LETTER TO HONORABLE WILLIAM J. CASEY FROM EDWARD P. BOLAND

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP91-00901R000400010002-4
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 62
• Document Creation Date: December 19, 2016
• Document Release Date: December 19, 2005
• Sequence Number: 2
• Publication Date: November 30, 1984
• Content Type: LETTER

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.,_Y.:, 9P MtED ~T"
CHICAGO TRIBUNE
28 November 1984
Mighty Casey got caught
By Aaron Freeman.
Nicaragua looked real rocky for the Reagan crowd'
that year.
Sandinistas ruled the country, filling Republican
hearts with fear.
When Big Pine Two did nothing and the Contras got
nowhere
All the hawks in government fell into des air.
They said "If only Casey and the CIA could join the
fight,
He'd show 'em how to move that country further to
the right.
Then suddenly they all stood up.
A cry rose from their lips.
It echoed off the fighter planes and rattled off the
ships.
It rumbled down from Washington to small Hon-
duran shacks.
That Casey, William Casey, was directing the at-
tacks!
Mischief showed in Casey's manner as he spoke to
the committee.
"Forgot to tell you we bombed refineries? So sorry,
such a pity.
"We must get tough on communism, not like Viet-
nam was.
"Covert action is the ticket, down in Nicaragua!
"Let's neutralize those dirty Marxists, give em all
the hook!"
So Casey and the CIA made commie kille.- books!
Oh somewhere in this covert land there is a quiet
place.
Somewhere secrets are not leaked and spies do not
lose face.
Somewhere facts can be covered up, reporters
frightened or bought.
But there is no joy in Reaganville.
William Casey, he got caught.
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F~.nPCI~
WASHINGTON POST
28 November 1984
"TMAn AN UNFAVOiZASLE S 'AST - T`~AT
NETWORK NEEDS TO BE HEU TRALLZEP"
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_
qq .417 ??EARED I
WASHINGTON TIMES
28 November 1984
ARAM BAKSHiAN
She could fill a new role
ov. 20,1984, has two claims
IN to the history books. It was
the day that 192 Polish
tourists traveling aboard
the cruise ship Stefan Batory
defected en masse in the West Ger-
man port of Hamburg. It was also
the day that a lone but distin-
guished lady jumped ship from the
Reagan administration. With all
deference to the Hamburg 192,
Ambassador Jeane J. Kirkpatrick
probably made the bigger splash.
Considered by many the most
articulate - and most hard-line -
foreign policy spokesperson during
Mr. Reagan's first term, Mrs. Kirk-
patrick now has declared her deter-
mination to return to what she
describes as "the pleasures of pri-
vate life." While anyone who has
served four years of hard labor in
what is laughingly known as the
United Nations deserves a break,
one could wish that the administra-
tion would find a more productive
role for Mrs. Kirkpatrick to play in
its second term.
Unfortunately, there just aren't
any vacant slots at the top policy-
making level. Mr. Reagan has
alread invited Secretary of State
George S ultz, Defense Secre arv
Cas ar Weinber er CIA Director
William Casey. an ationa ecu-
n~ Adviser Robert McF, arlane t~ i
sta on and - as of this writing -
none has s sown any interest in
retiru?g,Haing=asapresi entiT
aide to Mr. Reagan for more than
2i years - watched all of them in
action, this strikes me, on the
whole, as good news.
All four organizations are in bet-
ter shape now than when their cur-
rent heads took command, and a
fairly sane balance of inspired
ideologues and able administrators
prevails.
? At State, Mr. Shultz's avuncular
yet no-nonsense style has restored
calm in the wake of his well-
intended but volatile predecessor,
Al Haig. With the prospect of hard-
nosed negotiations with the Soviets
-growing stronger each day, Mr.
Shultz is definitely the man for the
.job.
? At Defense, while Caspar Wein-
berger has earned a lot of media
criticism as a big spender, he
deserves credit for presiding over.
both a much-needed material build .
up and an even more-needed.
revival of pride and morale in our
armed forces. With the defense
budget likely to come under heavy
fire from both sides of the aisle in
the new Congress, an experienced,
knowledgable secretary of defense
is a must. Mr. Weinberger fits the;
bill on both counts. i
? At the CIA William Case' has.
per orme a semi ar eat. ad di-.
Lion, as a ong-time mem'be`r: oT_t e' I
intelligence community, he brings,
to his task practical ex erience that
is more valuable than any amount
o-# f ~e retie- knowledge What the
CIA really does, they don't teach at
universities. AiTd t at, t~ -sit
s
ou e.
? The NSC, Robert "Bud"
McFarlane, a former professional
military man with subsequent
experience as a senior defense
expert on the Senate Armed Ser-
vices Committee, proved himself
worthy of his post long before he
was officially designated director.
The reason was that his predeces-
sor, William "Judge" Clark (now
interior secretary), came to the
NSC with little experience and
leaned heavily on Mr. McFarlane,
his deputy. Mr. McFarlane is . a
tough, calm, intelligent anti-
communist, despite the occasional
potshots taken at him by a few dis-
sident voices on the far right.
So, alas for Mrs. Kirkpatrick, the
administration is already dealing
with a full deck. Still, why not cre-
ate a new top position for an able
intellectual who is possibly the
most intelligent, eloquent woman
ever to attain Cabinet rank? Not
that she doesn't have a few blind
spots. As a scholar - albeit apoliti-
call so- t irate one - M
Kirkpatrick has never en'oyed
uc11 of a re 1 tat ion as an a min-
istrator. And more than half the,Lob
~ie it at State, De ense thie CIA, or
the NSC, is_riding herd on'~ n one s fry
qu;;ntly errant nderlings.
Whether she would have been up to
the task we will never know, and
perhaps it is just as well.
Some of her views, especially an
unfortunate fondness for unpopular
authoritarian regimes south of the
border, are also more than a little
idiosyncratic.
But there is - or, at least, there
was-another way that Mr. Reagan
might benefit from Mrs. Kirkpat-
rick's counsel during his second
term. It has its minuses as well as
pluses, but deserves serious con-
sideration. Ronald Reagan, unlike
some presidents in the recent past,
is an open-minded, inwardly secure
man who welcomes animated dis-
cussion and debate. He likes to hear
all sides of an argument before
making u;p his mind.
On the economic side, that is why
his administration has sometimes
been accused of speaking with
more than one voice, e.g. con-
flicting signals from Donald
Regan's Treasury, the Council of
Economic Advisers under Martin
Feldstein, and the OMB under
David Stockman.
Another major player on eco-
nomic and other domestic issues
has been White House counselor
Edwin Meese, often, with consider-
able oversimplification, labeled the
in-house conservative. Mr. Meese is
no great shakes as an administrator,
and he has lost as many policy bat-
tles as he has won. But his presence
at the president's side over the past
four years has made a difference - !
a difference for the better.
Why not a foreign policy
equivalent of Ed Meese - a White
House Counselor on Foreign
Affairs who would be there to air
ideas and see that a strong ideologi-
cal case was always heard?
And why not Jeane Kirkpatrick
for the job?
Aram Bakshian is a staff colum-
nist for The Washington Times.
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 hen White House
deputy press secretary
Bob Sims announced
the other day that
Defense Secretary Caspar Wein-
berger, Secretary of State George
Shultz, Central Intelligence
Agency Director William Casey,
and National Security Adviser Rob-
ert McFarlane had agreed to Pres-
ident Ronald Reagan's request that
they remain in their positions for a
second term, he was saying, in
effect, that there is no room. for
proud and prickly Jeane Kirkpat-
rick in the second Reagan adminis-
tration.
For Mrs. Kirkpatrick had made
it clear for some time that she was
uninterested in remaining as
American ambassador to the
United Nations after the current
General Assembly session ends
next month. And those four jobs
were the only ones that interested
the doughty scholar-diplomat.
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;APPEARED
WASHINGTON TIMES
~+ Pr" 28 November 1984
SMITH HEMPSTONE
No useful role for
Jeane Kirkpatrick?
********.r*, -a
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TIME
26 November 1984
Broadsides in a War of Nerves
Washington and the
Sandinistas take turns crying wolf
once again the familiar tremors swept
through Nicaragua. In the streets of
Managua, the capital, dozens of Soviet-
made T-55 tanks clattered into defensive
positions. Antiaircraft crews manned
their batteries, while zealous neighbor-
hood defense committees scurried to dig
air-raid trenches. Some 20,000 volunteer
coffee pickers were reassigned to local mi-
litia units as the Sandinista government
announced a "state of alert" affecting the
country's 100,000-member military and
security forces. For the third time in two
years, the Sandinistas were loudly con-
vinced-or so they said-that U.S. troops
were about to invade their soil.
Most Nicaraguans, however, re-
mained calm. Despite the government's
repeated alarms, residents of Managua
made their way to work as usual on the
city's overcrowded buses. Schoolchildren
played outdoors, even gathering in. clus-
ters around the squat, forbidding tanks.
Occasionally the civic mood was shattered
by a sonic boom, which the government
attributed to high-flying U.S. SR-71 spy
planes violating Nicaraguan airspace. De-
spite the noisy interruptions, few Nicara-
guans seemed concerned about the puta-
tive Yanqui invasion.
A similar case of schizophrenia
seemed to be afflicting the Reagan Ad-
ministration. At a meeting of the 31-mem-
ber Organization of American States in
Brasilia, Secretary of State George Shultz
pooh-poohed the Nicaraguan war hyste-
ria as "self-induced ... based on nothing."
Said he: "Obviously they're trying to whip
up their own population. But I can't imag-
ine what the reason is for doing that."
Then Shultz provided a possible answer.
The U.S., he said in reference to Nicara-
gua's Soviet-sponsored arms buildup, was
"trying to work in any way we can to cast
this aggressive and subversive influence
out of our hemisphere."
At the State Department and the Pen-
tagon, those sentiments were stated more
sharply. Even as U.S. officials repeatedly
denied any aggressive intentions toward
Nicaragua, they continued to issue stern
warnings about the Central American re-
public's military buildup, especially the
possible acquisition by the Sandinistas
of high-performance Soviet-bloc aircraft.
