mitted philosophically to the propo- sition that the communist revolution must be exported to other countries. "As these people see it," the official said, "you can't solve the problem in Central America without rerpoving the Sandinistas. ... You must go to the source. ... That doesn't' mean Cuba, it means Nicaragua." He said the other major faction in the government has been led by Sec- retary of State George P. Shult?, with National Security Adviser Robert C. McFarlane as an ally. The official said this faction, al-' though not ruling out military ac- tion as an eventual option, believes essentially that the Sandinistas might be contained by methods short of military action. Reagan, the official said, has not sided clearly with either group. But administration critics on Capi- tol Hill say the battle for Reagan': support now is under way. J.. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000400010002-4 Approved For Release 2006/01/17: CIA-RDP91-00901R00 ARED CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR 15 November 1984 US power struggle over Nicaragua A S President Reagan prepares his second-term agenda, diplomatic, congressional, and other ex- ex- perts in Washington see a struggle going on within the administration over future policy in Central America. In particular, they voice concern over "right-wing" pressures on the President from within his own adminis- tration to move forcefully against the Sandinistas. According to one high-ranking Reagan administration official, these right-wing "hawks" now are greatly exag- gerating the offensive nature of the weapons the Nicara- guans have received from the Soviets in an attempt to push Congress into restoring US aid to the anti- Sandinista contra rebels. "The right-wing network in the administration," this official says, "wants to take advantage of the MIG scare to obtain a reformulation of US government policy along much harder lines." The official specified as members of this "network": Weinberger; UN ambassador Jean Kirkpatrick: Under- secre tary of Defense Fred Ikld; Ides assistant Nestor Sanchez; and, in the National Security Council, Latin scan director onstantine Menges and-O_I'iver~To -~fate`I3egartznent an iie-I-Iouse officials emphati- cally deny that the US has any plans to invade Nicara- gua. But the administration has kept up its pressure against the Sandinistas. After the alarms over the possi- ble introduction of Soviet MIG jet aircraft into Nicaragua proved unfounded, American officials have continued to express concern about the Nicaraguan military buildup. The Pentagon this week said there was some "circum- stantial evidence" indicate Nicaragua may be planning to attack El Salvador or Honduras. And administration hard-liners have expressed especial concern about w at TS mtef ijece estimates say is a s scan up rda nin the quality of Soviet arms shipments to the Sandinistas over the last But the high-ranking administration official placed this upgrading in the context of increased US military and economic pressure on Nicaragua. The current efforts to portray the East bloc arms coming into Nicaragua as offensive weapons, this official contends, are distor- tions intended to spur Congress not only to renew aid to the Honduras-based contras but also to boost it to a volume much greater than anything the US has given before. "If the 'network' can persuade the American people that the Soviets are flooding Nicaragua with offensive weap- ons, they might swing things- in Con- gress," he says. The hard-liners had hoped, he says, that the MIGs would do this; but when there turned out to be no MIGs, they de- would use helicopters" - even, he adds, if they were clearly helicopters that the Nicaraguans intended to use against the contras attacking them. What the US adminstration hawks are trying to do now, this senior official says, is to "persuade the American people that everything is a MIG. They want to make them believe that helicopters with 210- mile ranges and the triple A batteries ring- ing the Managua airport are offensive weapons." The official also charges that the US hawks have been effectively sabotaging the ongoing talks in Mexico between President Reagan's special envoy to Cen- tral America, Harry Shlaudeman, and Nicaragua's Vice-Minister of.Foreign Af- fairs, Victor Hugo Tinoco. These talks got under way following Secretary of State George Shultz's surprise visit to Nicara- gua in June. "Shlaudeman has never been given the kind of negotiating instructions which would make serious negotiations possi- ble," this official declares. The adminis- tration hawks "have been keeping him on a short leash." The official also states that the main advocate of a more moderate stance within the administration is Secretary of State Shultz. At times, the official adds, Shultz has had the active support of Na- tional Security Council adviser Robert McFarlane. However, he says, McFarlane was basically not too inter- ested in Central America, and all too often left matters to his assistants, Menges and North. In the words of a congressional staff aide, "the problem is that the State De- partment talks one way but the right-wing people in the administration do something else. The indications are that the hard-lin- ers in Nicaragua and the hard-liners in the adminis. tration are feeding on each other, and the President is fairly disengaged. And the conservatives will not ac- cept any solution with Nicaragua that entails the continued existence of the Sandinista government." Most US experts tend to doubt that the Sandinista leaders really Cu itI...2 j cided that "if M *P I5ta'006/01/17 : CIA-KD '6'1 V&1 P IO4 )10002-4 Approved For Release 2006/01/17: CIA-RDP91-00901R0 l '7k 1 p ' weaken LTA hand' By Dimitri K. Simes THE pressure from rightist ideologues is mounting to appoint Jeane Kirkpatrick national security ad-. viser. This is a remarkably bad idea regardless of the foreign policy strategy that'Ronald Reagan wants to pursue. And he is on the record as having assured the elector- ate that during his second term he would seek to improve the United States-Soviet Union relationship something that his United Nations ambassador has made a career of opposing. The President is a man of broad strategic vision who is not known for attention to detail. Accordingly, the com- position of his team is of particular importance. At this point, there are two somewhat loose eoalitions competing for Mr. Reagan's soul. One consists of tough-minded pragmatists and includes Secretary of State George Shulz,- National Security Adviser Robert McFarlane, Commerce Secretary Malcolm Baldrige, and White House Chief of Staff James Baker. Not one of them is a detentist. None harbor illusions regarding the Kremlin's policies and intentions. None advocate unilateral conces- sions for the purpose of cajoling Moscow into civilized behavior. But they and particularly their exceptionally compe- tent and able lieutenants - Richard Burt at State, Lionel Olmer at Commerce, Richard Darman in the White House, and Jack Matlock on the National Security Coun- cil staff - know that the Soviet regime is not about to collapse and there is no alternative to dealing with it. Disregarding diplomacy would not only make the super- . power rivalry needlessly emotional and explosive, it also would create a risk of alienating America's allies and po- larizing domestic opinion. Only the Soviet Politburo would benefit from that. On the other side are Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger, CIA Director William Casey, and Mrs. Kirk- atjck. Their attitude toward Communist Russia is openly confrontational. Negotiations with the "focus of evil" are feared on grounds the Soviets would participate only to lull the West into a false sense of security. Cooperation with the USSR in that view represents a de- plorable appeasement Where does Mr. Reagan stand? During his first term he refused to choose. between the two sides. There was enough peaceful rhetoric and negotiating flexibility to keep the allies and the American public in line. But not enough was offered to the Politburo to encourage any ac- commodation. Diplomatic accomplishments were absent, but so were disasters.. .... tiQr~~l secure adv~s~rs would CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR 15 November 1984 Meanwhile, US power and self-confidence were being rebuilt. The Soviet Union was going through a period of external and domestic troubles. The administration could make a credible case that the situation in the US- Soviet relationship was not all that bad. Replace Mn McFarlane with Mrs. Kirkpatrick and chances are that ideology will prevail over pragmatism, The United States; national security formulation process, if dominated by anti- Soviet purists, will preclude the development of negotiable arms control positions. zeal over prudence, simplistic cliches over an apprecia- tion of complexity. Forget then about the second term be- coming a period of opportunity to achieve some modus vivendi with Moscow The United States national security formulation pro- cess, if dominated by anti-Soviet purists, will preclude the development of negotiable arms control positions. The Kremlin will be bound to interpret the appointment as evidence that nothing can be accomplished with Mr. Reagan. That -would discourage the Soviets from bar- is gaining in good faith. Some of the President's supporters would only be pleased if nothing comes out of talking to Konstantin Chernenko 'and his associates. And a case can be made that the nation can survive without a trivial pursuit of marginal limits on two huge nuclear arsenals. The trou- ble is that - notwithstanding the Soviets' angry re- sponse - there is also likely to be a backlash in Western Europe and in the United States itself. The West Europeans by and large have welcomed Reagan's reelection, but they are not comforted by a rise in superpower tension. Credible negotiating.strategy to- ward the Kremlin-is a prerequisite for the alliance management. The right wing has contempt for the West Euro-_ pean preoccupatiop with talking to the Russians. . But that is beyond the point. NATO is a coalition of democratic societies with their own interests, traditions, and policy styles. To ignore them would be to 'invite a. painful family dispute undermining Western cohesion, vis-a-vis the Soviet Union. That much we should have' learned from the .fiasco over efforts to twist European arms in the dispute over the Siberian natural gas pipeline. . C~; iiii:.-:.. L Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 . ~.. a ~. ~. ?,.E._ -". ARTICT.,'" ppftEamyed For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 C?" PAGE WASHINGTON T1 IES 14 November 1984 de1ght, perhaps William J. Casey, Director, Central Intelligence Agency- I came across something rather unexpect- edly the other day and I thought I'd pass it along to you. I would think you might want to round-table it, perhaps, because by now I'm sure the same thought must have occurred to others who won- der what really goes on at the White House, particularly in the Oval Office. My interest in Oval Office proceedings was J stirred up once again a few weeks back when I was told through words and pictures that As of the moment, I have no idea what was said, although a transcript of the conversation would make fascinating reading and assist' me - and others -toward a greater under- standing of world affairs, Mr. Reagan and Mr. Similar meetings between presidents and various heads-of-state do not become a part of Of course, you may have been at the very meeting I refer to. But even you, I would think, Office before you arrived and after you left. Now, and I hope I have not taken too much of lication felt about.Mr. Reagan's recent victory; and what it really meant. Time is always anx- ious to let me in on everything - except, of course, precisely what was .said at the Gromyko-Reagan meeting. - Well, I had digested enough material and was flipping along at the back of the magzine in search of something on the lighter side. In the "Living" section, 'I came across a piece about a Swedish ivy plant which rests on the marble mantlepiece in the Oval Office. The thing - it is replaced from time to time with a similar model - has been there since 1961 in the same spot. The location of the plant would, I think, be of interest to you. It rests just above and between the two chairs the President and the visiting dignitary use to sit down and talk, or whisper, or mumble, or whatever it is they do. Says Time: "No other (plant) in history has been more photographed, more glimpsed in person by the world's high and mighty, more privy ... to the portentous intimacies of world politics, than a certain Swedish ivy . . . that dwells deep inside the Executive Mansion." printed and there was the ivy plant right above Sadat, Golda Meir, Yitzhak Rabin, Josen Broz nand Marcos, the Sultan of Oman, Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq, Menachem Begin, King Fahd, Omar 'Ibrrijos, Hosni Mubarak, Margaret Thatcher, Yasuhiro Nakasone, Shimon Peres and our old What really caught my eye was a picture of the plant itself. It is?delightful.lyhealthy and, thick - sort of bushy. It holds up well, I learned, even with a fire in the fireplace below. ;I probably read too many spy novels and, together with that unfortunate habit and my aching desire to know what goes on in the Oval was a marvelous spot to plant a - well, a listen- ....I could think of no one other than you to get the job done. I certainly can't get in there. Since I admire the CIA most of the time, and just to be helpful, I thought I'd pass my obser- Of course, you might want to check to see if a bug isn't in there already. Oh. It's the Time with Mr. Reagan's picture on the cover. .Good luck. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 ------ 1 Approved For Release 20PYR1 /17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 12 November 1984 Letter to Capitol Hill CIA Director Casey defends his agency's controversial primer A fter an 89-page CIA manual that in- structed rebels in Nicaragua on ter- rorist tactics surfaced last month, the White House promised that any official in- volved in its development or approval would be dismissed. But in a letter to mem- bers of the House and Senate Intelligence committees that was made public last sc a mers, the manual week. CIA Director William Casey insisted again raised questions about whether that the thrust of the manual had been Washington's support for the contras was misinterpreted, and he attempted to justify 1 designed merely to put pressure on the its overall purpose. "The emphasis is on 1 education," Casey wrote, "not on turning a Nicaraguan government to stop its sup- town into a battlefield." port of the Salvadoran rebels, as the The CIA manual violated the spirit of Administration claims, or to overthrow U.S. policy by advocating that the contras the Nicaraguan government, as critics " A misunderstanding arose, he said, when the word remove was translated as "neu- tralize" in the Spanish version. Asked how a person is removed from office with- out violence, Reagan said, "You just say to the fellow that's sitting there in the of- Contra leaders admit their guerrillas had been guilty of abuses and atrocities. Edgar Chamorro, a contra director now living in Key Biscayne, Fla., says one reb- el field commander, known as El Suicidio, led his troops on a rampage in the spring of 1983. murdering peasants and raping women. Chamorro said last week that contra leaders arrested El Suicidio and some of his men last year and executed them after a court-martial. Chamorro, however, denied that the main purpose of the manual was to help the contras discipline themselves. He claims that he was recruited in 1982 by CIA agents who promised a new regime in Managua "within a year." A Harvard graduate and onetime Jesuit priest, Cha- morro was selected by the CIA to act as his rebel group's chief spokesman and was paid a $2,000-a-month salary to help inh- should neutralize" local officials of the leftist Sandinista regime in Nicaragua. Casey. however, explained that the pas- sage, along with one that advocated "shooting" informers, should be consid- Casey: "The emphasis is on education" ered in. context. "It is important to note," his letter read, "that these passages are in the context of occupying a community and dealing with a situation in which ac- tual or potential resistance remains." President Reagan, campaigning Sat- urday at John Wayne's birthplace in Win- terset. Iowa, took the Administration de- fense one step further. Said he: "I think you're going to find that it was all a great big scare and that there was nothing in that manual that had anything to do with assassinations or anything of that kind." plied documents state that the aim of the Chamorro, who isrnow at odds with contras "is the development of a demo- other contra leaders still operating out of cratic and pluralistic government in Nic- 1 Honduras, complains bitterly that the CIA aragua." Countered Republican Senator provided war-worn AK-47s' and leaky Charles Mathias Jr. of Maryland: "The wooden punts so ancient the contras nick- policy implied is the overthrow of an es- named them the "Phoenician navy." tablished government." Chamorro felt not only shortchanged but The Intelligence committees of the oppressively dominated by the American Senate and House have been waiting for operatives. "Their insatiable appetite for the CIA inspector general's internal inves- control," he stated, "has almost brought tigation of the manual, which was ordered this movement to the brink of disaster." by Reagan Oct. 18. The White House an- American operatives in the region nounced last week that the agency's in- were as susceptible to corruption as rebel quiry had been completed and sent to the officers, one contra leader told TIME last President's Intelligence Oversight Board week. Some CIA agents were buying boots for review, but officials would not say for the contras at $13 a pair and invoicing when it might be submitted to Congress. them at $26. When an Argentine officer California Democrat Norman Mine- involved in training the contras attempted ta, a member of the House Intelligence to smuggle evidence of such markups out Committee, complained that the CIA of Honduras, he was stopped at U.S. cus- ld wou not allow his group to question the man believed to be the author of the man- ual, who was described by the Adminis- tration as a "low-level" operative on con- tract to the CIA. "We know who he is, and the CIA knows where he is," said Mineta, who maintains that the agent is still em- ployed by the CIA. R epublican Malcolm Wallop of Wyo- ming, one of the few Senators to have studied the manual in detail, came to the CIA's defense. He explained that the docu- ment had been drafted as part of a larger effort to curb indiscriminate killings among some rebel factions. Indeed, parts of the manual dwell on improving the contras' relationship with Nicaraguan peasants, stressing peaceful persuasion over violence. . cspite Inc di l i removed from his baggage. More omi- nously, according to contras and State De- partment officials, two chief CIA opera- tives in Honduras were fired earlier this year after they were belatedly discovered to be Cuban agents. The counterspies, both Cuban Americans, had once worked for the CIA (one was in the team that t 011VT NT=r _- Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 J \ tracked down Che Guevara in Bolivia). Two intelligence sources vehemently de- nied the charge and said that though there were changes in key operatives, the purpose was to install more experienced CIA employees. Nevertheless, such revelations sharp- ened the dispute about Administration policy. Critics maintain that rifts over the contras have deepened within the intelli- gence community. "Some of the best peo- ple in the CIA stepped back and said it [the covert aid] is just not going to work," says a member of the Senate Intelligence Com- mittee, Democrat Patrick Leahy of Ver- mont. Citing the agency's failure to halt the arms flow, reform the Sandinistas, or remove them from power, the Senator concluded: "You suddenly realize that we've got a multimillion-dollar covert ac- tion down there and every single objective is unattainable." -ByAlessandra Stanley. Reported by Martin Casey/Miami and Ross H. Munro/Washington Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 141 pproved For. Release 2006/01/17 :'CIA-RDP91-00901R000 NEW YORK TIMES 12 November 1984 ABROAD AT HOME Anthony Lewis The Buck Doesn't Stop -BOSTON secret agency that carries out war, murder and sabotage on the or- ~Qders of the President is funda- mentally incompatible with a republi- can system of government. So we are forced to conclude when we see how, the system has dealt with the disclo- sure that the C.I.A. prepared a terror- ist manual for Nicaraguan rebels. After the outcry nine years ago over C.I.A. assassination plots - the Rockefeller Commission report, the Church. committee hearings - a series of safeguards was created to prevent such abuses. Internal checks in the agency itself were strength- ened. The President issued an execu- tive order specifically forbidding as- sassinations. House and Seriate intel- ligence committees were established as watchdogs. All those mechanisms have labored in the affair of the Nicaragua manual, but what have they accomplished? The end result is that -American officials who counseled murder have been tapped gently on the wrist. And there is no real check on the dirty business of American-sponsored terrorism. We have been shown conclusively that the basic principle of republican government - the principle of ac- countability - does not apply to the underside of our government. There is no effective way to pin down re- sponsibility for a polity of terror that belies 'our premises. as a people. The story of the instruction book for the contras would be comic if it were not so serious. For it has produced a series of po-faced men affirming sol- emnly -that the moon is made of Camembert and that they would never think of harming a hair on the head they were trying to chop off. That we in the press and the public expressed shock at the manual was it- self ironic. After all, the contras have been carrying out murders and kid- nappings for a long time now. And it is no secret that they were financed, trained, organized by the C.I.A. Everything that followed reflected this underlying incongruity. All those in the supposed system for preventing C.I.A. abuses deplored the idea of murder while winking at the reality that murder is inherent in the C.I.A.'s Nicaraguan operations. And so there was a series of charades. The Director of Central Intelli- gence, William Casey, is known to all as an enthusiast for covert operations in general and the contra operations in Nicaragua in particular. But he could hardly come out openly as an advocate of murder. So he wrote a let- ter to Congress saying the terrorist manual was really intended to make the .contras persuasive.'in "face-to- face communication." President Reagan before the election spoke sternly about the manual, saying in his second debate with Walter Mon- dale that those who put it out "will be removed." But on the day after the election the President said the manu- al's passage urging Nicaraguans to "neutralize" Sandinista officials was not after all a call for murder. What.was really meant by."neutral- ize," Mr. Reagan said, was this: "You just say to the fellow who's sitting i there in the office, 'You're not in the of. fice anymore.' " When I read that, I wondered whether any of the reporters at the Reagan press conference was rude enough to laugh out laud. _ Then the C.I.A.'s inspector-general found that the author of"-the Tanual had not been aware of Mr. Reagan's 1981 executive order against assassina- tions, and that senior officials had ap- proved it without paying close atten- tion because they were busy. So he recommended that a few officials be lightly punished. The President agreed. That tap on the wrist outraged Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, vice'chairman of the Senate Intelli- gence Committee. He called the in- spector general's report "appalling,` saying it denied that the manual counseled murder "when of course that is exactly what they meant. Senator Moynihan's outrage was im- pressive, but alas it was flawed. For he was a key figure at one stage last year in persuading the Senate to vote more money for the contras. He accepted as- surance from President Reagan that there was no intention of trying to over- throw the Nicaraguan Government - assurances that mocked reality. We have an ultimate safeguard in our democracy, but that one too has ceased to function here. The courts are supposed to keep officials inside, the limits of law. But the current Su- preme Court has signaled that C.I.A. operations are too sensitive to be monitored by judges.. The result is that a country of laws, not men, has a secret government be- yond the law. The C.I.A. is not a rogue elephant, as some used to say. It is an instrument of the President, with all the dangers of unaccountable power. ^ . Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 STAT Approved For Release 2006/01/17: CIA-RDP91-00901R00040 NEW YORK j6 12 November 1984 I N T E L L I C E N C E R Top Reagan. Officials Mulled P.R. Value of Korean Air Crash JUST HOURS AFTER THE downing of Korean Air Lines Flight 007, ad- ministration officials are said to have discussed "ex- ploiting" the incident against the Soviet Union- even though it wasn't known then if the plane was destroyed deliberately. According to an intelli- gence source, Secretary of Stale eorge Shultz; Law- rence Ea~leburger, then un- ersedcreta, for political of-_ aid rs; Richard Burt, then State's political-military di- rector, CIA chief William Casey; National Security ,adviser William Clark: and presidential counselor Ed lie ese decided in a video conference that the incident could be used to quell Euro- pean opposition to Pershing missiles. Shortly after that discus- sion is supposed to have tak- en place, Eugene Carroll, a retired rear admiral who is deputy director of the pri- vate Center for Defense In- formation, was with Burt and Malcolm Toon, the former ambassador to Mos- cow. "They were saying, 'We've got 'em.' Burt's posi- tion was that we were going to extract our measure of value out of the thing," Car- roll told New York. "We didn't know then, and we still don't know, whether the Soviets knew it was a civil- ian airliner, but there was this predisposition to look for buttons to push and levers to pull, to back up the thesis of an evil empire." A State Department spokesman had no com- ment for the record. But a source close to Burt denied any desire at the depart- ment to exploit the crash. There had been talk of con- tacting U.S. embassies in Europe to gauge "if there had been any reaction over there," the source said, but even that was nixed, "be- cause it was thought. it would be unseemly." The source said he per- sonally knew of only one other similar discussion: "There was a White House meeting at which someone in this administration from the right-wing side wanted to get a P.R. guy in to mount a Madison Avenue-style campaign," he explained. "F-ic was courteously lis- tened to, but the idea disap- peared without a trace." Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 F~ tTI"L PEARED ,."'J ~ti?.~ r.n^- CHICAGO TRIBUNE 11 November 1984 By Raymond Coffey and Storer Rowley ! Reagan asked in the ramous Hollywood movie line' that he adopted as the title of his autobiography. Reagan said it in the film "Ki ' R " ng s ow as he awakened after having both legs amputated. "Where's he leading the rest of us? amputated. is the question now as Reagan heads for a second term in the White House on the strength of one of the greatest political victories in American history. The answer from the' White House is that there will be no change in the conservative course. .And, at least in the beginning, there won't be any major change in the cast of lean rig' players in the administration, White House officials say. Politically, Reagan became a lame duck the minute his triumph was sealed Tuesday. He cannot run again, and that always diminishes a president's political clout. BUT IN CONGRESS and elsewhere, politicians and special interests will have t be i o m ndful, at least in the early going of the second term, of the powerful vote of confidence that House Reagan won last week and the influence that gives him in the public-opinion arena. Reagan, at 73 already the oldest president, saw his re- election not as an ending but as a beginning. "Tonight'is the end of nothing," he said Tuesday. "It's the beginning of everything. His top priority in the new term, he said, "of course, is peace--disarmament and the reduction in the world of nuclear weapons." That would represent at least some shift of emphasis from the first term, when Reagan concentrated on cutting taxes, slashing spending on federal programs and embarking on a massively expensive military build-up. On the domestic front, Reagan said he would pursue again what he calls the "prairie fire" of his conservative "revolu- tion." The "passion of the fire that we kept burning for two decades doesn't die just because four years have passed," he said. HE STILL THINKS that expanded economic growth can in a large way help cure the staggering federal deficit created under his administration. Reagan also will seek "further reductions in federal spending," according to James Baker, White House chief of staff. But in the view of most officials, there is not much left to be cut that could put a real dent in the deficit. The President insists that he will not raise taxes but will push for a simplification of tax laws-a process that could, again in the view of many doubters, end up being a tax increase even if it isn't called one. As for staffing in a second term, Baker said Reagan does "not want to breakup a win- ning team." Baker said that Reagan thinks "most of the people want to stay." But on Thursday, Education Secretary Terrel Bell became the first Cabinet member to decline a second term, announcing he will resign Dec. 31. He cited " personal reasons" and his financial future. Bell said he will return to his home in Salt Lake City to become an education professor AND SOME TOP White House officials, starting with Baker himself, and some Cabinet members and other leading players, such as United Nations Ambassador Jeane Kirkpatrick, are known to be restless and talking about leaving the administration or switching jobs. Baker and other White House officials say they don't expect any top-level exodus to begin for at least-the first few months ofthe second term. -However, Agriculture Secretary John Block, an Illinois farmer, is among those expected to depart. Samuel-Pierce, secretary of the Department of Housing and Urban Develop- ment, also may be moving on. Pierce has been almost invisible in the first term, to the point that Reagan once MARGARET HECKLER. secretary of the massive De- Fartment of Health and Human Services, has been difficult or many in the administration to work with, a White House official said, and it is unclear whether she will stay. At the top of the Cabinet, Secretary of State George Shultz definitely wants to keep his job, according to'a senior House official, and Treasury Secretary Donald Regan is expected to stay on at least through the tax simplification struggle. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 Approved For Release 2006/01/17: CIA-RDP91-00901R0004 ,R PPEARED 777 -7 r -Joseph Kraft WASHINGTON POST 11 November 1984 ' i the Russians Reagan said about the Russians on the morrow of his landslide. The day before he listed as the first priority for a second administration, "peace, disarmament." But are the Russians ready to deal? 'And if they are, is the Reagan administration equipped to take "yes" for an answer? The communist world now presents a specta- cle of multifold confusion. In Moscow, signs of pushing and shoving among leaders show through the blanket of party unity. General Sec- retary Konst: ntin Chernenko has recovered from a period of illness and is now moving to assert his primacy. He has been holding open the door for an accord with this country on any one of several areas of arms control. Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko has been less forthcoming, though not entirely negative. His supposed ally, Defense Minister Dmitri Us- tinov, missed the celebration of the Bolshevik Revolution in Moscow Wednesday-apparently because of an illness, which is serious. The sec- ond secretary and heir apparent to Chernenko, Mikhail Gorbachev, has been bouncing around in leaderhip lineups, and is plainly vulnerable. .His chief rival, the Leningrad boss Grigory Romanov, is thought to favor toughing it out against the United States, He seems to be in alliance with Nikolai Ogarkov, _the former chief of staff who was recently dismissed, perhaps to close off the possibility of his succeeding Usti- nov as defense minister. A gauge of the trouble is that many coun-. tries that rely on Russia are now looking for side deals. The North Koreans are talking about talking to the Japanese and South Ko- reans. Vietnam gives signs of coming to terms with China. The leaders of Angola hint at ex- pelling a contingent of Cuban soldiers if South Africa comes to terms. The East Germans are making eyes at the West Germans. The guerrillas in El Salvador have opened talks with the government. The Sandinista regime in Nicaragua accepted the peace terms proffered by the Contadora coun- tries, Mexico, Panama, Colombia and Venezuela. So the correlation of forces, as the Russians like to put it, is favorable. Reagan is right in thinking Moscow has an incentive for coming to terms. But elaborate Soviet suspicion-and a habit of exploring every overture as a weak- ness make cutting a deal with Moscow very hard. So there arises the question of whether the Reagan administration is up to the task. One problem is that highly placed members of the administration--for good or bad reasons= oppose an arms control accord, or have other pri- o i r ties A current i . case points th telligence operation of -iqypq ragua. As part of that operation, there have been regular overflights of Nicaraguan territory. The natural response of the Sandinistas is to ask the Soviets for air support in the form of MIG fight- ers. The Soviets have a tough time refusing. So if the president wants to head off a crisis in Nicara- gua that would spoil deals with Moscow, he has to check the zealots in the CLA. Another kind of problem arises from per- sonal rivalries inside the administration. Last week, for example, saw the floating of a story about possible appointment of a czar to deal with all arms control questions for the presi- dent. Presumably the purpose of the leak was to show that Reagan's commitment extended to the point of reining in such skeptics as De- fense Secretary Caspar Weinberger and the CIA boss, William Casey. But the leak came from James Baker, the White House chief of staff, who is himself looking for a new job in the second Reagan administration, Among those said to be under consideration for the post of czar, Baker mentioned the president's national security adviser, Robert McFarlane. The end result is that Weinberger and Casey dig in, McFarlane's role is confused, and Baker looks as though he's trying to get McFarlane's job. Then there is the president's own sense of the realities. He has repeatedly evinced a less than complete grasp of arms-control. A good instance. lies in the "Star Wars" project for a defense against nuclear weapons. A feint in that direction may be necessary for the pur- poses of a trade with Moscow. But if Reagan goes all-out for such a defense-as he fre- quently seems to be doing-then he will queer any deal, by forcing the Russians to move in the same direction. Thus-there are banana peels aplenty between wanting to do a deal and actually bringing it off, Only the president himself can clear the way. And to open the path, a first step might well be personal contact at the summit level. But further steps entail according absolute confidence to some advisers over others. Specifically Reagan will have to give the nod to Secretary of State George Shultz and McFarlane. He will have to turn a deaf ear to such close associates as Wein- berger and Casey. Unfortunately, that is the kind of choice Rea- gan finds distasteful. He has never made it be- fore,. and he cannot delegate it. At his post- electoral news conference Wednesday, he even asserted that "we don't have a conflict within the administration" on arms control. So to seize the moment that beckons on arms con- trol, the president will have to develop a much sharper sense of the realities I d n eed hill ,e w ase 2nd6gid fYfr~ 'glI4i ?' . fs(MigO ON400010002-4 1931, sAngelesTlmesSyndlcate ARTICLE APPEoved For Release ON PAGEM 6LtWMY4A-RDP91-00901 R00040001 10 November 1984 Second term, second team? When President Nixon won re-election in 1972 he fired, in effect, his entire cabinet. He demanded everybody's res- ignation before reinstating -the members he liked. President Reagan's re-election heralds nothing as dramatic. Practically all the senior members of the administra- tion are ready to soldier on. And Mr Reagan, whose loyalty to colleagues sometimes seems excessive, is not about to remove them. Only at the bottom of the cabinet are fast departures likely.' Legal troubles facing Mr Raymond Donovan, the la- bour secretary, may ensure his removal, which was half accomplished some weeks ago when he took leave of absence to answer criminal charges. Among others who may depart are Mrs Margaret Heck- ler (health), who has irritated White House insiders, and Mr Samuel Pierce (housing and urban development), a black lawyer who has been criticised as lightweight. There is a question too about the future of Mr John Block at agriculture. Cabinet officials higher up seem to have dug themselves in. Mr William Casev at the. Central intel- ligence Agency is vulnerable, but that is' habitual with him. The president's ex- traordinary ML gjt g K,tto Eel rid of old friends should shield Mr Casey from criticism much.o it from con ress, over his st le of lead ers i an a enc s activities in Central America. The stay- put sentiment extends to Mr ames Bak- er, the sensible. and efficient White House chief of staff, who has been vowing for at least a year to give up his exhausting job as soon as his boss was re- elected. Moderate Republicans who worry about Mr Reagan drifting into deeper conservatism in a second term should be pleased that Mr Baker appears ready to forget his pledge for a time in the interests of overseeing a new Reagan legislative programme. There is no sign that the president has reconsidered his choice of Mr Edwin Meese as attorney-general, despite the reluctance of the last congress to confirm him. Mr Meese's likely renomination suggests that the so-called "sleaze fac- tor"-the question-mark over personal financial practice that came to settle on Mr Meese and quite a few other Reagan appointees-will .not particularly bother the president from now on. Curiously, the lack of movement at the top of the administration serves to intensify the rumours of change. Interest centres on the future of the most promi- nent players: Mr George Shultz, the secretary of state, and Mr Caspar Wein- berger at the defence department. Mr Shultz's untheatrical stability has not yet landed him the foreign-policy triumph he is said to long for. He intends to plod towards this elusive goal. He is aware, meanwhile, that Mr Weinberger, look- ing for a change after his years of pro- moting the Reagan arms build-up, would like his job. This delicate rivalry is complicated by the ambitions of Mrs Jeane Kirkpatrick, the hawkish ambassador to the United Nations. She wants to leave her relative- ly uninfluential job. The conservative lobby which supports her would ideally like to see her at the state department or at the White House as national security adviser. Her advance seems unlikely- and not merely because neither Mr Shultz nor Mr Robert McFarlane, the present unassuming national security ad- viser, appears ready to move. Mr Rea- gan's White House aides, doubtful about the ability of the opinionated Mrs Kirk- patrick to hit it off with congress, would still like to keep her at arm's length even if they cannot keep her as far away as New York. Neither Mr Shultz nor Mr Weinberger has mastered the complex tactical logic of arms control. They tend to rely on assistant secretaries: on Mr Richard Burt, the head of European affairs at the state department, and Mr Richard Perle, the redoubtable nuclear pointman at the Pentagon. In what Washington calls the battle of the two Richards, Mr Burt is clearly more willing to be flexible with the Russians than is Mr Perle, who'-has come to be regarded, perhaps too sim- ply, as anti-arms control. An unmistak- able sign of Mr Reagan's intent to deal with the Russians would be the early departure of Mr Perle, which is far from certain. Another indication of the presi- dent's frame of mind would be the ap- pointment of an arms-control "czar" to break the negotiating deadlock. The name of Mr Brent Scowcroft, who dealt with arms control under Presidents Ford and Carter, is often mentioned.- On the economic front, Mr Donald Regan is currently immersing himself so deeply in tax reform that everybody believes he has the president's consent to stay at the treasury. Mr Regan is no financial mastermind but he has encour- aged, through thick and thin, the presi- dent's refusal to increase income taxes as a means of reducing the federal- deficit. He has further ingratiated himself by outdoing all other cabinet officers as a fund-raiser for the Reagan re-election campaign. If there is any surprise on the economic side it is that the official who shoulders the administration's most thankless task, Mr David Stockman, the sharp-minded budget director, has ap- parently conquered his misgivings about staying on and will remain until at least mid-1985.. The shock that might set off an eco- nomic chain-reaction would be the de- parture of Mr Paul Volcker; the' chair- man of the Federal ? Reserve Board. Some Reagan officials predict that Mr Volcker, the inflation-slayer and the St George of Wall Street, will resign in the spring rather than continue until the end of his term in 1987. He is no bosom friend of Mr Reagan, who reappointed him only after much hesitation. If he went, either Mr Regan or Mr Shultz might move to the Fed. That would open up a cabinet post of the calibre sought by Mr Baker, whose transfer would bring into the open a succession struggle already. .underway at the White House. Mr Michael Deaver, a Baker ally and Reagan family confidant, seems to be pitted in the battle for the number-one White House job against Mr William Clark, another original member of Mr Reagan's California mafia who helped his boss out last year by taking over the job of interior secretary from the impru. dent Mr James Watt. Even Mr Weinber- ger's appetite for a change could perhaps be satisfied in such a general upheaval. Approved. For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 Approved For Release 2006/01/17: CIA-RDP91-00901R0 - WASHINGTON POST Kirkpatrick Poses Personnel Problem A Reagan Favorite, She Faces Resistance for NSC Post By John M. Goshko Washington Post Staff Writer President Reagan is determined to keep U.N. Ambassador Jeane J. Kirkpatrick in his administration, although that would confront him with a thorny personnel problem because of strong indications that the only job she will accept is national security affairs adviser. . Any attempt to put her in the National Se- curity Council post now held by Robert C. McFarlane would prompt strong opposition from Secretary of State George P. Shultz and White House chief of staff James A. Baker III, who last year thwarted efforts by conserva- tives to have her take over the pivotal policy- making position. Senior administration officials said yester- day that a decision on Kirkpatrick's status was unlikely before December and that Rea- gan probably would seek first to convince her to take some other job. But, they added, Reagan's regard for Kirk- patrick is so high and the pressure from Re- publican conservatives to retain her services so strong that the idea of giving her the se- curity adviser's post has not been ruled out. The officials were vague about how this could be done without creating an uncomfort- able working relationship between her and Shultz and Baker. Some sources suggested the possibility of a compromise under which Shultz would agree to her installation at the NSC if administra- tion moderates led by Shultz were compen- sated with control over a new White House post with responsibility for arms control. Determined to leave the United Nations, Kirkpatrick has made clear that she would like a major policy-making post, and sources familiar with her thinking said the NSC job is the only one she is likely to accept. A senior White House official, discussing Kirkpa- trick's status yesterday, said: "We hope to hold on to her. She's a giant inteiiect." Admiration among Republican conservatives for her feisty views moved toward adulation after her nationally televised performance at the Republican National Convention last August, when she cut her last ties to the Democratic Party by blaming the Democrats for "the dis- mal period of retreat and decline" in America's world position. The conservatives regard Kirk- patrick as crucial in the administra- tron's internal balance of power and as an all}' of such combative figures as Defense Secretary Cas ap r W. Weinberger, < Central Intelligence AApency Director Virlliam I Casey and former national security affairs adviser William P. Clark, now sec- retary of the interior, against the more_moderate wing of Shultz and Baker. Despite this lavish praise, Kirk- Patrick's celebrated feistiness and intellectual convictions have raised questions about whether she could work effectively in harness with Shultz and Baker, who both Appar- ently will continue in office. That is why Kirkpatrick has told friends on several occasions: "If you were to ask me where I'll be next February or March, I'd say it's most -likely .that IT be in the south of France on leave from George- town University [where she is a professor of government] writing a book about the United Nations." The sources said her interest in becoming national security affairs adviser stemmed not from vanity or ambition but the conviction that after four years in the high-visibility U.N. job, it is the only position, ex- cept for the unattainable position of secretary of state, where she could effectively continue to press her views. According to the sources, she believes that if she took a lesser job, it would be perceived as a demotion STAT