The U.S., said Pentagon Spokesman Mi-
chael Burch, would "provide whatever as-
sistance is necessary" to protect its hemi-
spheric interests. Did that include military
intervention? Said Burch: "I'm not willing
The superpower and the mirapower
had different motives for cranking up the
mutual war of nerves. In the wake of Pres-
ident Reagan's election victory, Washing-
ton seemed intent on setting what one offi-
cial called "the limits of U.S. tolerance"
toward Marxist-led Nicaragua. After
their somewhat less than democratic elec-
tion triumph on Nov. 4, the Sandinistas
seemed determined to keep building up
their arsenal as rapidly as possible. Nei-
ther stance boded particularly well for the
process of negotiated peace in the region,
which both sides claim to support.
The latest spasms arose, ironically
enough, from a false alarm. On Election
Day, someone in the U.S. Government
leaked word, based on sketchy and uncon-
firmed spy-satellite information, that
crated Soviet MiG-21 interceptors were
about to be unloaded at Nicaragua's Pa-
cific port of Corinto from the Soviet
freighter Bakuriani. The U.S. has long
warned Nicaragua that the arrival of
MiG-21 Is or similar fighters would be "un-
acceptable," since such weapons would
upset the regional balance of air power.
By the time the Bakuriani unloaded
its crated cargo and returned to sea,
Washington was persuaded that MiG-21s
had not been delivered, One reason, indi-
cated by Shultz, was a Soviet assurance to
the contrary. Another was the informa-
tion gleaned from the rash of U.S. spy-
plane flights, more probably low-flying
F-4 reconnaissance jets than the superfast,
supersophisticated SR-71s claimed by the
Sandinistas (no sonic boom from an SR-71
can be heard when the aircraft flies, as it
can on spy missions, at an altitude of 15
miles or more).
The U.S. conclusion: Soviet-bloc
ships, including the Bakuriani, have more
than likely delivered SA-3 and SA-8 anti-
aircraft missiles, advanced radar equip-
ment that would complete Nicaragua's
air-defense system, and a supply of MI-24
"Hind" helicopters. The choppers are
heavily armed gunships that the Soviets
use against rebellious tribesmen in Af-
ghanistan: they are probably intended to
flush out 6,000 of the U.S.-backed contra
guerrillas, who have now moved perma-
nently inside Nicaragua to carry on their
hit-and-run war against the Sandinistas.
Nonetheless, the Pentagon kept up its
threatening expressions of concern. Even
without the MiG-21s. U.S. officials said.
the arrival of the Bakuriani marked the
first time the Soviets had sent weapons to
Nicaragua under their own flag, rather
than through such surrogates as Cuba or
Bulgaria. U.S. military officials said last
week that four more Soviet and East-bloc STAT
freighters were on their way to Nicaragua.
without saying when the ships would ar-
rive, or where. Said Pentagon Spokesman
Burch: "Nicaragua has now armed itself
to a greater degree or in quantities far
greater than any of its neighbors. or even a
coalition of its neighbors."
The Sandinista buildup is indeed im-
pressive. Nicaragua's regular army and
mobilized reserves now total 62,000, more
than the armies of nearby El Salvador and
Honduras combined. The U.S. estimates
that Nicaragua has 150 tanks and 200 oth-
er armored vehicles. 200 antiaircraft guns
and 300 missile launchers, in addition to
perhaps 18 of the fearsome Hinds. By con-
trast. El Salvador. Guatemala and Hon-
duras combined have 53 tanks and 104 ar-
mored vehicles: none of them has any
advanced missile system. Neighboring
Costa Rica has only a poorly equipped
9.800-member civil guard.
The Pentagon. moreover. maintains
that the Sandinistas still want the MiGs
and intend to get them. U.S. military offi-
cials also charged that five airfields are ei-
ther currently receiving improvements or
under construction in Nicaragua: at least
one of them might be used for stopovers
by Soviet long-range Backfire bombers.
Bases in Nicaragua. says a Pentagon offi-
cial. "would enormously facilitate Soviet
reconnaissance flights over America's
West Coast."
The emphasis on that argument is rela-
tively new. In the past, the Administration
has more often justified its actions in Cen-
tral America by stressing that the Sandi-
nistas were shipping arms to insurgents in
El Salvador. The U.S. has also pointed to
signs of creeping totalitarianism in Nica-
ragua. as the Marxist-led regime has
curbed press freedom, expropriated the
property of private entrepreneurs and built
a pervasive security apparatus with the aid
of Cuban and East German advisers.
T he switch in reasoning seemed to re-
flect the Administration's recurring
tendency to speak with different voices
about Nicaragua:, Privately, some Penta-
gon sources attributed the hyping of con-
cern over the Bakuriani and its cargo to
officials at the White House and National
Security Council. The State Department
also expressed frustration over the way
the MiG issue had materialized: on his
way to the OAS meeting. Shultz character-
ized the original leak as "a criminal act."
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-h1E'~:S EEC
26 November 1984
PERISCOPE
Casey at the Bat-For Himself
White House aides suspect that CIA Director William J. Casey,
under fire for the mining of Nicaraguan harbors and other covert
CIA activities in the Central American country, shrewdly engi-
neered a ringing endorsement from President Reagan by leaking
stories to two conservative newspapers. The stories questioned
whether the CIA director would keep his job; after they appeared,
Casey wrote to Reagan complaining that he found it "very difficult
to operate" under such conditions. The president predictably re-
sponded by declaring his unwavering support for Casey. One reason
the White House aides believe that Casey was behind the stories is
that they appeared only in The Washington Times and the New
York Post, the CIA director's favorite conservative papers. In
addition, Casey knew thatbecause Ronald Reagan hates confronta-
tion, the ploy would almost certainly result in a vote of confidence.
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ON PAGE _ HUMAN EVENTS .
214 November 1981+
Possible CIA Choice
Disturbs Conservatives
Informed intelligence sources tell HUMAN
EVENTS they're concerned that William Casey-will
make a bad mistake if he appoints Lionel Ulmer,
`Commerce, as Deputy
Director of Central Intel-
ligence. The current
deputy director, John:.
McMahon, is expected to .
leave shortly. This
report, not taken seri-
.ously -when -the. New
York Times first sur-
faced it, has been given O&AEA
further credence since CIA Director Casey himself
has favorably mentioned, Olmer: for the -job.
Olmer, however, is not looked, upon kindly by
hardliners. They say that he has undermined them
on strategic trade issues with the Soviets and has
taken an increasingly soft line towards the
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24 November 1984
]AV, A I- U r1 fIJ I)EV L ALEXAND
- The ultras-to be distinguished marginally from the or-
Long National Nightmare dinary warmongering rabble-include Gen. Paul Gorman,
d based in Panama
,
The final, preposterous image of the election campaign head of the U.S. Southern Comman
I _. .. N ~--
special "Election 117;11;2m fTcev At the C.I.A.. Fr
Extra" issue. It turns out that all through those long months
a team of Newsweek political reporters had an agreement
with their sources that they would be given access to certain
material on condition it was not published until after the
election. One reporter actually had two notebooks, one
(presumably labeled B for bullshit) in which he would duti-
fully record the assertions of Administration officials that no
secret plan to raise taxes was in the works, and the other (T
for truth) in which he wrote down things to be concealed-
Administration scenarios for raising taxes-until such time
as their publication made no difference. Time's Strobe
Talbott had a similar deal during the Nitze and Rowney
arms talks in Geneva last year.
The defense for this sort of arrangement is that without it,
the reporter would simply learn nothing-which is pernicious
nonsense. By partaking in these embargoes the reporter
becomes even more complicit in news management than is
regularly the case. The losers are the. readers who trustingly
fork out their money each week for Time and Newsweek in
the hopes of finding out what's going on, little realizing that
bargains have been made to keep them in the dark as long as
it counts.
at the Defense Department and Constantine Menges at the
National Security Council. Gorman and the others tried
zealously to promote the Bakuriani/MIG threat in the clos-
ing weeks of the campaign but couldn't get it off the
ground, since Reagan's top advisers were not keen on a
cliffhanging crisis disrupting the pre-election Presidential
image of sweet reason. Right at the end of October, in an
unusual session of the National Security Council, Reagan
rejected the idea of emergency action. The October surprise
was that there was no surprise. Had Reagan been slipping, it
might have been a different story.
On election night the ultras moved, in a pre-emptive coup
designed to seize the high ground during the crucial days of
policy formation immediately after the victory. News of the
imminent arrival of the Bakuriani was leaked to CBS from
the Pentagon, and to NBC from the Reagan party in Cali-
fornia. Given the origin of the NBC story, it's possible that
the ultras inhabit the highest levels of the Administration.
For the next three days the media handled the story exact-
ly as the ultras had hoped-on the front pages. The em-
phatic denials by the Soviet Union and Nicaragua that MIG-
21s had been or would be dispatched to Nicaragua were
duly recorded, along with the Administration's em-
phasis that no "conclusive proof" of the presence of the
MIGs aboard theBakuriani had been obtained. But by then
the MIGs had become purely symbolic.
To the extent that the coverage revolved around the issue
of what the Reagan Administration would do if the planes
had arrived at Corinto, it was irrelevant whether they had
arrived or not. The papers remembered to mention that it
was unlikely the MIGs were aboard and then went back to
their worst-case analysis. This is often true in war scares.
The Russians never deployed nuclear materiel in Cuba dur-
ing the missile crisis of 1962, contrary to popular memory.
Leading up to the crisis all that U.S. spy planes ever observed
were metal canisters that might or might not have contained
missiles (not warheads), just as the Bakuriani might or
might not have been carrying MIG-21s.
A New York Times editorial for Friday, November 9,
realized the fondest dreams of the ultras: "If American
surveillance has blundered, Nicaragua has an easy way to
prove it. Expose the cargo and expose the accusers. The
larger point-even if galling-that Nicaragua's arms are a
hemisphere [sic] concern has already been granted."
Both Philip Taubman of The Times and Fred Hiatt of
The Washington Post managed to establish pretty clearly by
the weekend what was going on. Taubman cited "certain
national security aides" who "wanted to use the issue of the
The Phantom Planes
George Shultz should become the second member of
Reagan's Cabinet to be on the receiving end of a criminal in-
dictment. On November 10, discussing the leaked election
night reports of the possible arrival of MIG-21 fighter planes
in Nicaragua, he remarked, "Whoever leaked that material
engaged in a criminal act in my opinion." But back at the
start of October, in exchanges with people not in govern-
ment, Shultz was alluding to the fact that a Soviet freighter
bound for Nicaragua might be carrying MIG-21s.
In late September, U.S. satellite
photographs of the Bakuriani receiving
cargo at its Black Sea port showed that
on an adjacent quay sat crates of a type
that had been known in the past to con- i
tain MIG-21s. After an interval of cloud cover, photographs
showed that the Bakuriani had departed and the crates were
gone. Intelligence analysts inferred that the latter might
have been loaded onto the former, and the news was cir-
culated throughout the Administration.
As the Bakuriani plowed its way across the Atlantic,
round Cape Horn and up toward Corinto, advocates of es-
calation against Nicaragua began to see the uses to which
ship and cargo could be put.
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7 WASHINGTON POST
ART! "I"
23 November 1984
Rowland Evans and Robert Novak
Scalping .the Fentag&r,
According to a high-ranking Americanolo- tary of State George Shultz to Geneva early
gist in the Kremlin, the Soviet leadership next year for across-the-board talks with
.privately charges Defense Secretary Caspar' Gromyko. Paul Nitze, Reagan's negotiator
Weinberger and one of his top aides with in the failed effort to halt Soviet deployment
having drawn up a "master plan" to destroy of the European-targeted SS20 . missile,
the Soviet Union. might become Shultz's nuts-and-bolts nego-
Georgi Arbatov, head of the renowned tiator starting during the preliminary "um-
Kremlin-run U.S.A. Institute, is known to brella" talks,
_have expressed that view of the Kremlin's an- In addition, Reagan is all but certain to
tagonism toward Weinberger and Assistant ask Weinberger to designate a Pentagon
Defense Secretary Richard Perle within the specialist to sit through all the negotiations
,.last six months. It has come into the hands of -not Perle, but perhaps Defense Under-
?U.S. intelligence agenaes but by what means secretary Fred Ikle. Whoever is chosen
.>.is not known. It was Arbatov's "personal must be acceptable to the Joint Chiefs of
opinion"-that the removal of either Weinber- Staff.
rger or Perle would be a "favorable develop- This careful preparation for what the
-l.ment" and a "positive sign." president is privately calling his "negotiat-
Disclosure of the sgcret Arbatov file on ing track" looks neater and tidier than it is.
scalping the Pentagon happened to coincide Even with Reagan's strong emphasis to
with instructions from President Reagan to Weinberger and Case thy at he is committed
t2p Cabinet officials including Weinberger to negotiations-that, in. the words of one
and CIA Director William Casey, that he in- aie it is his '.`frame of mind"-caution
tends to follow "a negotiating track" on about new arms control agreements domi-
U.S.-Soviet concerns. But Moscow's call to nates the CIA and thePentagan. At Shultz's
fire Weinberger.and Pe le may backfire on State Department,, the mood is different:
Arbatov by raising their go-slow influence optimistic over possibilities for break-11
"within an administration deeply divided over throughs.
arms control. Indeed, administration insiders sympa-
The destruction of the Soviet Union, Ar- thetic to the Pentagon's arms control cau-
batov said, is planned not by nuclear war tion say that the State Department's private
but by "other" means: presumably eco- judgment of Weinberger and Perle on the
nomic and political subversion, military nuclear issue is just as negative as the view
rearmament too fast for the Soviets to from the Kremlin portrayed by Georgi Ar-
match and tougher restraints on sales of batov.
technology. The report of Arbatov's vicious criticism
The Kremlin's top strategic specialist on of the president's top Pentagon arms-con-
how the Soviet.Union should deal with its trol planners_may actually strengthen them.
superpower rival denied that the election That would produce a backlash against the
campaign had anything to do with it. "Let it Kremlin in the administration's bureau-
be known," he said, "that it is the view of cratic struggle for the mind and soul of Ron-
the Soviet leadership that the American ad- ald Reagan. Pro-arms control diplomats
ministration does not want improved rela- might be disadvantaged at the hands of Pen-
tions with Moscow and therefore for the t_agon-CIA skeptics who are convinced that
foreseeable future the Soviet Union cannot _ the United States was taken u a
move on arms control." in earlier SALT agrtggieq ancLmus is.,
All this transpired before the president S2p_1tak r.oo_f verification procedures for all
met Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei future a greements.
Gromyko in the White House last' month. One fact was emerging with clarity here
Since then, and particularly since his land- following high-level study of the Arbatov
slide reelection on Nov. 6, the president has file: however persona non grata Weinberger
been moving fast-too fast, some officials and Perle may be in George Shultz's State
believe-toward arms control talks with Department, the Kremlin's top American-
Moscow under a vague, White House-pro- ologist has ended all prospect of their leav-
claimed "umbrella" formula. ing their posts any time soon.
The "umbrella" formula will send Secre- 61S4, News croup Chicago, inc..
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nT I,j F
~iiS aP !4
NEW YORK TIMES
22 November 1984
ABROAD AT HOME I Anthony Lewis
Keeping the Faith
BOSTON
fateful struggle is under way in
% Washington, a struggle for the
A !,soul of the second Reagan Ad-
ministration. Will it be a Government
of ideologues or of conservative prag-
matists? The outcome will shape the
cow -se of policy on war in Central
America, on the budget, arms con-
trol, the lot.
One of the combatants has just
given us an insight into the struggle.
E ne is Faith Ryan Whittlesey, Assist-
ant to the President for Public Liai-
n. Mra. Whittlesey provided the.
jierhaps inadvertent glimpse in a let-
er to the editor denouncing a column
f -nine about an egregious misstate-
ment by Vice President George Bush.
Talking about human rights in
Nicaragua and El Salvador, Mr. Bush
said the oitterence was like "night
and day" - Nicaragua did not have
"any human rights at all." I com-
luenteci that in El Salvador right-
wing death squads and Government
security forces had murdered 42,u&
c:,Vilia= in the last five years, includ-
iing the komat. Catholic Archbishop,
wbile_t Nicaragua Government
troops hat murdered or kidnapped
around 200 people.
Mrs. Whittlesey wrote that the fig-
ure of 42,000 such deaths in El Saiva
dur- was incredible. But lust two years
ago a highly credible source put the
1979-S2 total at perhaps 30,000, and
there hare. been many more, killings
,ince. Tiiat source was Beane Hinton
J.S. Ambassador at the time, `a key.
pan appointee. He warned in a public
speech that the "gorillas" responsi-
ale were "destroying El Salvador ..
=very bit as much as the guerriIlas."
A= to Nicaragua, Mrs. Whittlesey
~. red be igiare of 2tiO deaths end
appearances. Th re r : N ie-
Which
is the .
real Reagan?
raguan Permanent Commission on
Human Rights (C.P.D.H.), she said,
reports 10 to 20 a month. Yes, it does
call attention to that many suspicious
cases - but then it investigates fur-
ther and drops many. The C.P.D.H.
final report for 1983 listed 15 deaths
and 31 disappearances for the year.
No rational person can look at those
two countries and not see that the hor-
.or of murder and kidnapping has
'aaen infinitely worse in El Salvador.
The figures are grotesquely dispro-
portionate. Their reality could be ig-
nored only by a cynical politician -
ar someone blinded by rightist ideol-
ogy. That is Faith Ryan Whittlesey.
A onetime Ambassador to Switzer-
land, Mrs. Whittlesey was brought into
the White House to do the usual job of
the public liaison office --- build sup-
port for Administration policies
among community groups. But she
has devoted herself instead to pushing
the agenda of the New Right.
Business groups, called to the
White House for what they thought
might be discussions of tax or eco-
uomic policy, have found themselves
being harangued by Mrs. Whittlesey
about the need for stronger U.S. ac-
tion in Central America or the won-
ders of tuition tax cr 'i ts,
To many in and.o L c: the White
house, it has appeare5 fo e~ .ae tirue
;slat Mrs. W ittlesay sec ~t ''sib as
keeping the President to the true
faith. By preaching the ideology of
the right, that is, she helps to make
sure that Ronald Reagan is not sub-
verted by the pragmatists.
Central America is a critical test-
ing point for the right today. It wants
to destroy the Nicaraguan Govern-
ment by any means - U.S.-sponsored
terrorism. or, if needed, American
troops. That is why Mrs. Whittlesey is
so uncomfortable with those figures
on Nicaragua and El Salvador. For
her it is necessary to paint Nicaragua
as the Devil, as 'a huge menace that
demands U.S. intervention.
Faith Ryan Whittlesey herself is a
marginal figure, but her perform-
ance in the White House shows the
determination of the right to claim
Ronald Reagan as its own. She was
one of the 22 ambassadors who en-
dorsed Jesse Helms for re-election,
and Senator Helms is not marginal.
Most Reagan voters may have been
moved by economics and liking for
the President, but the rigid right is
taking his victory as a mandate for its
views. And it has weight in this Ad-
ministration. Witness the extraordi-
nary spectacle of two possible nomi-
nees for Secretary of Education, John
Silber and William Bennett, being
sent over to an extreme-right group to
get its stamp of approval.
The mysterious que_.tion in all this
is where Ronald Reagan stands. Does
he want 'to,be Reagan, as the right
puts it? Dom he find life more com-
fortabie nearer the center, where he
moved in the campaign? Or is he lust
prepared to drift with events, offend-
ing as ffew of his intimates as possi-
le iettingWilliam Casey and Caspar
Weinbee er push its toward wit,, in
-entry Arterica,viu eT-.euige Saultz..
hangs LacI_? G "~
STAT
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 ON PAGE
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21 November 19
Reagan will retain
top foreign policy advisers
By Robert Timberg
Washington Bureau of The Sun
WASHINGTON - President Rea-
gan has asked all four of his senior
foreign policy advisers to stay on
into a second term, effectively
quashing speculation that U.N. Am-
bassador Jeane J. Kirkpatrick, a
conservative favorite, might be
given one of their jobs.