with serious negative consequences for her influence. Despite strong backing from ad- ministration conservatives, Kirk- patrick failed to win the national security affairs post a year ago when Clark vacated it. At that time, she was defeated by the strong op- position of Shultz and Baker; and she is still bitter about what she considers unfair rumors about her ambition during that battle. Regarding the possibility of tak- ing another job, Kirkpatrick, who has maintained public silence about her plans, yesterday said in a tele- phone interview: "Sometime in late December af- ter the U.N. General Assembly is concluded, I expect to sit down with the president and make my report to him. I will tell him that I'm pre- pared to stay on at the U.N. into next year until my successor has been picked and there has been an orderly succession. "But I will also make clear that I'm not-unhappy about the prospect of returning to private life. As to staying in government, I would do so only if the president persuaded me that there was an opportunity to make a significant contribution to his administration in the foreign affairs field." There have been suggestions that she might be named ambassa- dor to France or Israel or be given a specially created post as adviser to the president. This weeks there also w" re ru- mors that she mig Le_P ace Ca ey at the CIA. However, the sources familiar writ h Kirkpatrick's views said she regarded most of these proposals as attempts to push her out of the pol- icy-making mainstream, Sources said some administration officials had made a concerted effort to con- vince Kirkpatrick that she would be an ideal replacement for Evan G. Galbraith at the U.S. Embassy in Paris. The sources also said Kirkpatrick r~gar e h rlkQ__a__gvtj A Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 ARTICLE fPPEARDproved For Release 9Q c7r: O 2DP91-00901 R000400d ON PAGE! --- Washington Wire A Special Weekly Report From The Wall Street Journal's Capital Bureau REAGAN'S TEAM faces partial reshap- ing during the second term. White House Chief of Staff Baker may move to a new post, if the right spot can be found. Baker is said to show interest in lore- placing Case as CIA director. Jeane Kirk patric is eager to leave her U.N. post but is cool to suggestions of an ambassadorship or the top USIA job. EPA administrator Ruck- elshaus is likely to quit government within a year unless offered a choice cabinet post. Treasury chief Regan stays on mainly to oversee an income-tax overhaul; if it is shunted aside, he may leave. Budget Direc- tor Stockman remains on the job for now to see next year's budget through Congress; he could bow out afterward. Sure departures: HUD Undersecretary Abrams, State Depart- ment spokesman Hughes, as well as Educa- tion Secretary Bell. Federal Reserve Chairman Volcker may step down before his term expires in 1987-possibly sometime in 1986. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 Next 1 Page(s) In Document Exempt Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 'DANIEL P. MOYNIHAN NEW YORK Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400 1U4,?oc,,s,ry STAT 84- 9914 ' JCnrfeb ,~fafes S chafe November. 9, 1984 On November 1, Joel Brinkley of the New York Times reported an interview with Edgar Chamorro of the Nicaraguan Democratic Force. Mr. Chamorro said it was a routine for CIA officers to arrange visits between FDN officers and members of Congress and for the FDN officers to be briefed on characteristics of those members and what to say to them. Mr. Chamorro noted, for instance, that he was told by a CIA agent that Representative Geraldine Ferraro was "very, very liberal" and "impressionalbe on religious issues." The full passage is as follows: Visits to Capital Recounted Agency personnel frequently arranged for rebel officers to fly to Washington, where they would visit members of Congress "to lobby," Mr. Chamorro said. "They would tell us which senators and congressmen to see and what to say," and the CIA officers would brief the rebels when members of Congress came to Honduras on fact-finding trips. Mr. Chamorro, who frequently consulted old appointment books to refresh his memory as he talked last week, pointed to one page where he had noted a CIA agent's briefing on Representative Geraldine Ferraro, who was planning a trip to Honduras last spring. The notation said: "Very, very liberal" and "impres- sionable on religious issues." If substantially accurate, these charges reflect an invasion of the privacy of members of Congress and improper conduct about which the intelligence oversight committees of the Congress have to inquire. Are the charges substantially accurate? Were officers of the FDN directed to meet with members of Congress and coached beforehand? If so, please furnish a list of,the members of Congress targetted for such meetings and the characterizations made about these members. Sincerely, Daniel Patrick Moynihan Honorable William J. Casey Central Intelligence Agency Wash ingtopr?Lred FQIOl lQase 2006/01/17: CIA-RDP91-00901R000400010002-4 ABC WORLD NEWS TONIGHT Approved For Release ~?(M jr: c%.DP91-00901R000400 >REAGAN/CABINET>JENNINCS: George Will is with us tonight from Washington. s >2>George, you have heard Sam's report. Let me ask you if you see any particular personnel problems at the White House. WILL: Well, they have a kind of gridlock in Washington, I'm afraid,,Peter. To begin with, Jim Baker, who served a long time in a-very grinding job, would probably like to run something of his own, possibly the CIA. But Bill Casey, who differs with Mr. Baker on a number of issues, would probably stay at the CIA just to block Jim Baker. Jeane Kirkpatrick has been at the U.N. four years. Lord knows she's suffered enough. She might like Bud McFarlane's job and Bud, some people say, would like to be ambassador to Israel. JENNINGS: What do you mean, 'She's suffered enough?' WILL: Sitting at the U.N. as the United States' representative, listening to Third World rhetoric for four years is enough to drive anyone batty, frankly. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 ARTICLE APPA@IY9ved For Release 2/T6~k:,DP91-00901R00040 ON PAGE 8 November 1984 PrI T TALK Rumors and the C.I.A. To rumors that he is being con- sidered for Deputy Director of Central Intelligence, Lionel H. Olmer, Under Secretary of Com- merce for international trade, said, "No offers have been made, much less accepted." Mr. Olmer, formerly in Naval Intelligence, is a friend of William J. Casey, the Director of Cen- tral Intelligence. The rumors may have been prompted by Mr. Casey's acceptance of an invitation to attend Mr. Olmer's 50th birthday party next Sunday. Mr. Olmer's wife, Judy, is a C.I.A. emploTee. James F. Clarity Warren Weaver Jr. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 R 'i1" f... AP t 171, Approved For Release 2006/01/17 CIA-RDP91-00901 P;ASHINGTON TIMES 8 November 1984 So here is Jeane Kirkpatrick, who has fought the good fight for the president and for America, with no place to go except back to aca- demic life, which is where she came from. It's not a bad life for her, but how about her admirers, those like me, who think that for Jeane Kirk- patrick to be forced out of the administration would be America's loss? Right now, she is part of a trium- virate headed by Defense Secre- tary Weinberger, and including CIA Director Casey, which is unyielding in its opposition to making any kind of deal with Daniel Ortega's Marxist-Leninist dictator: hip over Nicaragua. Opposing the Weinberger-Casey-Kirkpatrick troika reportedly are Secretary of State Shultz, Robert McFarlane, and Langhorne Motley, assistant secretary of state for Latin America, who keeps coming up with "draft treaties" one after another for Nicaragua. For anyone who follows the struggle for power in Washington, at the core of which is always a struggle for the soul of the pres- ident, the departure of Jeane Kirk- patrick would be a triumph for those who want President Reaga T to confine his comments about "evil- empires" only to South Africa and : Chile and to be kind to the Soviets.'- The next four years will be among the most critical in the nation's history, because Soviet.. power and audacity is growingwhile its economy approaches what", would appear to be a disastrous cli== max. President Reagan will need all the help he can get, and he has no more loyal friend and admirer than'-' the lady who is made of the same,;, stuff as Margaret Thatcher. The country and, indeed, the. Free World can't afford to los4 Jeane Kirkpatrick. It's up to Pres- h ident Reagan. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 -Apprdved For Release 2006/01/17: CIA-RDP91-00901R00040 WASHINGTON TIAES 7 November 1984 RUSE-AND-EFFECT CORNER... Ear's pop- ping with pride to hear that its announcement of their probable hitching a month or oo ago may have helped tip the scale to the impending nuptials of Maury Povich and Connie Chung. It is happily wrapping a kosher wok. And it's sort of hoping the same thing happens with Bill Colby, former ClAmeister, and Sally Shelton, former Ambassador to Barbados. After he's Officially Divorced, of course. POCKETFUL OF . RUMORS.. - And nobody believes for a minute that there'll be no Major Changes at the White House with a second Reagan administration, as so boldly predicted in assorted Organs. Within six months said yesterday's Better Rumor Round, we'1 see Jim Ba er out may e running the CIA; Bill Casey Out runnm is z e; Mi DDeaver enfolded tb t e bosom of the Burston-Marstellar flackerie; Nancy's staff chieftain Jim Rose- bush off to the Private Sector; Nick Ruwe, former Nixon-in-exile i staff chieftain, heading a White I House section; Jim Lake, cam- paign pressperson, crowned White House Communications Director; David Stockman, after shepherd- ing his budget through Congress, beginning his own big-time biz; and a handful of Cabinet biggies scrambling to replace Charles Price as Ambassador to England and Bob Nesen as Ambassador to Australia. (Those are the two plummiest about-to-be-emptied posts.) Let's see how Reality stacks up. Back tomorrow. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 App'v'ed For Release 2006/Q1~ 7 CIA-RDP91-00 GHRISTTAN SCIENCE lION 6 November 1984 The CIA's misaffian~e vd rove By Wtliazn V. Kennedy ANYONE who thought that the "reforms" intro- duced after the mid-1970s congressional investi- gations of the Central Intelligence Agency had solved the agency's problems should by now be thor- oughly disillusioned, To the mining of Nicaraguan harbors now has been added the primer on political assassination and Machi- avellian manipulation, and even murder, of one's, own associates. The problem is not that the primer violates a succes- sion of presidential directives against political assassina- tion. Nor does it lie in inadequate supervision or inad- equacies of this or that director. There was a flaw built into the CIA at its foundation. Until that flaw is corrected we are going to be subjected to a chain of worsening embarrassments and crises that could corrupt - some would say already have corrupted - our foreign policy and our domestic politics. The idea for creation of a centralized intelligence agency was born of the Dec. 7, 1941, Pearl Harbor disas- ter. Successive investigations had demonstrated that there was sufficient evidence on hand to have enabled the United States military to avoid at least tactical surprise, but service compartmentation and inadequate processing procedures precluded its timely use. Thus, the Central Intelligence Agency was created in 1947 to serve this purely "intelligence" function. Not the least of the reasons for the intelligence failures leading up to Pearl Harbor, however, was an American propensity for action rather than for the often dull and monotonous gathering and sifting of seemingly_ routine facts that is the heart and soul of the intelligence process. Thus there had emerged during World War II an orga- nization supposedly intended to produce. strategic intelli gence but which, in practice, was eminently activist in nature, reflecting the nomme de guerre of its.. founder; William J. (Wild Bill) Donovan.-This was the "Office of Strategic Services." The OSS was on the point of going out of business when the Central Intelligence Agency was created. By an act of legal and political legerdemain the remnants of the OSS were "folded into" the new agency. The commando type activities that were the hallmark of the OSS had nothing to do with the production of intel- ligence. Yet-in the years since, it was the OSS "camel" that took over the CIA "tent.". As pointed out by-the Senate investigators of the CIA in 1976, all the directors who have emerged from the agency itself have come from the OSS side of the agency - which now has become the "covert action staff. The present CIA director, William J. Casey, is archetypical in that his only previous "intel- ligence" connection was with the World War II OSS. The identification 'of "intelligence" as a separate and ! distinct activity is a product of the military staff system that emerged over the past 200 years. A clear distinction was established between intelligence on the one hand and military operations on the other because experience taught that it is all too tempting for operations staff offi- cers to pick and choose the information likely to support a predetermined course of action. That is why in the American military staff system the operations and intel- ligence staff agencies are separate and at least nominally Permitting the OSS crowd to penetrate and take over the Central Intelligence Agency was a disaster. For it was these people who sold a succession of American presi dents, Democratic and Republican, on the notion that: "covert action," supposedly concealed under the intelli- gence umbrella, provided an easy way out of the difficul- ties of the cold war. The national humiliations that have flowed from this in the Bay of Pigs fiasco of 1961, sub- version of governments in -Iran and Guatemala that! promised a transition to more democratic institutions, and the bloody "Phoenix" program of Vietnam ill-fame down to the present imbroglios over CIA activities in Central America should have convinced us long ago that a drastic overhaul is needed. Further, the involvement of former CIA "covert ac- tion" operatives in the Watergate crisis was a clear warn- ing that sooner or later our own "house" is going to catch fire from the flames we are setting for others. The most pressing need, therefore, is to remove the co- vert operations staff from the national intelligence estab- lishment. Whether it should be retained as a recon- stituted OSS or placed under control of the Department of Defense is a separate issue -. to be determined by whether the national conscience can continue to live with this sort of activity without a formal declaration of war. That would leave a separate, truly "intelligence" agency, which would be known as something other than li its present title, for that has become a national liability. We have created a monster. We owe it to ourselves and to the people who look to us for leadership - in particular moral leadership - to do something about it. .William V. Kennedy is principal author of "The intelligence War" and he has served as an Intelli- gence officer in the Strategic Air Command and for I4 years on the faculty of the US Army War Coll Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 Approved . For Release 2006/01V1' H MAMPPMSg0901 R000400 6 November 1984 WASHINGTON WAYS By Donnie Radcliffe Washington Post Staff Writer "I beg your pardon?" sputtered a Central Intelligence Agency spokeswoman at the agency's Langley headquarters when asked about a cocktail circuit report-planted no doubt by the KGB-that Director William Casey and his wife. Sophia, recently had been divorced and that he had married a former American ambassador to a Caribbean country. "Director Casey is still very happily married," said the spokeswoman who, after recovering her cool, suggested that the bridegroom in question might be a former director, namely William Colby. Colby, however, said it is not he who has untied one nuptial knot and tied another. Simply put, Colby said: "I'm not yet married because I'm not yet divorced." Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 r ARTICLE APPEA `proved For Release 2D 6l{i[7R?(7T3=RDP91-00901 R00 ON PAGER'/?/' 5 November 1984 Elections in Nicaragua Results Will Probably Heighten Tensions Between Washington and the Sandinistas By PHILIP TAUBMAN Special to The New York Timm WASHINGTON, Nov. 4 - The elect { The. officials said there are divisions tion in-- Nicaragua today is likely to within the Administration over how to . heighten tensions between Washington deal with Nicaragua, including dis- and Managua and make it more diffi- agreement over the key issue of cult to develop a peace plan for Central whether stability in Central America., America, according to and United States interests in the re Reagan Administration of- gion, can be advanced while the San- News facials and Latin . Amer- dinistas remain in power. Analysis ican diplomats. State Department officials, including The problem, they say, Mr Shultz have favor to re- is that the United States solve differences throe notiation. and Nicaragua view the election so dif- Other seni-oi"nainaT-secvr~ty ataes, oint: -Cass`par one l " ~eTe p e y ns ferently. They agree on on including Secretary ot the election will have a major impact ;,, Vlembe{Q?r_ WlI]Iam 7. Casey, the Calls for Another Election i Now that the Nicaraguan campaign has ended without the participation of major opposition candidates, including' Arturo Jose Cruz, a former Sandinista Ambassador to the United States, the United States intends to insist that any Central American peace plan be con- tingent on the Sandinistas holding an- other election, Administration officials said. "We hope the Sandinistas will recog- I nize that this election was not legiti- mate and that they will use the Na- tional Assembly to write a new consti- tution that includes provisions for a new election next year," one official said. Under current Nicaraguan law, can- didates elected today are expected to serve for a six-year term. In direct talks between the United States and Nicaragua, which began in June, the Administration has'said any agreement on security issues must be . linked to moves toward democratic rule. Sandinista leaders have said the internal political system in Nicaragua is not subject to negotiation. The negotiations, which have taken place at the Mexican Pacific resort of Manzanillo, have failed to narrow major differences, according to Amer- balloting for President and 90 mem- States delegate to the United Natiops, bers of the National Assembly, which is have questioned the di p? iomatic initia- expected to produce an overwhelming tives, contending thati catagua would victory for Sandinista candidates, will not abide by any 'agreement to reduce institutionalize and legitimize the revo-its ties to the Soviet Uniorisn4 Cuba. lution that toppled the Government of The election today will complicate, if Anastasio Somoza Debayle in 1979. I not severely damage, the effort of the The United States and its allies in i Contadora Group to develop a peace Central America consider the election plan for Central America, according to to be unfair and unrepresentative and the Administration officials and Latin ---- ward democratic rule in Nicaragua. diplomats. The omun_ composed of Mexico. noting that several major opposition called the election "a sham." 'Complicates the Relationship' Because the question of internal gov- ernancein Nicaragua has been a piv- otal issue in regional peace talks and in direct negotiations between the United States and Nicaragua, the different perceptions of the election are likely to harden negotiating positions and exac- erbate tensions, the Administration pf ficials and Latin diplomats said. "The election clearly complicates the relationship between the United States and Nicaragua and is a setback for regional peace talks," a senior State Department official said today. He added: "We think the Sandinistas realize how badly they botched it. They know the election doesn't have interna- tional legitimacy. We hope they will de- cide to hold another. election soon." if the regional peace talks collapse and the negotiations between the United States and Nicaragua fail . to make progress, Administration offi- cials said, the chances of some kind of American military intervention . in Nicaragua would increase if President Reagan is re-elected on Tuesday. ican and Nicaraguan officials. Some Administration officials have reported that the Administration, while publicly calling for free elections in Nicaragua, argued in private that major opposition candidates should no take part to insure that the elections would appear to be unrepresentative. This contention has been denied by revising a proposed peace treaty ` Other officials. drafted in September that was en- ! dorsed by Nicaragua but criticized by revisions by American allies, including El Salvador and Honduras. A new draft is expected to be ready by the end of the month. The draft treaty called for mutual re- ductions in arms, troops and foreign advisers among Central American na- tions and included a prohibition against the establishment of foreign military bases. It also barred countries from provid- ing support to irregular forces trying to overthrow another government, a provision aimed at stopping Nicara- guan aid to Salvadoran guerrillas and American support of anti-Sandinista forces. More directly relevant to today's election, the proposed treaty required the tee of civil liberties, includ- ing free elections. Administration offi- cials, while criticizing the draft tiance for failing to specify b~ c p on arms reductions would be verified, I said the provisions about free elections j would be made meaningless by the Nicaraguan voting. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00 01R000400010002-4 US NEWS & WORLD REPORT 1.7 5 November 1984 Intelligence Chief With Nine Lives The hounds of controversy once again are baying at his heels, but his job as America's spymaster is as safe as ever. For the third time since Ronald Rea- gan put him in charge of the Central Intelligence Agency, lawmakers are demanding that William Casey quit or be fired. Walter Mondale endorsed the new call for Casey's scalp, a clamor that erupted upon word that the CIA had prepared a kidnap-and-assassina- tion manual for anti-Communist guer- rillas in Nicaragua. Although National Security Adviser Robert McFarlane vowed that whoev- er was responsible for the controversial primer will be punished, no one ex- pects Casey to step down. According to aides, the 71-year-old lawyer never read or even heard of the manual be- fore it hit the headlines. The rumpled and irascible grandson Still another furor en- sued when White House Chief of Staff James Baker swore under oath that Casey, while running Reagan's 1980 campaign, gave him a copy of Jimmy Carter's debate- briefing book. Not so, said Casey as the controversy faded into a still unre- solved mystery. Last spring saw Casey's toughest test-a messy dispute over CIA mining of Nicaraguan harbors. That operation was aborted under fire from Congress. Do the storms that envelop Casey bother Reagan? As recently as Septem- ber, the CIA chief received this message from the White House: "You're my man at the CIA as long as I am President." Casey has done exactly what Reagan wanted him to do: Reversed setbacks suffered in the anti-CIA wave that swept America after Watergate. Casey's exploits as a coordinator of spy operations against Nazi Germany in World War II gave him a lifelong respect for the usefulness of covert ac- tions, and he eagerly rejuvenated the CIA's clandestine operations. The spymaster won budget hikes of up to 25 percent a year for the CIA, sharply boosted its covert-action sec- tion in staff and money and increased intelligence-estimate pa= pers from a scant dozen a year to nearly 60. "Get it done." One key White House official says: "When I ask Bill Casey for something, he will get it done and what he gives me will be as timely and short as it can be." Casey's own credo, outlined in a recent speech to CIA staff members: "Set tasks. Set deadlines. Make deci- sions. Act. Get it done and move on." Declares Senator Barry Goldwater (R-Ariz.), chair- man of the Senate Intelli- gence Committee: "Casey has built the agency up until today young people are standing in line to join the CIA." Other lawmakers chal- lenge the "outstanding" rating Goldwater gives Casey. The CIA's Nicara- guan activities, says Sena- tor Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.), have hurt the crucial bi- partisan support that the CIA needs in Congress. But it's a waste of time, Leahy says, to seek Ca- sey's removal. "The Presi- dent likes him ... no mat- ter how many screw-ups they make. So he's going to stay, and it becomes a moot point." ^ d a bhn trust. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 of an Irish immigrant has feuded with Congress since he came to Wash- ington in 1971 to head Richard Nixon's Securities and Exchange Commis- sion. Much of the bicker- ing involved the for- tune-last estimated at up to 14 million dollars-that Casey made as an investor and author of make-mon- ey books. Not "unfit." Nearly ev- ery committee that has checked his qualifications for public office-first as chief of the SEC, then as under secretary of state, head of the Export-Im- port Bank and director of the CIA-has complained of misstatements, lapses of memory and reluctant disclosures of assets and clients. At one point, a Senate panel declared that the most it could say was that he was not "un- fit" for the job. - Disclosure that Casey, in his first two years as CIA chief, made millions of dollars playing the stock and bond markets, produced an uproar. That storm subsided only when he put his investments in ^T~ri r ~ For Ruse 2006h1OYAWK: GIR1( W9'$M901 i ~1 f - r/ ) d Nnvamhav 10PS IPiL~15 l.lr'~L U.S. Srrugales ~ to keep high1ech fron Soviets STAT By KAREN R. LONG Newhouse News Service A West German customs agent re- ceived -the tip that would become an international lightning rod in the pros- perous black-market trade known as techno-banditry. The agent was told last November that a Swedish ship would dock in Ham- burg the following day for'seven hours and would have 40 tons of contraband on board. Customs agents boarded the ship and seized three 20-foot-long contain- ers. Inside was a VAX 11782, a highly sensitive and powerful. computer made by Digital Equipment Corp. of Weston, Mass. Digital had sold it to an interme- diary company that shipped the com- puter legally to South Africa. But its final destination was, to be the Soviet' Union. The news was greeted with wry alarm in Ohio, where physicists work. ing at the Morton-Thiokol Salt Co. mine in Painesville Township had been wait. ing for months to obtain a VAX 11782, which they needed to conduct a multi- million-dollar experiment on proton decay. It looked as though the Russians were having an easier time getting their hands on a contraband VAX than U.S.,scientists were having getting a le- gitimate one, says Daniel Sinclair, a University of Michigan physicist as. signed to the proton project. Sinclair turned out to be right. The federal Commerce Depart- ment recently fined Digital $1.5 million for export law violations that authori- ties believe allowed at least two other VAX 11782s to slip into Soviet hands. The machines are believed to have as- sisted the Soviet manufacture of inte- grated circuits, which have strategic applications. Digital sold the two computers to the same South African intermediary company, Microelectronics Research Institute. The Commerce Department had blacklisted Microelectronics for its record of buying militarily sensitive U.S. products and reselling them to the Soviet Union. The fine imposed on Digital was the largest in U.S. history for export violations. For the intermediary com- pany, experts say, it would have been pocket change. The flow of U.S. technology to the Soviet bloc often is compared to narcot- ics traffic, with commensurate fortunes to be made, say. U.S. Customs Service agents who try to police the tp roved Their assessment is echoed by Nick Anning, a British expert on the Soviet Union who co-wrote the book "Techno-Bandits: How the Soviets are Stealing America's High-Tech Future." "The biggest surprise, in research- ing the book, was the amount of money to be made in it (theft)-better than standard espionage," Anning says. "These guys are making millions and leading the life of Riley, always one step ahead of the authorities." The payoff for Soviet bloc coun- tries is equally rich, defense depart. ment spokesmen say. "The Soviets save billions of dol- lars and at least five years in their re- search cycle; they tremendously reduce the development risk of new concepts and the costs of plant modernization; arc' they get a close working knowledge of U.S. comoponents, giving them an opportunity to construct countermea. sures," Richard N. Perle, an assistant secretary of defense and a crusader against technology leaks, has told the International Herald Tribune. The scale of techno-banditry, like the constantly shifting list of desirable new items, is elusive. "It's like narcotics," says Jeffrey Friend, senior special agent for Cus- toms' strategic investigations division in Washington. "It's virtually impossible to meas- ure something unless you get the coop- eration of other countries and unless you measure it all." CIA Director William J. Casey at tempted to measure it recently for the Commonwealth Club of California, whose members run the companies of the Silicon Valley, the high-tech heart- land outside San Jose. "You in this room are the bulls- eye in a massive, well-coordinated. and precisely targeted Soviet technology acquisition program," Casey said, ac- cording to a transcript of his talk. "The ability of the Soviet military- industrial complex to acquire and as- similate Western technology far ex- ceeds previous estimates. "During the late 1970s, the Soviets got about 30,000 samples of Western production equipment, weapons and military components, and over 400,000 technical documents both classified and unclassified. The majority was of U.S. origin." The crackdown on Digital, a flurry of arrests and thousands of confiscated shipments are part of a get-tough pol. icy begun under the Reagan Adminis- tration in 1981. Last month, FBI Agent Richard W. Miller, a 20-year veteran, was arrested and accused of passing For R IRDIP91 ~m aLe b i ge sc nbedas > a KGB wo Though no one argues against the need for the crackdown, some members of the scientific community.have be- come apprehensive about its scope. "Scientific enterprise cannot take place in a vacuum." argues Stephen B. Gould, director of the project on scien- tific communications and national secu- rity for the American Association for the Advancement of Science. Secrecy is just what makes the So- viet science establishment second-rate and so desperate for Western technolo- gy, Gould says. By clamping down on the openness that has nurtured Western science, he says, the United States 'could shoot itself in the foot. "Systems that are designed on the cutting edge of technology have high failure rates," Gould says. "We've had a lot of news lately about military systems that do not function and contain defective parts. Some scientists in the military labora- tories believe we've become so closed in our development that the bugs can no longer be caught." Friend of the Customs Service and other government officials say the cir- cumstances are not hopeless. Customs has reported making a dent in the tech- no-banditry trade in the last two years, thanks to a $30 million shot in the arm from Congress and a few new strate- Agents try to follow up on all U.S. computer-sales to foreign firms that refuse the traditional free installation,. a tip the hardware is heading else- where. The'same goes for those who make special inquiries about warrant ties if the computer is moved.'Packag- ing in "salt-free" crating to guard against sea air often is another give- away. . . Friend acknowledges that the sci- entists' apprehension is understandable, but says the best policy probably would keep all parties a little dissatisfied. "It's a degree of safety that you look for," he says. 0901 R000400010002-4 ARTICLE ApMmaml For Release 2006/01/17WMIRDM-OOSOMR000400010002-4 ON PAGE_ n.