White House spokesman Marlin
Fitzwater told reporters covering
the president's vacation in Santa
Barbara, Calif., yesterday that Mr.
Reagan had personally asked Secre-
tary of State George P. Shulta, De-
fense Secretary Caspar W. Weinber-
ger, CIA Director William JCasey
and National Security Adviser Rob-
ert C. McFarlane to continue in their
posts.
Secretary Shultz's retention was
reported last week. The other three
were expected to remain, but yester-
day's remarks by Mr. Fitzwater
made it official. Reagan "is extraordinarily pleased.
Mr. McFarlane, an ex-Marine by her work, values her service very
officer who only recently has begun much and would very much like her
to shed his low public profile, was to stay."
deemed most expendable if the pres- Ambassador Kirkpatrick, a blunt-
ident decided to give Mrs. Kirkpat- spoken conservative Democrat cred-
rick one of the four top jobs. ited with saving the first night of
Mrs. Kirkpatrick, a Reagan last summer's Republican National
favorite, was known to be interested Convention from terminal torpor
in. the NSC post and was the candi- with a rousing foreign policy ad-
date of conservatives for the posi- dress, has made no secret of her de-
tion last year when it was vacated sire to return to Washington, where
by William P. Clark, now interior she maintains a home and holds a
secretary. teaching post at Georgetown Univer-.
But administration officials, ask- sity.
ing not to be identified by name, said At the same time, sources say she
yesterday that the president last has told friends that she would agree
week asked Mr. McFarlane, a 1959 to remain in the administration if
graduate of the Naval Academy, to she had a real role in shaping foreign
continue in office, and he agreed to. Poli Y.
,do so There has been some speculation
To a lesser de ree, there have
,been rumors a rs. ircl patrick
i mbee o ere the CIA o re lac-
r. Casey, w ose four-year
ten-
ure has been marked by controversy
over rsona finances and clashes
HE cong~ressmen,,over intelligence
oesight.~T
In New York, meanwhile, Ambas-
sador Kirkpatrick unwittingly set off
a minor furor yesterday when she
reiterated her standing position that
she intends to return to private life
when the current General Assembly
session concludes next month.
"I was committea through the that Mr. Reagan might try to satisfy
;,General Assembly, and I would, af-, Mrs. Kirkpatrick by creating a
ter that, talk to the president and we White House post for here But it is
would work out. something, which difficult to see how that could be
would permit me to return to pri- . done without undercutting Mr. Mc-
vate life," she said. Farlane.
Although Mrs. Kirkpatrick, 58, She showed no interest when talk
has made-essentially the same state- of naming her to a major overseas
ment regarding her future for ambassadorial post surfaced in the
:months, it was read in some quarters press.
as expressing an unswerving deter- As a result of. Mr. Fitzwater's
mination to quit the administration. comments yesterday, her situation
Late in the day, however, mission. seems best summed up by one White
spokesman Joel Blocker . tried to ' House aide who yesterday described
mute the .ring of finality to his boss's it as "No room at the inn."
comment. He referred reporters to At the same time, Mr. Blocker
'her statement to Newsweek maga- and others noted that the president
zine two weeks ago in which she and Mrs. Kirkpatrick have not yet
said, "There are some things I would had a post-election chat about her
like to see done in U.S. foreign poli- future and probably won't until the
I cy, ayddionly for those reasons would General Assembly adjourns Decem-
ber 18.
The president has been lavish in "It will be an interesting conver-
his praise for Mrs. Kirkpatrick sation," said one official, asking not
throughout her tenure, and Mr. Fitz- to be id
tifi , I __ ____
1 ,... .
en
-
gat a year agu Mrs. Kirk-
patrick had expressed a desire to
leave the United Nations and was
dissuaded by Mr. Reagan.
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 ON PAGE
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21 November 1981+ -
Split in Reagan Team
By STEVEN R. WEISMAN
Special to The New York Times
WASHINGTON,'Nov. 20 - The new
indications today that Jeane J. Kirk-
patrick may soon leave the Adminis-
tration illustrate what many officials
acknowledge to be serious problems in
the running of President
News Reagan's foreign policy
Analysis -machinery.
The problems stem prin-
cipally from the fact that
W. Reagan is heading into a second
term with basic divisions between con-
servatives and moderates unresolved.
These divisions have led to internal dis-
putes and even stalemates on Central
America, arms control negotiations
and relations with the Soviet Union.
Because Mrs. Kirkpatrick is re-
garded at the White House and State
Department as one of the most promi-
nent conservatives in the Administra-
tion, there has been jockeying by con-
servatives to have her appointed Secre-
tary of State or national security advis-
Few Vacancies at the Top
Mrs. Kirkpatrick has generally not
commented on such efforts, but her
friends have made it clear that she.
.would stay in the. Administration if
such a post was offered.
It has become increasingly obvious
in recent weeks, however, that there
are a to any to vacancies
soon. to House officials sav that.
one by one, Mr. Reagan has asked. Sec-
retary of State George P. Shultz,, Wil
iiamJ__.Cssey,~, the Director of Central '
Intelligence, and Defense, Secretary
Caspar W. Weinberger to_stay on.
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 ARTICLE APPEAP-Wyed For Re1ea0(/11fiA-RDP91-00901R
ON PAGE ~- 21 November 1884
W "c ing Profile: Herblock
Art of Makin . Them. Cringe
TheFine ~'
By WILLIAM E. FARRELL Glass," which is a trip through the
spedal to The New York Timms first four years of Ronald Reagan's
WASHINGTON, Nov. 20 - He has Presidency in cartoons and print.
made national and world figures Like other Presidents Mr. Block
cringe as they opened their morning has caricatured, Mr. Reagan does not
newspapers and saw themselves, get off lightly. While sometimes pro-
their foibles and their bloated rheto- fraying him as a figure of daffy inept-
ric skewered in caricatures. ness, however, these cartoons of Mr.
He is credited with coining the term Reagan do not approach the caustic
Richard M.
"McCarthyism" in a savage drawing Nixon, ckwho renderings usually of appeared as
in 1950 in which the word was printed Nixon,
on a mud barrel. shifty and grizzled, desperately in
He has won three Pulitzer prizes need of a shave and moral uplift.
and shared in a fourth and has accu- When Mr. Nixon was elected Presi-
and just about every journalism
award imaginable.
For 55 of his 75 years, Herbert Law-
rence Block, alias Herblock, has been
drawing political cartoons. There
have been thousands of them - he is
not sure how many - and for a very
long time they have been damned,
praised, torn up, saved and antholo-
gized. In addition, they are now syndi-
cated in 150 publications.
The Guy Who Cuts to the Quick
Five days a week Mr. Block works
on deadline at The Washington Post
in an office that gives new meaning to
the word disorder. By the end of the
day there is always a cartoon, as cur-
rent as the day's news, one that more
often than not cuts graphically to-the
quick of a complex issue. Often they
satirize, sometimes in angry . collu-
sion with the captions he writes., but
they can also sympathize, explain
and illuminate.
Friends and associates, somewhat
surprisingly, describe Mr. Block as
"the good guy next door," an "aver-
age Joe," "like a friendly grocer"
and "unassuming."
It all sounds too good to be true. But
these descriptions stand up in a face-
to-face meeting with the cartoonist in
his cheerfully chaotic office, which
houses Daumier prints, a drawing by
one shave, and a drawing of the Presi-
dent without five o'clock shadow ap-
peared. Is he planning an equivalent
concession to Mr. Reagan as he be-
gins his second term?
"I've been drawing him nice," the
cartoonist replied. ""My Reagan is not
a tough-looking Reagan. I do him
pretty straight. It's the things he does
that are bad. He looks all right."
And What About Casey?
Mr. Block's only response is a
laugh when he is asked about his aji,
tude toward w~ William J..Caseythe Di-
rectoi-of -Central ntelligence-M
Casey is consistent rtra~eds a
portly figure with a raper bag"oygr
his head carrying a brie#cse dtb
the words "not unfit to serve"Ater
ci on it. The comment came,Iom
the Senate confirmation hearings on
rCasey's appointment.
Mr. Block prefers e pressure of a
daily deadline. He keeps no stockpile
of drawings, no idea file. Each day he
goes to work not knowing what he will
draw, he said. For ideas he reads the
newspapers, particularly. The Wash-
ington Post and The New York
Times, and talks with Post reporters.
"You've got a real nice bunch here,
real helpful," he said. "You go out,
shmooze around and talk to people,
hang around the water cooler.
the great American ' cartoonist Whether it's just killing time or
Thomas Nast, coffee cans filled with cranking up, I don't know."
soft-leaded pencils, a battered desk 'In the End, You Decide'
with a much-used drawing board on Using cheap newsroom paper, Mr.
it, some crepe paper decorations and Block sketches out a possible cartoon.
sagging balloons from a bygone party. If it is topical, as it often is, he tries to
and a lumpy couch cloaked in a~color- show it to a reporter knowledgeable
ful afghan. in the particular field, although ''in
Mr. Block looks and acts much the end you have to decide yourself,"
younger than his years. He laughs, he said.
easily, punctuates his remarks with The final drawing usually takes
unsalty asides such as "oh boy" or three hours. When the 8:30 P.M.
"oh hey" and tends, out of enthu- deadline' pis met, Mr. Block stays
siasm and interest, to upend an inter- around the office to make sure the
view by y becoming the questioner. reproduction is clear and to sketch in
He has just published his ninth last-minute changes if necessary.
book, "Herblock Through the. Looking He has the ability to illustrate ab-
struse issues. After reading about the
national debt, which tops a trillion
dollars, and the high annual interest
on it that comes out of Federal taxes,
for example, Mr. Block drew two fat
vampires with snaggle teeth, a father
and son act, labeled "National Debt"
and "Annual Interest on the Debt."
The taxpayer was portrayed as a hap-
less ingenue whose neck was being
fanged by "Annual Interest" while
the other vampire said: "You first,
son."
Many years ago Mr. Block took.
some courses at the Chicago Art In-
stitute, in his native city. But, as it de-
veloped, his style is all his own. He is
addicted to puns in his writing, of
which he says: "It's kind of a compli-
ment when they groan."
Figures who appear often in his
work have generally evolved over
time. "Carter - he had this way he
looked" that fortified an impression
of weakness, Mr. Block said. Mr.
Nixon had a crouched posture "like
Uriah Heep," and Mr. Reagan often
"has his arms out like he's going to
draw or something."
Faces on the Streets
Mr. Block used to be "a Sunday
painter," and he says he still sees
faces on the streets that interest him
as subjects for drawings and
sketches. But his talents for exagger-
ation and graphic lampoons are re-
served for politicians and elected offi-
cials, all of whom are regarded as
fair game for the HerbIock canon. Oc-
casionally, he pencils in a caricature
of himself, a bit like Alfred Hitch-
cock's walk-ons in his films.
"To draw a terrible-looking woman
as a terrible-looking woman, gee, it
isn't necessary," he said. But frauds,
kooks, bullies, manipulators and self-
seekers, beware. There is anger in
this. gifted, genial man whose
sketches and drawings can devastate
and puncture in the manner of one of
his heroes, Thomas Nast, whose
scathing cartoons of Boss Tweed and
his henchmen helped topple them.
As another deadline approaches,
there are no visible signs of anxiety.
Mr. Block shows a visitor a sketch
that will be the nucleus of the next
Herblock cartoon, this one a broad-
side on the inertia of the Reagan Ad-
ministration's environmental pro-.
grams. He straightens out his draw-
ing board, reaches into a coffee can
for some sharpened pencils and says:
"One way or another you manage to
make it every day."
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 Y
~~ ~~4 ronu~ eleasg 006/OMA[ f I 1 D1~9~00901 R00400010002-4
f r?^^r - 21 November 1984
Soviet Reported
Ready o. Talk
About Weapons
Shultz, Gromyko May Meet
By Don Oberdorfer
Washington Post Staff Writer
The Soviet Union has sent a message to the
United States that-could establish the basis for
an early meeting between Secretary of State
George P. Shultz and Soviet Foreign Minister
Andrei A. Gromyko for the purpose of restarting
arms-control discussions, U.S. sources said yes-
terday.
The Soviet message, delivered to the State
Department last Saturday, was described as a
tangible sign of Moscow's willingness to meet on
the arms question. One official said what remains
is to establish the time and place for a Gromyko-
Shultz meeting, which probably would be either
in Moscow or a neutral capital in Western Eu-
rope.
It was unclear to what extent the Soviets ex-
plicitly accepted the U.S. formula for "umbrella
talks" over six arms issues: strategic arms, in-
termediate-range arms, weapons in space, con-
ventional forces in Europe, confidence-building
measures and chemical weapons. One - U.S.
source suggested that the question is largely one
of semantics, since the Soviets have made known
'their willingness to talk about broad range of
arms, questions at a Shultz-Gromyko session.
A Shultz-Gromyko meeting is likely to be only
a preliminary step toward resumption of detailed
TJ.S.-Soviet negotiations. The two sides continue'
to have different priorities, with the Soviets
most keenly, interested in averting military ac-
tivities in space and the United States mainly
interested. in reducing existing offensive nuclear
arsenals.
Moreover, the substantive positions of Mos
cow and Washington remain far apart on nearly
all the .arms areas being mentioned for explora-
tion. Some of the most contentious issues are
under dispute between .'agencies and factions
--bjere.
-A White House official said President Reagan
discussed arms control in conversations last
'week with Shultz, Secretary of Defense Caspar
V ein er er, 'CrA_TSirector illjam asey
and national security , affairs- adviser o ert
McFarlane, among of ers. The conversations
are reported to have resulted in anan un erstan -_
ing t aN Pagan an Shultz -will have to Note
Reagan has describeA
foreign policy priority for his sec-
on term.
Another result of the discussion,
sources said, is a consensus at-top
levels that a "special envoy" or "spe-
cial coordinator" for arms control I
will be named to -assist Shultz if
across-the-board discussions with
the Soviets can be arranged.
State Department spokesman
John Hughes, while refusing to
comment on Saturday's message or
other communications in confiden-
tial channels, said, "We remain
.,deeply interested in improving our
relations with the Soviet Union and
resuming an arms-control dia-.
logue."
He noted that Shultz, in an ap=
pearance Friday night on the NBC
Nightly News, said, "We're ready to
sit down and engage in real nego-
tiations with the Soviet Union on
arms control and seek concrete re-
sults and work out problems."
Shultz was responding to written
statements from Soviet President
Konstantin U. Chernenko to NBC
News correspondent Marvin Kalb.
Kalb, on Monday night, was the
first to report the delivery of Sat-
urday's message from the Soviets.
A senior State Department offi-
cial discouraged speculation that an
early summit meeting between
Reagan and Chernenko might result
from a Shultz-Gromyko exchange.
Chernenko, in answers to questions
from Kalb, said he did not believe
that the time was right for such a
meeting.
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WASHINGTON TIMES
21 November 1984
kpacntrick reaffirms wish
o leave United Nations post
by Gus Constantine patrick is doing an outstanding job
and Jeremiah O'Leary but added he does not know if the
THE WASHINGTON TIMES
United Nations Ambassador
Jeane Kirkpatrick yesterday
reaffirmed her "desire to return to
i private life" and said once again
that she will talk to President Rea-
gan when the current U.N. General
Assembly session ends "to work out
something."
At a briefing for reporters at the
U.S. Mission in New York, the
ambassador, as she has done
repeatedly this year, gave a care-
fully hedged response to questions
about her plans for the future.
Shorn of diplomatic doubletalk,
the response seemed to be: Yes, she
would stay on in some other capac-
ity if given the chance to do certain
unspecified things she would like to
see done in U.S. foreign policy. Bar-
ring that, she feels the time has
come for her exit from a post in
which she has battled doggedly to
reassert U.S. interests in the world
body.
Remaining to be "worked out,"
according to sources close to Mrs.
Kirkpatrick, is who will take over
the U.N. post. Mrs. Kirkpatrick said
her successor- "whether a profes-
sional diplomat or a political
appointee"- should be prepared to
"stay a long while at a very difficult
job."
At the Western White House in
Santa Barbara, Ca i hite House
spokesman Marlin Fitzwater said
yester_d President Reagan
aTrea has had personal conversa-
tions with national security adviser
Robert C. M' cFarlane, Secretary of
State George PShultz Secretary,
~ee`nse Caspar Weinberger and
CIA Director William Casey in-
which he asked them specifically to
stay on.
Mr. Fitzwater said President
Reagan thinks Ambassador. Kirk-
president has asked her to remain
on his foreign policy team.
Sources in the White House have
been saying for some time that
there would be resistance by the
rest of the foreign policy team to
having the outspoken Mrs. Kirkpat-
rick in such a role inside the White
House.
During the past year, the U.N.
envoy has remained scrupulously
noncommittal in her public
statements as a stormy debate
developed over whether a person of
her unequivocally conservative
persuasion should be elevated to
one of the top foreign affairs posts
in a second Reagan administration.
First, she was touted as a
replacement for William Clark as
the president's national security
adviser. Then, when McFarlane
was selected for that post, the
debate shifted to whether she
should replace George Shultz as
Secretary of State.
With the announcement this
week that Mr. Shultz has agreed to
remain in that post, pressures
appeared to be mounting to elevate
Mrs. Kirkpatrick to a key foreign
policy post.
"I have the intention to return to
private life;' she told a news confer-
ence at the U.S. mission ' to the
United Nations. "I have a desire,
and that is my desire."
The press conference was called
by the U.N. ambassador to review
U.S. accomplishments at the world
body.
She told reporters regard for the
United States in the General
Assembly had improved during her
time. .
"The U.S. situation is very sub-
stantially improved. There is sim-
ply no question about that;' she
said.
"In our view, and I suspect in the
view of many other countries, the
tone of the General Assembly has
substantially improved. There are
fewer tirades of hatred and sple-
netic outpourings. One of the
striking features is how much less
venomous, harsh and abusive rhe-
toric is used.
"We are better able to protect
ourselves against unfair abuse and
better able to protect our interests
... than we were. "
She attributed the development
to the fact that, "We made it very
clear to everyone that we took the
United Nations and what happened
here very seriously."
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t^st^l.E APPEARED" -- BOSTON GLOBE
OK PAGE ) 20 November 1984
.The President has. reached a fork in the not in the office anymore. )
road. One tenacious, ideologically., driven Perle,in many ways the brain behind De-
school of advisers is urging him toward a mili-. fense Secretary Caspar Weinberger, has made
tant, confrontational, military-based policy. continual mischief, formulating one-sided pro-
This course could generalize the war in Cen- posals guaranteed to be unacceptable to the
tral America, propel the nuclear-weapons race Soviets and exaggerating the difficulties of
to new heights of insanity, destabilize rela- "verifying" treaty compliance. Sowing obsta-
tions with allies and possibly revive '60s-style Iles in the path of arms control, he dominates
political tumult at home. the policy vacuum created by Reagan's lack of
Two .. roads diverge far Reagan
President Reagan's place In history will be Perle as the key official who must be neutral-
determined to a considerable degree by staff- ized if there is to be any progress. (According "
ing decisions he makes in weeks ahead in key to President Reagan, the correct usage of
foreign' policy areas - Soviet relations, arms "neutralize" is as follows: "You just say to the
control and Central America. fellow who's sitting there in the office, 'You're
Another school, more inclined toward prag- interest and Secretary of State George Shultz s
work toward a modus vivendi with adversar- On Central America. the key _...people to
ies such as the Soviets and irritants such as watch - in addition to Kirkpatrick Are CIA
the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua.. Director William Casey, Undersecreta of If Reagan chooses this course, he could fense Fred Ikie, and two secondary but in flu-
make a breakthrough in arms control and re- ential officials: Nestor Sanchez, who works for
duce tensions in Central America, . thereby Ikle, and Constantine Menges, the Latin
snatching a second-term rabbit out of the hat: America specialist on the National Security
"Reagan the Peacemaker. Council:
Because of Reagan's detached manage- This team, which has pushed steadily for a
ment style and the lack of an underlying poll military approach in Central America, has
'cy consensus, who fills what job in this Ad- . 'checked the diplomatic twitches that originate
ministration is crucially important. The ideo- sporadically in the State Department. For ex-
logues, sensing that the election "mandate" ample, this is the group behind the firings of
positions them to leave an indelible mark on Thomas Enders as undersecretary of state for
US policy, aim to polish off the Sandinistas hemispheric affairs, Thomas Hinton as am-.
and render arms control irrelevant. This wing bassador to El Salvador, and Anthony Quain
now hopes to elevate UN Ambassador Jeane ton as ambassador to Nicaragua; all three fell
Kirkpatrick to national security adviser, dis- because they grew to favor negotiated settle-
placing Robert McFarlane.' If that happens, ment over war.
and if North Carolina's Jesse Helms takes The key to peace in Central America will be
over as'-chairman of the Senate Committee on ? whether President Reagan removes himself
Foreign Relations, US policy is in fora wild from the thrall of Kirkpatrick, Casey and Ikle.
downhill ride. The key to arms-control progress will be
Pragmatic arms controllers generally re- whether he curbs the influence of Richard
gard Assistant Secretary of Defense Richard Perle. It is that simple.-
matte diplomacy, is urging the President to lethargy.