~ 4 November 1984 Dcr F11f PNI-Y. STAT WALTER SCOTT'S Personality Parade Q There is a rumor flying about that, if Ronald Reagan is re-elected, the first three resignations he will accept are those of Charles Wick, director of the U.S. Information Agency; William Casey, di- rector of the CIA: and Raymond J. Donovan, Secre- tary ofLabor. Your opinion? J.L. , Bethesda, Md. A All three have proved first-term embarrassments to Reagan, but loyalty to his personnel is almost a fetish with the President. It is unlikely that he will drop the three unless they sincerely want to leave- which is highly doubtful, since each covets power and position. Donovan, of course, has been indicted for fraud and grand larceny in New York City and is on leave of absence to defend himself. L K:4(-TFR .SC"O77 1494 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901R00040 UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL 4 November 1984 CABINET SECRETARIES HIT THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL BY D'VERA CORN WASHINGTON Using a time-honored advantage of incumbency, President Reagan has sent his Cabinet secretaries across the country to work for his re-election, other Republican candidates and state party treasuries. Cabinet secretaries made more than three dozen trips on behalf of the national ticket since the campaign began on Labor Day, according to figures supplied by the Reagan-Bush re-election staff and Cabinet offices. The pace intensified in the campaign's last week, when at least five Cabinet secretaries were booked for road trips by the Reagan-Bush team. Cabinet members made dozens more appearances to raise money and support for state Republican parties, and Republican candidates for other offices. In the campaign's closing weeks, most Cabinet secretaries also accepted more speaking invitations to trade group meetings and other non-political events, where their messages endorse Reagan administration policies. Agriculture Secretary John Block is among the most active Reagan-Bush campaigners. He has spent 12 days since Labor Day courting farm votes in nine states, according to his office, and made one appearance with Reagan. The Cabinet's two women secretaries are busy, too. Health and Human Services Secretary Margaret Heckler was booked for eight days on the road in eight states' on behalf of Reagan-Bush, including three women's rallies. Transportation Secretary Elizabeth Dole spent six days in eight states. Housing Secretary Samuel Pierce campaigned for seven days in seven states, according to Reagan-Bush figures. Interior Secretary William Clark is campaigning in his home state of California for five days. Also campaigning, according to the Reagan-Bush staff, was Energy Secretary Donald Hodel, booked in two states in three days; Education Secretary Terrel Bell, three states in three days; Commerce Secretary Malcolm Baldrige, two days on the trail; and Treasury Secretary Donald Regan. Cabinet members also are valuable draws on behalf of other Republican candidates. Dole, one of the most popular, campaigned for eight GOP Senate Approved For Release 2006/01/17 CIA-RDP91=00901 R000400010002-4 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 nominees, including North Carolina Sen. Jesse Helms, in addition to other Republican hopefuls, according to her office. Bell also campaigned for Helms. Clark campaigned for at least 10 congressional candidates and two senators, and was on the road for two weeks in September, in addition to a week on behalf of Reagan-Bush this month, according to his office. Baldrige's staff said he helped at least a dozen GOP congressional candidates, and took political trips once or twice a week since Labor Day. Regan is estimated to have raised $750,000 to $1 million for GOP congressional candidates and causes, according to the Reagan-Bush campaign. The campaign said he helped bring in $350,000 at one Reagan-Bush fundraiser and $150,000 at a get-out-the-vote rally. As political appointees, Cabinet members are not barred from campaigning, as are career federal employees. A Reagan-Bush spokesman said the campaign is ''extraordinarily careful" about ensuring the government does not foot the bill; for political events. Most political activity by Cabinet secretaries this season is on behalf of state parties' get-out-the-vote drives, called Victory '84, because that is where it is needed most, said Reagan-Bush campaign spokesman John Buckley. With Reagan ahead in the polls, Cabinet members are of more use campaigning on the local level. "The most effective use of their time that we have is to help raise money for state parties,'' Buckley said. ''Campaigning is done primarily by the president and vice president.' Mainly because it looks inappropriate, six of the 16 Cabinet members have done no Reagan-Bush campaigning -- Attorney General William French Smith, Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger, Secretary of State George Shultz, CIA Director William Casey, Budget director David Stockman, although he did attend fund-raisers, and U.N. Ambassador (and registered Democrat) Jeane Kirkpatrick. A seventh, Labor Secretary Raymond Donovan, canceled appearances after he was indicted by a New York court last month and went on leave. But both Shultz and Weinberger have made more speeches recently, criticizing Democratic policies without mentioning presidential nominee Walter Mondale by name. And two former GOP defense secretaries, Melvin Laird and Donald Rumsfeld, attacked Mondale's record at a campaign-sponsored news conference last month. When 21 ambassadors appointed by Reagan recently endorsed Helms, however, Shultz quickly released a statement saying it would be improper for the department's career foreign service officers to do the same. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 AI IIC E~5 FEl C.; x aGw For Release 2006/01/17 :4Q$j ft0P@@jR00 4 November 1984 .LETTERS TO THE EDITOR Sfandir dhzg by Mr.. Joseph Kraft ["The Blame Falls on Casey," op-ed, Oct. 281 quoted a re- mark supposedly made by a former Republican secretary of state which was highly defamatory ` about William Casey, head of the CIA. If such a statement were in fact ever made, the source should be promptly identified, , I have known Mr. Casey for many years, both professionally and socially. No one who has been associated with Bill Casey would. ever have the slight- est question about his integrity. WILLIAM P. ROGERS Was The writer was secretary of state from 1969 to 1973. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 Y roved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000 FILE ONff "1LI-AS F TIT S-FERtLD (TX `\oveml,c- 1984 Double-edged sword While no one seriously suspects that the United States was involved in any way in the assassination of Indian Prime Minis- ter Indira Gandhi, as the Soviet Union cruelly has suggested, the credibility of American denials of such charges cannot help but be undercut by the involvement of the Central Intelligence Agency in distribut- ing manuals to Nicaraguan guerrillas recom- mending kidnapping and assassination. There is a certain irony in the fact that in'the same week that the U. S. government has issued a strong protest against the "ab- surd and irresponsible" Soviet charges of CIA involvement in the cowardly murder of Mrs. Gandhi in New Delhi, CIA Director William J. Casey has sent a letter to Con- gress trying to justify his agency's role in the publication of a manual on how to "neu- tralize" local public officials in Central America. Would Mr. Casey have the world com- munity believe that the U. S. recommends murder to achieve its political goals in Cen- tral America, but opposes such a policy on the Indian continent or in other parts of the world. Since the CIA chief seems to have difficulty understanding the problem with the United States' deploring violence in some places, (e.g., Lebanon, India, Northern Ireland) and then advocating it in others (e.g., Nicaragua) in a manual blessed and defended by its top intelligence agency, President Reagan and Congress should ex- plain it to him - as quickly and in as point- ,d a way as possible. We are not suggesting, however, that the how-to book on insurgency and as- sassination was a mistake simply because it creates awkward diplomatic problems. Ob- viously, there is something terribly insidious about an agency of the U. S. government being connected, even indirectly, to a man- ual that explains how to kidnap, kill and blackmail public officials in another country. President Reagan, in fact, has spe- cifically prohibited such activity. In defend- ing the publication of the CIA manual, then, Mr. Casey seems to be contradicting the po- sition of the administration he serves. When the controversial manual first surfaced last month, National Security Ad- viser Robert McFarlane made the one clear- headed statement that we have heard dur- ing the entire episode. He promised that President Reagan would fire any U. S. offi- cial who was involved in producing the manual. Although Mr. McFarlane said he presumed that a low-level intelligence offi- cial was primarily responsible, he indicated that even Director Casey would be subject to dismissal if it was determined that he had authorized publication of the manual. It is not clear what role, if any, the director played in publication of the man- ual; but part of it was written at CIA head- quarters in Langley, Va., and, to compound the outrage, Mr. Casey now is defending it. In so doing, he is doing a disservice to his country. He is badly undercutting U. S. credibility and giving America's adversaries ammunition to use a?ainct her Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 VN Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 APT1rI- r;;'; c RED NEW YORK TIMES 2 November 1984 C.I.A.'_ChiefDefend s Manua! for By JOEL BRINKLEY Nicar~guan 1 Spedsl w The New York Timm 'Rebel, WASHINGTON, Nov. 1- William J. Case Di t - y, rec or of Central Intelii- gence, has written a letter to members of Congress defending a C.I.A. manual for Nicaraguan rebels that advocates kidnapping and assassinating Nicara- guan Government officials. Mr. Casey's two-page letter, dated Oct. 25, is the first statement to be made public that expresses the agen. cy's view of the document, which has been sharply criticized in Congress and elsewhere. The White House has said any Cen- tral Intelligence Agency official "in- vohved in the development" of the manual "or approval of it" will be dis- missed. But in his letter, Mr. Casey said the "thrust and purpose" of the manual are, "on the whole, quite different from the impression that has been created in the media." 'Emphasis on Education' He said the manual's purpose was I ;'to make every guerrilla persuasive in' ace-to-face communication" and to i 1 develop "political awareness," adding that its "emphasis is on education, avoiding combat if necessary." Mr. Casey's letter was sent to mem- bers of the Senate and House intelli- gence committees, along with a trans. lated and annotated copy of the manual and of another agency document for the insurgents, a rebel "code of con- duct." Both committees are investigat. ing to see if the agency acted improp. erly in preparing the manual, The annotations of the manual show how the document was edited at C.I.A. headquarters. Agency officials told two members of the Senate Intelligence Committee last week that "a great part of" the manual "was excised before printing," Senator Malcolm Wallop, Republican of Wyoming, said after the C.I.A. briefing. But the translation Mr. Casey sent to members of Congress shows that only one sentence "was deleted in the head- quarters edition," the C:I.A. annota. tion says. That sentence says, "If pos. sible, professional criminals will be hired to carry our selective 'jobs.' " It is unclear when that sentence was deleted because rebel leaders said it was included in the edition they re- ceived. Mr. Casey would not comment on his Reagan Orders 2 Inquiries In addition to the Congressional in- vestigations, President Reagan or- I dered the C.I.A.'s inspector general acid the President's Intelligence Over- sight Board to conduct inquiries. Today the White House spokesman, Larry Speakes, said the C.I.A. investigation was now complete and had been sent to the oversight board. Mr. Speakes said Mr. Reagan had not seen the C.I.A. inspector general's report and did not know what It says. Mr. Speakes also said he did not know when the Oversight Board investiga- tion would be finished and when, if ever, the results would be made public. Also today, Representative Norman Y. Mineta, the California Democrat who is a senior member of the House had Intelligence to allow then committee to question the agency employee known as John Kirkpatrick, who is believed to be the manual's author. Mr. Mineta said: "We know who he is, and the C.I.A. knows where he is, and they just refuse to let us talk to him." He also said he had been told that Kirkpatrick was not the man's ac- tual name, and he said he had learned that the manual's author was still em- ployed by the C.I.A. at its headquarters in Washington. Mr. Mipeta and others members of Congress also criticized the C.I.A. to- day for another explanation of the manual that appeared in published re- ports this week. Moderating Purpose Cited An article in The Washington Post on Wednesday, quoting intelligence, offi- cials and rebel leaders, said the manual had been prepared in response to reports of widespread abuse and cor- ruption among the rebels, including rapes, torture and indiscriminate kill- ings of Nicaraguan citizens. The manu- al, the published reports said,- was in- tended to moderate the rebels' onduct. In an inteview, Edgar Chamorro, the rebel leader who was in charge of pub- lishing the manual, said: "That was one purpose but was not the main pur- pose of the manual. It was to teach us the principles of guerrilla warfare." Mr. Chamorro added, however, that Mr. Kirkpatrick "didn't want us to use a shotgun approach; he wanted us to select our targets." . Many unconfirmed reports have been made public in recent months as casing the anti-Sandinista guerrillas of torturing and killing hundreds of seem- have included civilians. accounts from missionaries and others living or;' traveling in Nicaragua. Members of the Senate and House in- telligence committees and their aides I said today that if the American-backed rebels were guilty of atrocities, the C.I.A. should have told Congress. But Senator Patrick J. Leahy, the Vermont Ddmocrat who is a member of the Senate committee, said, "There has been a clear absence of any such discussion."