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 ARTICLE APPEARED NEW YORK TIMES
ON PAGE, 7 bved For Releas8(k0W0 : 1L'~WRDP91-00901 R0004001 0002-4
Weinberger Is to Stay,
Aide to Reagan Says
WASHJNGTON, Nov., 19 (AP) -.
President Reagan has asked Defense
Secretary Caspar W. Weinberger to
keep his job in Mr. Reagan's, second
term and Mr. Weinberger has accept-
ed, a White House official said today.
The deputy-White House press Secre-
tary, Bob Sims, said that the national
security adviser, Robert C. McFar-
lane, t e Dirwrtor of Cpn }-
Bence, Witham J. Casey, and the Secre-
tary of -State, rge P. Shultz, had
also talked to Mr. Regan and had .
agreed to stay on the job.
"The President has talked td-all- of
these individuals and they are all to the
best of my knowledge hoping to stay,"
Mr. Sims said. ,
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 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901R0004000
ARTICLE APPEARED WAS.{ING370N TIMES
ON PAGE. B -/ i9 November 1984
RMS AND THE ;MAN-
DATE .::Think-tank din-'
ners normally give you
airline food and a nice
snooze during the speeches. But
honestly, darlings! Not this year's
Ethics and Public Policy Center
dinner. It was to honor Paul Nitze,
the Arms Control negotiator.
Somewhere between Ernie
Lefever's welcome and the last
crumb of cassada with fruit
mousse, it turned into a riproaring
Star Wars debate. Harold Brown,
once Jimmy Carter's Defensemeis.
ter, told the rather rightish crowd
that there wasn't a ghost of a
chance that a space-based anti-
missile system could work.
Besides, he said, "intercepting one
missile is not a military strategy."
That woke up a few who'd dozed
off while the first speaker, Admi-
ral Elmo Zumwalt, was revealing
why he calls Mr. Nitze's wife
"Nanny." Then up jumped Sen.-
John Tower, to defend Defense. He
waxed so snippy about his Con-
gressional colleagues' kibbitzing,
everyone said he sounded just like
a DefenseSec. Then on came the
real one, Cap,Weinberger, to tell
the Prez's favorite Defense
Allegory. (Stop Ear if you've heard
it. The one about the minister's son
who meets the bear in the wood?
Unable to escape, he falls to his
knees to pray. Upon opening
his eyes he sees the bear, too, upon
its knees. "A miracle!" he cries.
"You, whom I doubted, so different
from me, yet we're praying to the
same God" "I don't know about
you;' says the bear, "but I was say-
ing grace.") He declared the
orbiting space shield "well within
our technological, scientific, pro-
ductive and inventive genius," and
"vital." People like Bill Casey and
Bill Clark nudged and nodded and
clapped away..DC's US Attorney
'Joseph Di Genova held hands with
Deputy Assistant Attorney Gen-
erz I Victoria Toensing, who's
his wife; former CIAer William
Colbv did not hold hands with
bride-to-be Sally S e ton. a was
-4t a different table.) n out-oP-Tip--
sync Presidential video message
was great fun; Clare Boothe Luce
was in all her glory; and, best of
all, the honoree told Deep Inside
Skinny Tales of the Bureaucracy.
(Ear liked the one about Ave Har-
riman, who's rather deaf, being
offered a presidential appointment
on the phone, and accepting it.
Then, he hung up and asked his
companion what his new job was.
"Assistant Secretary for Eastern
Affairs," bawled his friend, who
had overheard the shouting Pres-
ident. "Damn," said Ave, "I
hoped it was European.") A satis-
fying, if exhausting, Washington
Night on the Town. Come back
tomorrow, after a good night's
sleep..
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 V
ON PAGE 10, Sec. 1 19 November 1981+
ARTICLE APPEAI roved For Release ~ &A1617 MDP91-00901 R000 J
ProfessiQfla1'. CIA directors
Senators Barry Goldwater and Daniel Moy
"nihan, chairman and vice chairman of the
Senate Intelligence Committee, are pushing leg-
islation to require that all future directors and
'deputy directors of central intelligence be pro-
fessional intelligence officers.
Their effort results Pram the experience of.
working with CIA Director William Casey who
brad been campaign manager and a pofitical
rcrony of President Reagan and who has run
lafoul of Congress for cavalier financial
+cfiealings, the bending of intelligence reports to
itit the administration party line and the agen-
;cy's activities in Central America.
Because of Mr. Casey's lack of credibility on
'Capitol Hill, senators were able to make the
White House agree to have only professional
intelligence officers in the deputy post as long
.as Mr. Casey remains director.
Indeed, the Goldwater-Moynihan measure
'comes too late to do anything about Mr. Casey.
Having been confirmed, he can serve as long as
the President wishes him to.
And it's a bad principle anyway. A President
should not be constrained in his choice for. the
post by requirements that render it a bureau-
cratic civil service job, especially as it deals
with the highest levels of national security
policy.
Under . two professional directors, Richard'
Helms and William Colby,.the CIA was greatly:
plagued by problems. Under a nonprofessional.
director, George Bush, its morale and good'
standing were much restored.
Mr. Goldwater and Mr. Moynihan mean well.
The post of intelligence director is too important
to be handed out to political buddies. But the.
place to attend to that is in the confirmation:
process. They should take a lesson from the
experience of the FBI, which also suffered from:
politicized directorship until Congress made it'
clear that it would tolerate no such appointment
again.
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 Approved For Releasa666k1f ~tiA Fkb~W6@?6iRO
18 November 1984 -
REAGAN WILL TAKE HIS TIME FILLING TOP-LEVEL VACANCIES
BY HELEN THOMAS
WASHINGTON
President Reagan has no plans to shake up his ."winning team'' at the-start STAT
of his second term and he says he will take his time about filling top-level
vacancies
Several names have cropped up in the bidding to replace Education Secretary
Terrel Bell, who was the first Reagan cabinet official to resign since the
president's landslide reelection victory.
When Reagan was asked recently if he would replace Bell quickly, he replied:
" I ' m going to take my time. "
Education Department officials consider top contenders for the post to be
William Bennett, 41, a conservative Democrat and chairman of the National
Endowment for the Humanities, and John Silber, 58, president of Boston
University since 1970.
White House aides expect_Labor Secretary Raymond Donovan to leave the Cabinet
early in the new term. Donovan, who has been indicted for grand larceny and
fraud stemming from a New York City subway project, is currently on a leave of
absence.
The president intends to resubmit the nomination of counselor Edwin Meese to
be-attorney general, replacing William French Smith who wants to return to
private practice in California.
Inevitably, those who supported the president in his re-election campaign
will have top priority. The president also was expected to find a spot for
Republican politicians who were defeated in the election.
Sen. Charles Percy, R-Ill., chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, who
was defeated in a re-election bid, was considered to be in line for an
appointment, perhaps in the diplomatic field.
UN Ambassador Jeane Kirkpatrick is itching to leave New York but her
supporters are seeking to promote her to a White House.advisory position.
The word around town is that she would like to be national security affairs
adviser -- a job now held by Robert McFarlane.
She. also reportedly would like to become secretary of state, but Reagan has
assured George Shultz he wants him to remain in the Cabinet.
Shultz and a number of top White House aides are not too favorably disposed
to the brilliant, but-sharp-tongued Kirkpatrick. However, Reagan admires her.
hardline advice, particularly on Central America.
For that matter, Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger is said to covet the
position of secretary of state. He and Shultz are at odds on a number of issues
with Weinberger taking a much tougher approach toward negotiations with the
Soviets.
CAA
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 Y
Approved For Release 200&A/1 q RiOPPIR0901 ROO
i71T!C%r APEEA, ED
Ott ME 9,5- --a
U.S. May Adopt
Tougher Stance
On Nicaragua
Managua Must Be Flexible
In Talks Next Week,
Administration Says
By ROBERT S. GREENBERGER
Staff Reporter of TirE W At,t. SirREI-.'r Jou..Nnt.
WASHINGTON-A meeting next week
between U.S. and Nicaraguan officials may
offer Managua a last-ditch. opportunity to
head off a rougher Reagan administration
policy toward the leftist Sandinista re-
gime.
An administration official says the Nica-
raguans asked that such a session be sched-
uled quickly, in the wake of administration
charges that Managua is building a massive
arsenal designed to threaten its neighbors.
The meeting would be the eighth in a series
of bilateral talks`begun after Secretary of j
State George Shultz's surprise visit to Mana-
gua last June. It is scheduled to begin Mon-
day in Manzanillo, Mexico.
An administration official calls next
week's session "the .most critical one we've
had to date," and says the Nicaraguans
must show more flexibility in these talks. He
adds the Sandinistas must recognize both
that they will have to deal with President
Reagan for four more years, and that there
is a consensus in Congress that the U.S.
won't tolerate the presence of certain Soviet-
supplied offensive weapons in Nicaragua.
Last week, U.S. officials worried that a So-
viet freighter might be unloading supersonic
MiG-21 fighters in Nicaragua. The ship's
cargo included weapons but not MiGs.
The concern over the MiGs reflects a
fierce olic debate currently un y
wi in the administration -a dispute that is
preventing any ns constructive reponse to
anag a's __Rroposa~s_ Tfie moderates,
mostly_ at the State Department, want to
-
keep negotiating with the Sandinistas toper-
sade them to modify there~iavi2r,. agd
stop supplying leftist guerrillas in El Salva-
dor. However, hardliners at the Per tago11.
Central Intelligence Agency and National
Security Council fear that the Sandinistas freighters are on the way to Nicaragua with
are usipK_n~otiations only to buy time and j additional arms shipments. An official said
consolidate their rule. The hardliners are late yesterday that one of these ships has ar
pushing unsuccessfully so
tpugher policy.
- --- that officials suspect it may be carrying
arms and patrol boats.
16 November 1984
`Peace Scare'
The policy debate intensified earlier this
fall when, according to one official, a
"peace scare broke out" among the hard-
liners worried about a pre-election Reagan
peace offer to Nicaragua. These officials
were concerned that any negotiated settle-
ment would obligate the U.S. to accept the
Sandinistas, but allow Managua to cheat on
the agreement. Fears intensified when Sec-
retary Shultz announced he would travel to
Panama in mid-October to attend the inau-
guration of Panama's president. The hard-
liners suspected that Mr. Shultz might make
another surprise trip to Managua.
The hardliners-such as CIA Director
William Casey an staffer Constantine
Men es- uched for a National Security
Council meetin , whit was held Oct. 30, to
t to convince Mr. Rea an o t e an ers
of negotiating with- Managua. resident
Reagan reiect d h arguments and told Mr,
Shultz to continue the ne otiating~rocess_
Nevertheless, analysts say the moder-
ates' victory may be only temporary and
tactical. For example, the hardliners
influenced the first formal offer presented
by the U.S. to Managua during the current
round of bilateral talks in Manzanillo, Mex-
ico. In September, the U.S. told Nicaragua
that it should send home Cuban and East-
bloc military advisers in a phased with-
drawal over a 90-day period. In exchange,
the U.S. offered only to "take into consider-
ation" these actions; the U.S. wouldn't com-
mit to a reduced military presence in the re-,
gion.
Nicaraguan Objections
This proposal, which was the product of
a U.S. interagency group, "isn't a negotia-
tion, it's a call for surrender," complains a
senior Nicaraguan diplomat. According to
the diplomat, the U.S. also asked Nicaragua
to expel Salvadoran leftist guerrilla leaders
and incorporate into their own political pro-
cess U.S.-backed insurgents who are locked
in a bitter battle with Managua.
The hardliners, worried that time favors
the Nicaraguans, are working to make sure
that U.S. proposals are tough so that Wash-
ington isn't lulled into negotiations with
Managua. They say the Sandinistas already
have consolidated their rule with elections
held earlier this month. Citing an accelerat-
ing arms buildup, they note that, for the
first time, Moscow is shipping arms directly
to Nicaragua, rather than through third
countries.
U.S. officials say several more Soviet
The Reuters news service later reported STAT
that a Soviet freighter docked there had be-
gun unloading a cargo that included a num-
ber of tractors and trucks.
As a result, some U.S. officials have con-
cluded it is time to broaden the policy objec-
tive, from a concern about Nicaragua arm-
ing leftist guerrillas in the region to moves
preventing the consolidation of what they
view as a totalitarian state in the hemi-
sphere. In recent days, U.S. officials point-
edly have made comparisons between Nica-
ragua and Cuba. Last Sunday, on NBC's
"Meet the Press," Defense Secretary
Caspar Weinberger said, "One Cuba is a big
problem and a second Cuba would be twice
that kind of problem."
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!RTI'~l r . RED
WASHINGTON POST
16 November 1984
Hill Urged to Probe
Reports of Illegal
CIA Activity in U.S.
By Joanne Omang
Washington Poet Staff Writer
An arm of the American Civil Liberties Union
called yesterday for Congress to probe charges
that the Central Intelligence Agency conducted
illegal operations inside the United States in an
effort to influence U.S. policy in Central America.
The Center for National St curity Studies said a
probe by House and Senate intelligence commit-
tees should focus on published interviews with Ed-
gar Chamorro, an official of the Nicaraguan Dem-
ocratic Front (FDN), the largest of several U.S.-
backed groups of rebels fighting the leftist govern-
ment of Nicaragua.
Chamorro told The Washington Post and The
New York Times that the CIA had instructed FDN
leaders to misrepresent their policies in talking to
members of Congress, in order to induce Congress
to keep funding the rebel effort.
CIA officers arranged flights to Washington for
the rebels, briefed them on members of Congress
and advised them on the best lobbying approaches,
Chamorro said in the interviews.
"If these reports are true, the administration's
covert operation against Nicaragua ... has re-
sulted in an egregious covert interference with our
domestic political process," center director Morton
H. Halperin said in letters to the committees.
Sen. Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D-N.Y.), vice
chairman of the Senate intelligence committee,
wrote CIA Director William J. Casey last Friday
asking whether.Chamorro's charges are true and, if
so, which members of Congress were targeted for
lobbying.
A spokesman for the House Foreign Affairs
Committee said yesterday that the issue would be
included in hearings set for the first week in De-
cember oil a CIA manual that advised the Ni-
caraguan rebels on "selective use of violence" to
"neutralize" political targets.
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 ~',,; I ;;,.l,r :;;?; Lt;NApproved For Release 2 6 A 00901 00400010002-4
INTERNATIONAL
-President Reagan Getting Conflicting vice
'About Foreign Policy, but Can He Choose?
By DAVID IGNATIUS The bureaucracy is sharply divided on
Staff Reporter of THE WALLSTREETJOURNAL this question. The Pentagon argues that
WASHINGTON-After a year of drift the U.S. should stick to its current posi-
and election sloganeering on foreign pol- tions until the Soviets offer concessions,
icy, President Reagan faces tough choices while the State Department contends that
that will determine the course of U.S. for- the U.S. should take the initiative in trying.1
eign relations during his second term. to break the logjam by giving the Soviets a
The bureaucratic battle for the presi- detailed summary of what it hopes to ac-
dent's soul already is under way, with the complish in so-called "umbrella talks" on
State Department and the Pentagon offer- arms control.
ing him sharply conflicting advice on ma- Some administration officials think that
jor issues, from arms control to Central
America. The basic debate is whether Mr.
Reagan should try to be a peacemaker
duri. g his second term, following through
on his campaign rhetoric, or return to the
more confrontational policies that charac-
terized most of his first term.
For the moment, Mr. Reagan seems to
be leaning toward the non-confrontational
State Department line. He began planning
his second term foreign-policy strategy at
a meeting this week with Secretar
y of
State George Shultz and National Security
Adviser Robert McFarlane, who have been
trying to push Mr. Reagan toward better
relations with the Soviet Union. Mean-
while, Pentagon hardliners continue to
lobby behind the scenes against any soften-
ing of U.S. positions.
Painful Decisions
Setting a firm course will be painful for
Mr. Reagan, who dislikes having to resolve
policy disputes among his advisers. In-
deed, he denied last week that there were
any serious internal differences within the
administration on arms control, saying: "I
don't know where all this talk came from."
(The "talk" comes from the president's
own senior aides, who discuss the conflicts
among themselves and with reporters.)
Some aides predict that Mr. Reagan.
will stick with this approach during the
second term-ignoring internal conflicts or
denying that they exist and thus risking
-Personnel changes. Many officials
agree that to mobilize his administration
during the second term, Mr. Reagan
should change some members of his
team.
Some State Department officials think
the president should drop Secretary of De-
fense Caspar Weinberger and his hard-line
aide, Richard Perle, to ensure a united
front behind arms-control negotiations with
the Soviets: Administration hawks, how-
Mr. Reagan, despite his seeming tilt to- ever, would like to strengthen their band
ward the- State -Department, has already by bringing Jeane Kirkpatrick, the outspo-
backed the Pentagon on the most impor- ken ambassador to the Unitec Nations, into
tant foreign-policy issue of the, second the White House. Various sE nior officials
term: the Strategic Defense Initiative to ! would like to dump CIA Director William
develop space-based defensive weapons. Casey
By committing himself so strongly to this
so-called Star Wars effort, some officials
believe, Mr. Reagan may have lost any
chance of winning reciprocal concessions
from the Soviets on offensive nuclear
weapons.
-Central America. The administration
can't seem to make up its mind about the
basic issues: whether it will tolerate the
presence of a pro-Soviet Nicaragua in Cen-
tral America and, if not, how to change the
situation.
The State Department favors a combi-
nation of m:htarv pressure and negotia-
tions, arguing that this will moderate the
behavior of the Sandinista government and
stop it from meddling in the region: but
hardliners at. the Pentagon and the Cen-
tral Intelligence Agency don't trust the
Sandinistas and urge military measures to
suppress-and perhaps topple-the Sandin-
istas now. before they become entrenched
as another Cuba.
These hawkish views, and the furor
last week over the possibility, that the So-
viet Union might have sent MiG fighters to
Nicaragua, are partly a reflection of the
sharp inter-agency battle over what to do
muddled policy and continuing inter- about Central America. One of Mr, Rea-
visers agree that if Mr. Reagan wants to
leave a strong foreign-policy legacy, he
will have to begin making hard choices
soon. The key areas include:
-Arms control. Mr. Reagan has said
that reviving talks with the Soviet Union
would be his top priority during the second
term. But he hasn't yet made clear, to ei-
ther the Soviets or his own administration,
what specific new proposals he wants to
put on the table.
to fish or cut bait," that the U.S. must de-
cide soon whether it wants a negotiated
settlement with Nicaragua or a military
solution.
-Terrorism. The sides are reversed in
this inter-agency squabble with a hawkish
Air. Shultz favoring retaliation against ter-
rorist groups and many Pentagon and CIA
officials urging caution. But there is the
same confusion over polic and a lack of
clear gm dance from the president.