-- A senior Government official who is familiar with, the C.I.A.'s Congres- sional briefings on the subject said; "They have always said there Is a little problem here and a little pr'obiem there, but nothing serious." Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 TIME MAGAZINE C::App~ovs or Release r006/010 :0(6I PO%b901P000400010002-4 V "Ao to "Neutralize" the Enemy .4 shocking CIA primer jolts the Administration Psychological Operations in Guerrilla Warfare partment spokesman said he was prohibit- ed from discussing intelligence matters.) A contra leader now in exile in Mi- ami, Edgar Chamorro, told TIME that the document is based on notes given him a year ago by a "gringo" who arrived as a CIA operative at rebel headquarters in Te- gucigalpa, Honduras. He was described by Chamorro as an Irishman who fought for the U.S. in the Korean War and ad- mired the "psychological operations" of the Irish Republican Army. Chamorro printed up 2.000 copies of the manual and handed out 200 of them to his troops, but then he had second thoughts. He revised the rest by censoring out references to "criminals" and "murder." (It was not the 11 only time that contra leaders have balked 'cP he 89-page booklet entitled Psycho- I logical Operations in Guerrilla War- fare is a primer on insurgency, a how-to book in the struggle for hearts and minds. Some of the "techniques of persuasion" are benign: helping the peasants harvest crops, learn to read, improve hygiene. Others are decidedly brutal: assassina- tion. kidnaping, blackmail. mob violence. It could be a manual for the Viet Cong or the Cuban-backed rebels in El Salva- dor. If it were, the Administration would likely be waving it as proof of its thesis about the sources of insidious world ter- rorism. In fact, however, it is a publication of the CIA, written for Nicaraguan contras seeking to overthrow the Sandinista re- gime. Jts disclosure last week came as a political embarrassment to the Adminis- tration and a major moral one for the U.S. It stirred memories of CIA abuses that were supposedly outlawed a decade ago and gave Democrats a potentially hot new cam paign issue. The pamphlet, written in Spanish, rec- ommends use of "selective violence" to "neutralize" Sandinista public officials "such as court judges, police and state se- curity officials." To make an example of an execution, it is "absolutely necessary to gather together the population affected, so that they will be present and take part in the act." If "it should be necessary" to shoot a "citizen .who is trying to leave town." guerillas should claim that he was "an enemy of the people." Targets who fail to cooperate. the manual. instructs, should be "exposed" to police "with false state- ments from citizens." The finale of a suc- cessful local insurgency is a mob riot. "Pro- fessional criminals will be hired to carry out specific selective jobs" like provoking a shooting that will "cause the death of one or more people who would become mar- tyrs for the cause." A guerrilla commander stationed in a tower or tree should give the signal to begin the mayhem, the manual instructs. "Shock troops" armed with "knives, razors, chains, clubs and blud- geons" will "march slightly behind the in- nocent and gullible participants." The document clearly violates the spirit of an Executive Order signed by Reagan in 1981 that prohibits even indi- rect participation in assassination. At the very least, the document undercuts Rea- gan's moral pronouncements condemning state-sponsored terrorism by such nations as Libya, Syria and Iran. Last June, for ex- ample, Secretary of State George Shultz declared, "It is not hard to tell, as we look around the world, who are the terrorists and who are the freedom fighters ... The contras in Nicaragua do not blow up school buses or hold mass executions of ci- vilians." (Asked how to reconcile Shultz's statement with t1papvelGl&UalWea at CIA help. Last spring they objected to a 16-page CIA Freedom Fighters' Manual, which showed, with comic-book-style il- lustrations, sabotage techniques like pull- ing down power cables and putting dirt into gas tanks. It was eventually distribut- ed, but one contra leader objected that the cartoon characters depicted in the draw- ings "didn't look very Nicaraguan.") Adolfo Calero, one of the contra lead- ers, denied last week that his guerrillas j followed the terrorist teachings in the CIA manual. But in the field, the contras do use psychological and physical coercion to win over the peasantry, just as Commu- nist-backed rebel organizations do. Gov- ernment sympathizers are sometimes exe- cuted, and contra commanders have discussed assassinating one or another of the nine-member ruling Sandinista direc- torate. The contras had a list of 60 Sandi- nistas in the village of San Fernando who had to be "eliminated" before the contras could safely occupy the town last year, ac- cording to those who traveled with the contras. (They never took the town.) Reaction to the CIA manual, the exis- tence of which was first revealed by the Associated Press last Monday, was fast and furious. Walter Mondale demanded the resignation of CIA Director William Casey, and questioned Reagan's role. "Did he know this was going on?" asked Mondale. "I don't know which is worse- knowing this was going on or having a Government where no one is in charge. Congressman Edward Boland, the chair- man of the House Intelligence Commit- tee, fumed that the document was "re- pugnant to a nation that condemns such acts by others. It embraces the Commu- nist revolutionary tactics that the United States is pledged to defeat throughout the world." His committee launched an investigation, and its Senate counter- part scheduled a closed briefing by CIA officials. T he White House moved quickly to dis- avow the document. President Rea- gan ordered two investigations, one by the CIA inspector general's office and the oth- er by the agency's three-member over- sight board. "The Administration has not advocated or condoned political assassi- nation or any other attacks on civilians, nor will we," said Spokesman Larry Speakes. Other officials claimed that the booklet had been prepared by a "low-lev- el contract employee" of the CIA and was never cleared for publication by higher- ups. The document indicates a sophisti- cated knowledge, apparently drawn from CIA field reports, of techniques currently being used by Communist guerrillas. The key political and moral question is wheth- er senior Government officials knew what the CIA manual was advocating, and if not, why not. -By Evan Thomas. Reported by Martin Casey/Miami/and Ross H. Munro/ 09'40O10002-4 5` eC2OO6/O1*M7ef1=e-RDP9fi"1b090I RI Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 ry?t r~^~ PoB NEW YORK TIMES 2 November 1984 Casey's Letter on Nicaragua Manual. special to the rrew York Times WASHINGTON, Nov. I -- Follow- ing is a letter from William J. Casey, Director of Central Intelligence, to members of the House and Senate In- telligence Committees. The letter, .,dated Oct. 25, was obtained today ,from a member of Congress. I'd like you to look through the much publicized text of the F.D.N. -manual on psychological operations together with the code of conduct pre- _pared in pocket size for every F.D.N. soldier to carry with him at all times. You will see that the thrust and pur- pose of this material is, as Senator Wallop has said publicly, on the whole quite different from the impression that has. been created in the media. The ultimate distortion appeared in this morning's New York Times edi- _ torial, which speaks of the agency "having to be stopped from illegal minings and murders." This distor-, tion of the reality must be corrected. Let me describe these documents and their contents to help you work your way through them. They were prepared in the political section of the F.D.N. with the help of an advisor. provided by the C.I.A. The code of conduct explains that the objective of the F.D.N. is the, development of a democratic and pluralistic govern- ment in Nicaragua. It describes the need to achieve a reconciliation of the Nicaraguan family, to establish so- cial justice and human rights in Nica- ragua, to restore the freedoms vio- lated by the Sandinistas and to achieve economic reform and "greater social mobility." Purpose of Manual The manual, entitled "Psychologi- cal Operations in Guerrilla War- fare," was prepared by and ad- dressed to .people who had made the fateful decision to engage in armed combat in order to resist oppression by a totalitarian regime. Its purpose is stated as assuring thet every com- batant will be "highly motivated to engage in propaganda face to face, to the same degree that he is motivated to fight." It aims to make every F.D.N. guer- rilla "persuasive in face-to-face com- munication _ a propagandist com- batant - in his contact with the peo- ple; he must be capable of giving 5 or 10 logical reasons why, for example, a peasant must give him fabric, needle and thread to mend his clothes. When the guerrilla behaves this way, enemy propaganda will never turn him into an enemy in the eyes of the population." It goes on to deal with developing political awareness, using group dy- namics, interaction with the people, "live, eat and work with the people," respect for human rights, teaching and civic action. Protecting Guerrillas There is a section headed "guer- rilla arms are the strength of the peo- ple against an illegal government." shoot that individual. The other uses the word "neutralize" in dealing with the problem of removing local offi- cials or occupying a town. It is important to note that these two passages are in the context of en-, tering or occupying a community and dealing with a situation in which as tual or potential resistance remains. i They are preceded by admonitions that the "enemies of the people, the Sandinista officials or agencies, must not be mistreated in spite of the criminal actions even though the guerrilla forces may have suffered casualties" and also that "whenever it is necessary to use armed force during an occupation o;- a visit to a town or a village," the guerrillas are to "explain to the population that first of all this is being done ? to protect them, the people not the guerrillas themselves" and that "this action, while not desirable, is necessary be- cause the final objective of the insur- rection is a free and democratic soci- ety where acts of force are not neces- sary." This deals with protecting the guerril- las and citizens when a town is occu- pied. There is also a section on the training and operations of armed propaganda teams, made up of 6 to 10 members charged with raising politi- cal consciousness within Nicaragua and personal persuasion within the population. Again, the emphasis Is on educa- tion, avoiding combat if possible, "not turning the town into a battle- field." That context puts into per- spective the four passages with which the whole document and the F.D.N. psychological operations have been characterized. Two of these four pas- sages were deleted by the F.D.N. Of the other two, one advises on how to explain to the population` if-a- guerrilla, having "tried to stop the in- formant without shooting" should Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 y Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 ARTICLE APP ED NEW YORK TIMES ON PAGE 47- 2 November 1984 NICARAGUAN TALKS What the U.S. Seeks and foreign advisers could be verified. The two Administration officials said The proposal presented by the Ad- that Mr. Shlaudeman was limited in ministration in August called for the what he could accomplish at Manza- agua ARE SAID TO STALL withdrawal vof. i all Soviet Nicaragua military advisers from Niwithin nine months of the signing of an agreement, the two Administration of- ficials said. Meetings With U.S. in Mexico in return , according to a copy of the proposal made available by one of the Fail to Narrow Differences officials, the United States said it was ureoared to take removal of the advis. nillo by negotiating instructions pre- pared in Washington that barred any serious exploration of how differences between the two countries could be re- solved, or at least narrowed. "No one will tell Shlaudeman what the end game is, what the road map to a final agreement is," one of the officials said. He added, "The reason is that the Administration doesn't really want a settlement with the Sandinistas." By PHILIP TAUBMAN America. These and other Administration offi- spxtal to The New York Timm The United States, according to the proposal, also offered not to mine Nica- cials said that a number of senior Rea- WASHINGTON, Nov. 1 - Recent raguan harbors or attack oil storage in- gan aides. including ecreFd -ofT talks between the United States and stallations if Nicaragua would close a tense Caspar W. Weinberger. WjlIjarrl Nicaragua have failed to narrow major communications center in Managua J. Casey. the Director of Central Intel, differences between them, according that the Administration says has been igence, and Jeane J. Kirkpatrick, the to officials of both countries. used to direct guerrilla operations in El chief United States delegate to the Representatives of the two countries Salvador. The mining and attacks, United Nations, were opposed to ne- which were 3irectecYby t e entra n- met at the Mexican Pacific resort of tc goiations`vv~thie`Sa`stas. Manzanillo on Tuesday and Wednesday tWhgeniy Ae ,-`s'ere estop in TTer oppos-i ion"-ff6-6ff c als said, in their seventh negotiating session April because of Congressional op2osi- was based on objections to the Kennedy since Secretary of State George P. tion. Administration's apparent agreement Shultz made an unexpected visit to In addition, the two officials said, the with the Soviet Union in 1962 that the United States insisted that any agree- United States would not take military Nicaragua in June. ment with Nicaragua, whether directly action against Cuba unless it posed : a Although the talks were said to have between Washington and Managua or strategic threat to the United States. progressed better than expected during among Central American nations, That commitment, which was never the summer, generating a ripple of op- must include provisions for moving stated explicitly, is generally consid- timism that tensions might be reduced, Nicaragua toward democratic rule. ered to be part of the accord that ended Reagan Administration officials said it Elections Called a Sham the Cuban missile crisis. One Administration was now clear that the discussions had official said: Sandinista leaders have repeatedly 'Some of Reagan's advisers say that stalled after an initial exchange of pro- said that the governance of Nicaragua kind of agreement must never happen posals. They said it was not clear is an internal matter not subject to ne- again. No one knows whether the whether the talks would continue after', gotiation with the United States or any United States should invade Nicara-- elections in Nicaragua, and the United other country. gua, but people don't want to foreclose States next week. Presidential elections scheduled to that option by signing some kind',of Two Administration officials farm- be held in Nicaragua on Sunday have agreement." iar with the discussions said today that:i been called a sham by Mr. Shultz. the United States had declined to Last month, the United States pre- modify proposals first offered in Au- sented a technical paper on how any gust that called for major concessions agreement about reductions in arms on. security issues by Nicaragua. The officials said that the proposals did not detail what reciprocal steps would be taken by Washington. State Department officials, defepd- ing the American position, said Nicara- gua's counterproposals called for equally large concessions by the United States, including the removal of all American forces from Central Amer- ica and the dismantling of military, bases in Honduras improved by the United States in recent years.- The department officials said that the United States representative at the talks, Harry W. Shlaudeman, Presi- dent Reagan's special envoy to Central America, was negotiating in good faith with the expectation that some sort of agreement could eventually be reached. ers "into consideration" when setting the level of American forces in Central Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RD.P91-00901 R000400010002-4 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000 RADIO N REPORTS, i 4701 WILLARD AVENUE, CHEVY CHASE, MARYLAND 20815 (301) 656-4068 PUBLIC AFFAIRS STAFF PROGRAM News Watch STATION C N N- T V Cable News Network DATE November 2, 1984 5:00 PM CITY Washington, DC SUBJECT Report From CIA on Manual Discovered in Nicaragua LOU WATERS: The CIA's Inspector General is investigat- ing the Agency's controversial manual designed to teach Contra rebels how to overthrow Nicaragua's government. Today, Democrats in the House and the Senate Intelli- gence Committees say the Reagan Administration is holding up the results of those investigations to avoid embarrassing the President before the election. Mary Tillotson joins us now from our Washington studios with a report. Mary? MARY TILLOTSON: Lou, about three weeks ago, after word of that CIA manual on terrorist techniques to be used by the Contra rebels in Nicaragua surfaced in press reports, President Reagan put out a statement saying he is opposed to the sort of political assassination recommended in the manual, and also ordering two investigations of how the manual got produced. The CIA Inspector General's office has,now completed its investigation and sent its_ findings to the White House Intelli- gence Oversight Board for further review. But, Democratic membes of both the House and Senate intelligence Oversight Committees, like Vermont's Senator Patrick Leahy, say they are now convinced the Administration will sit on the investigation findings until after the election. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 OFFICES IN: WASHINGTON D.C. '? NEW YORK ? LOS ANGELES ? CHICAGO ? DETROIT ? . AND OTHER PRINCIPAL CITIES Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901R00040001 WASHINGTON POST 1 November 1984 Former presidential conf~nder Jesse Jackson will no longer be giving away his spellbinding oratory. He's going for the big money and has signed with the Agency for Performing Arts with a $1 million advance for personal and television appearances, and writing books At $ 25,000 a speech, he's in i the: big leagues with form 1 er secretaries of state Henry A. Kissinger and Alexander. M. mentAnalysts in the Sheraton=Carlto Haig Jr, and columnist Art Buehwald :.. to Noted authors Howard Fast ("The Last Walter Mondal be the e will get this yealraOn i tort' Frontier" and 'Citizen Tom Paine") and Ste. day a streetcorner poll was held at the _ phen-Birmin ham Tues- g (Our Crowd,. and The necticut Connection at. Connecticut a dq L Grand Days: America's 'Sephardic Elite') ', and 2,928 11 are the guest speakers Sunday at the sec-. from D.C.Maryland passersby and V Vir pdrirginia, ginia, mostly and annual Jewish Book Fair at the Jewish percent:forom other areas. reeas. Mondale won 60 Community Center in Rockville. Fast's t won 60 newest percent of the vote newest book is "The Outsider"; Birming- eas, incidentally cast : Those 60 from percent for other Prefi. ar- is "The Rest of Us" .:..How tough ident Reagan. , M art Sahl, the satirical can you be in an argument with your boss? dark prince of the 1960s, opened this week Frank- Mankiewicz , a well-I.at Charlie's Georgetown and hasn't lost Democrat working as an executive vice sharpness: ''He described CIA director Wile president at Gra & its Y Co., will debate his liani Casey as "t e s boss, Robert Keith Gray, a man with spar- o an sal who came in fort e resi e- kling Republican credentials, on the topic ore the movie "Countr nt ea an eft "Reagan versus Mondale" today at. a. lun- cheon of th,- V Le bank fnrr>rin-oa Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 Approved For Release 2006/01/17: CIA-RDP91-00901R00 ARTICLE APPEARED EARLY WARNING ON PAGE November 1984 Rebuilding the CIA Reagan's second term may see the resolution of one of the CIA's secret wars - the one that has been waged quietly behind the scenes between Central Intelligence Director William Casey and some of his staff and a group of professionals who share neither his enthusiasms nor convictions. One of Casey's signal achievements has been to inject new life and energy into the U.S. intelligence community. But some of the old-line professionals have been opposed to the operations he has sought to pursue most vigorously. Following the model of the Good Soldier Shweik, these staffers have followed orders but have not provided moral support or personal initiative. Tuough various channels, some of them have signalled Congress discreetly that they were against' some of the actions being taken in the not-so-covert war in Central America. These are the same men who held key posts in the intelligence community in the era of passivity and disenchantment presided over by the Carter administration. Their survival in top CIA jobs today has been due in part to the loss of many of the Agency's best operatives in the 1970s, most notably in Admiral Stansfield Turner's "Halloween. Massacre" (see below). But two events within the CIA during Reagan's first term also help to explain the present division of power. The first was Casey's curious choice of Max Hugel as Director of Operations. This set off a furore amongst intelligence professionals, most of whom believed that Hugel, a street-smart businessman and an old friend of the new DCI, was qualified for the job only by personal loyalty to Casey. The post Hugel was offered is uniquely sensitive, since the Director of Oper- ations.-is responsible for clandestine operations in the field. Hugel was forced out after a virtual revolt inside the Agency. This episode, coming early in Casey's tenure, bruised his authority within the community. The second event was the unexpected retirement, at the mid- point of Reagan's first term, of Admiral Bobby Inman as Deputy Director of Central Intelligence. Inman, a former chief of the National Security Agency (NSA), was widely respected throughout the community for his discretion and professionalism, and many insiders felt sure he would eventually succeed Casey in the top intelligence job. These unrelated episodes brought the Agency's most cautious professionals into positions of control. For many months before the elections, the idea was canvassed widely that Casey would be forced to retire in the near future as the result of pressure from inside the Administration, the Republican Party and the Congress, much of it related to recent events in Central America. A powerful lobby would then be assembled to bring in a professional as director. This would please many in Congress, most notably House Speaker Tip O'Neill. The problem is that, in the present context, such a DCI would be extremely unlikely to be an operations man with a. wealth of personal experience of the realities of intelligence work in the field. Top manage- ment of the CIA is good, a veteran intelligence observer comments, but it is exactly that: management. The overriding theme is survival, understandable enough after the traumatic experiences of the past decade and a half, during which the Agency has taken a battering from both Democrats and Republicans. The CIA's operational capacity was savaged under the Carter Administration. For all the outrage registered over Reagan's campaign statement that the erosion of U.S. intelligence in those years may have contributed to the success of terrorism in Beirut, many insiders think his remarks were justified. Stansfield Turner was quoted as saying that the President must be wrong because the CIA didn't cut a single operative overseas. A number of CIA veterans who were forced out during his incumbency express anger and disbelief that Turner could make such a claim. One EW source reports that, as a result of Turner's cuts, in Western Europe alone, the CIA: ^ Lost 90 per cent of its intelligence reporting ability in West Germany; ^ Lost its entire Greek-speaking component in the Athens station; ^ Lost the intelligence reporting section of the Paris station; ^ Lost its chief of station in Madrid; ^ Lost the key operative who had helped to prevent a Com- munist takeover in Portugal; ^ Lost its foremost expert on Western Europe and the Social- ist International, with an invaluable - and irreplaceable - network of sources. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010002-4 ARTICLE APpE oved For Releas;@120M 1$17 : CIA-RDP91-00901R00 ON PAGE 7 November 1984 the hostages." This stunning exclusive, purporting to scoop all the world's other news-gather- ing organizations, amounted to fulfillment of a dire warning that had been made over the past several months by officials of the Committee to Elect Reagan: Be on guard for an attempt by President Jimmy Carter i to formulate a secret ransom deal to free the American hostages in Iran. Such a move, Reagan's men felt, coming so soon before the November 4 election, might guarantee Carter's reelection. The men around Ronald Reagan called it the "October surprise," and Moore's ex- clusive report seemed to confirm their worst fears-that the euphoria resulting from the release of the 52 American hos- tages might sway millions of American voters into forgetting why they were think- ing of voting against Jimmy Carter. Or so it would appear. But, in fact, the words delivered by a reporter on a local television station owned by ABC in Chica- go represented the climax of a sour chap- ter in the history of American politics. And it is a chapter that has remained unknown up until now. In basic form, it amounts to: ? A political-espionage operation, di- Reagan campaign. Besides George Bush, rected and controlled by some members the vice-presidential candidate and for- of the Reagan committee, that dwarfed in mer CIA director with extensive contacts scale anything conceived in the days of the Nixon political-spying operation--or any other similar operation, for that matter, all across the U.S. intelligence communi- ty, there was William J. Casey, director for the entire campaign. Casey, the present'CIA director, was a mil io aTre Wall Street lawyer who had served in the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) during World War 11 and later served in a variety of official and nonoffi- cial government appointments, including membership on the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board. A man with wide contacts throughout the governmen- tal and intelligence structure, Casey was known as an obsessive collector of infor- mation, a man with an unquenchable, de- vouring passion for all data. And the data Casey was most interest- ed in during the 1980 campaign was infor- mation on the Carter White House and the Carter reelection campaign. For example, the minutes of a September 12, 1980 meeting of Casey's lieutenants record that the campaign director "wants more infor- mation from the Carter camp...." Per- haps not so coincidentally, the exhortation came. just three days after a secret com- munique from the German government to . Carter that Khomeini was ready to, make a. deal on the hostages-and on the very same day that Khomeini signaled the Car- ter White House that the Germans were bona fide messengers. This interesting coincidence of events , suggests a fairly sophisticated informa- tion-gathering operation that, extended into the Oval Office, an operation that was able to alert the Reagan committee to even the most sensitive top-secret devel- opments. While it is difficult to estimate its size, there is no question that the spying operation was quite extensive, covering the entire government apparatus. Casey himself had revealed the exis- tence of the operation in July 1980, during the Republican National Convention- in Detroit. With typical audacity, Casev told reporters that he was establishing an "intelligence operation" in the campaign, and he -said flatly that it was aimed at dis- covering whether Carter planned any Oc- tober surprise. Reportedly, however, other Reagan campaign officials were upset at Casey's direct admission of an intelligence opera- tion, and it was not, as such, ever referred to again in public. But it flourished in se- i cret. Oddly enough, the operation's most valuable assets were not campaign work- ers but a fairly large number of ostensibly loyal government employees. To the Rea- gan committee's surprise, there were many military and intelligence-agency em- ployees who had become convinced that Carter was a dangerously muddleheaded feather merchant. While not enamored of Reagan, they felt strongly that under no circumstances should Jimmy Carter be Approved For Release 2006/01/17: CIA-RDP91-00904 0OibO6O2-4 ? An operation that ultimately resulted in the destruction of what was apparently an imminent deal between Iran and Carter to release the American hostages months before they were set free coincident with Reagan's inauguration. That deal was aborted by a news leak that took place im- mediately after the Reagan committee learned of it. ? A complicated series of events that saw TV reporter Larry Moore used as an innocent dupe to destroy the very deal he was reporting. What follows is not a nice story. There are no heroes and no winners. It is a story of political chicanery. Until the present time only a tiny part of it has surfaced: charges that Reagan's people stole confidential briefing papers prepared for Carter prior to his nationally televised debate with Rea- gan, an incident known as "debategate." But there is more-much more. Whether any criminal prosecutions will result remains an open question. Last spring a congressional investigation con- cluded that there had been a "cover-up" of the Reagan spying operation. Mean- while, an attempt to appoint a special prosecutor to probe the 1980 campaign is still ensnared in legal arguments. Still, few seem to grasp the full extent and depth of the spying operation-its tracks have been well covered, and even revelations connected with the theft of the briefing papers have not unlocked the rest of the spying operation's secrets. Like all modern presidential-election cam- paigns, the Reagan campaign had a politi- cal-espionage apparatus. As a challenger, Reagan could come to relybn the'custom- ary resources of such operations` dis- gruntled career diplomats, government employees, and not-so-loyal'members of the opposition party. But there were two factors that elevated this time-honored custom of political espi- ohage, into, something much . different-in 1980. One was the growing conviction within the Reagan campaign that Carter almost certainly-would pull an,October surprise, i.e., arrange the release of the hostages at the most critical point of the campaign. Therefore, there was an urgent . requirement for detailed intelligence from inside the Carter White House. The second factor, and in some ways more important than the first, was the na- ture of some of the people running the Continued