But given Mr. Reagan's distaste for dig-' ;'
ciplining his subordinates and his corres-
ponding tolerance for disorder, the second
term may have the same cast of charac-
ters, and the same chronic infighting, as
the first. Predicts one senior official who
has been intimately involved in policy dis-
putes: "My own feeling is that the presi-
dent won't make any major changes. In
the end, everybody will probably stay
where they are."
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 Approved For Release 20017 ~1-
ovem erR 4
CIA - NICARAGUA
BY ROBERT PARRY
WASHINGTON
A senior Senate Democrat and a branch of the Ameri
are calling for an investigation of the CIA's repor
rebels on how to lobby members of Congress, an action
an illegal domestic covert operation.
In a letter to CIA Director William J. Casey, Se
D-N.Y., vice chairman of the Intelligence Committee,
of Congress "targeted" for lobbying and "the characteriz.U......
members."
Moynihan said that "if substantially accurate, these charges reflect an
invasion of the privacy of members of Congress and improper conduct about which
the intelligence oversight committees of the Congress have to inquire."
In coaching rebel leaders on dealing with Congress, one CIA officer
reportedly described Rep. Geraldine Ferraro, D-N.Y., as "very, very liberal" and
"impressionable on religious issues."
The contents of Moynihan's letter, dated Nov. 9, were disclosed Thursday by a
Senate aide, who spoke only on condition that he not be identified.
Meanwhile, in letters to the oversight committees and the CIA, the ACLU's
Center for National Security Studies said Thursday that the alleged coaching
would violate President Reagan's 1981 executive order on intelligence activities
and a law requiring that Congress be notified of "significant" CIA actions.
The Reagan executive order bars the CIA from engaging in covert.activities
"intended to influence United States political processes, public opinion,
policies or media."
CIA spokeswoman Kathy Pherson said the agency had no comment.
The CIA already is under congressional investigation for its role in
producing a manual that advises Nicaraguan rebels in the "selective use of
violence" to "neutralize" officials of the leftist Sandinista government.
According to one congressional source, House Intelligence Committee
investigators began on Wednesday interviewing the mid-level CIA personnel who
were disciplined by the spy agency in connection with the 90-page manual,
entitled "Psychological Operations in Guerrilla War."
Several of the six punished officials have refused to sign papers accepting
the discipline, claiming they are being made "scapegoats" to protect senior
CIA officials, sources within the Reagan administration and Congress said.
Three of the officials were given letters of reprimand, two were suspended
without pay and the manual's author, identified by the pseudonym John
Kirkpatrick, was allowed to resign from his CIA contract.
The letters from Moynihan and the ACLU center cited a Nov. 1 New York Times
article based on an interview with Edgar Chamorro, propaganda chief for the
CIA -backed Nicaraguan Democratic Force, known by its Spanish initials FDN.
can
ted
th
n.
as ki
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 APE~''edForReIeRfsg1 IqlAIRMP 91-00901R00
15 November 1984
Ord-liners gain grotm
I
By James McCartney
Inquirer Washington Bureau
WASHINGTON - The hawks in the
Reagan administration who private-
ly advocate military action against
the Sandinista government in Nica-
ragua have won the first round in
the post-election battle for control of
administration policy in Central
-America, congressional sources say.
Administration opponents on Capi-
tol Hill are reading that message into
a new round of bellicose statements
and threats against Nicaragua by top
administration officials.
The congressional sources say the
administration appears to be moving
toward direct military action and is
seeking to build public opinion to
support it.
Said one Democrat on the House-
Foreign Affairs Committee staff:
"The hard- liners are looking for a
provocation to bring those who op-
pose them into camp. They are trying
to build a consensus for military
action in an administration that has
been divided."
The premise of the Capitol Hill
critics is that the furor over the
threat of Soviet MiGs arriving in
Nicaragua has been a carefully or-
chestrated effort by those who favor
military action to create an atmos.
phere of crisis.
These critics believe that the advo-
cates of military action planted the
election-night news leak that a Sovi-
et cargo ship that might be carrying
MiGs was on its way to Nicaragua.
The idea, they say, was to focus pub-
lic attention on Soviet supplies to
Nicaragua and force the administra.
tion to threaten a military response.
The administration has quietly let
it be known for more than two years
that it would consider a military re-
sponse if Soviet MiGs appeared in
IVA" Laffii
tttle over
PORCY
Nicaragua. But officials had kept the ; t -1
National Security Council staff at the
Soviet cargo ship secret, evidently
White House
President Reagan's peaceful motiva-
tions on the eve of the election in
which he was campaigning as a
peace candidate.
As those on Capitol Hill see it, the
plan to create a crisis succeeded,
possibly beyond its proponents' wild-
est dreams.
The Nicaraguans themselves
helped to contribute to a crisis at-
moshpere by ordering a nationwide
alert. And administration spokesmen
felt compelled to acknowledge that
U.S. air strikes were a possibility if
MiGs were discovered.
Theoretically, the crisis should
have abated when it was determined
that the Soviet ship was not carrying
MiGs.
But on Tuesday, Pentagon spokes-
man Michael Burch changed the
ground rules for possible American
military action. He said a U.S. mili-
tary response might be necessary if
Nicaragua attacked its neighbors,
and he suggested that might well be
what-it was planning to do.
Burch also suggested that the Unit-
ed States might have to destroy Sovi-
et-made helicopters that could be
used against U.S.-supported insur-
gents, known as contras, who are
attempting to unseat the Sandinista -
regime with military force.
Few observers were surprised that
this new rationale for possible Amer-
ican military intervention came
from the Pentagon. Several top civil-
ian officials at the Pentagon are
among the most ardent advocates of
force to unseat the Sandinistas. -
Well-informed administration offi-
cials say these advocates include
Fred e, undersecretarv of de-
fense for policy, who has strong al-
lies among is immediate at es as
well as in CIA Director William J.
Case and Constantine Menges a for-
per to official who is now on the
The split on central American poli-
cy in the administration has been
between this group and a tough, but
more moderate group centered in
the State Department.
The difference in the views of the
two groups was described some
months ago by a high-ranking ad-
ministration official who spoke on
condition he not be quoted by name.
"I am quite confident that there
are people in the government who
believe that the day after the elec-
tion we ought to clean up the matter
in Nicaragua ... to eradicate the can-
cer of communism in the region ...
with a major military operation," the
official said.
He identified Ikle, Casey an
Menges as among members of this
group.
Members of this faction, he said,
hold the view that the Sandinistas
are Marxist-Leninists who are com-
mitted philosophically to the propo-
sition that the communist revolution
must be exported to other countries.
"As these people see it," the official
said, "you can't solve the problem in
Central America without rerpoving
the Sandinistas. ... You must go to
the source. ... That doesn't' mean
Cuba, it means Nicaragua."
He said the other major faction in
the government has been led by Sec-
retary of State George P. Shult?, with
National Security Adviser Robert C.
McFarlane as an ally.
The official said this faction, al-'
though not ruling out military ac-
tion as an eventual option, believes
essentially that the Sandinistas
might be contained by methods short
of military action.
Reagan, the official said, has not
sided clearly with either group.
But administration critics on Capi-
tol Hill say the battle for Reagan':
support now is under way.
J..
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CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR
15 November 1984
US power struggle over Nicaragua
A S President Reagan prepares his second-term
agenda, diplomatic, congressional, and other ex-
ex-
perts in Washington see a struggle going on within
the administration over future policy in Central America.
In particular, they voice concern over "right-wing"
pressures on the President from within his own adminis-
tration to move forcefully against the Sandinistas.
According to one high-ranking Reagan administration
official, these right-wing "hawks" now are greatly exag-
gerating the offensive nature of the weapons the Nicara-
guans have received from the Soviets in an attempt to
push Congress into restoring US aid to the anti-
Sandinista contra rebels.
"The right-wing network in the administration," this
official says, "wants to take advantage of the MIG scare
to obtain a reformulation of US government policy along
much harder lines."
The official specified as members of this "network":
Weinberger; UN ambassador Jean Kirkpatrick: Under-
secre tary of Defense Fred Ikld; Ides assistant Nestor
Sanchez; and, in the National Security Council, Latin
scan director onstantine Menges and-O_I'iver~To
-~fate`I3egartznent an iie-I-Iouse officials emphati-
cally deny that the US has any plans to invade Nicara-
gua. But the administration has kept up its pressure
against the Sandinistas. After the alarms over the possi-
ble introduction of Soviet MIG jet aircraft into Nicaragua
proved unfounded, American officials have continued to
express concern about the Nicaraguan military buildup.
The Pentagon this week said there was some "circum-
stantial evidence" indicate Nicaragua may be planning
to attack El Salvador or Honduras. And administration
hard-liners have expressed especial concern about w at
TS mtef ijece estimates say is a s scan up rda nin
the quality of Soviet arms shipments to the Sandinistas
over the last
But the high-ranking administration official placed
this upgrading in the context of increased US military
and economic pressure on Nicaragua. The
current efforts to portray the East bloc
arms coming into Nicaragua as offensive
weapons, this official contends, are distor-
tions intended to spur Congress not only
to renew aid to the Honduras-based
contras but also to boost it to a volume
much greater than anything the US has
given before.
"If the 'network' can persuade the
American people that the Soviets are
flooding Nicaragua with offensive weap-
ons, they might swing things- in Con-
gress," he says.
The hard-liners had hoped, he says,
that the MIGs would do this; but when
there turned out to be no MIGs, they de-
would use helicopters" - even, he adds,
if they were clearly helicopters that the
Nicaraguans intended to use against the
contras attacking them.
What the US adminstration hawks are
trying to do now, this senior official says,
is to "persuade the American people that
everything is a MIG. They want to make
them believe that helicopters with 210-
mile ranges and the triple A batteries ring-
ing the Managua airport are offensive
weapons."
The official also charges that the US
hawks have been effectively sabotaging
the ongoing talks in Mexico between
President Reagan's special envoy to Cen-
tral America, Harry Shlaudeman, and
Nicaragua's Vice-Minister of.Foreign Af-
fairs, Victor Hugo Tinoco. These talks got
under way following Secretary of State
George Shultz's surprise visit to Nicara-
gua in June.
"Shlaudeman has never been given the
kind of negotiating instructions which
would make serious negotiations possi-
ble," this official declares. The adminis-
tration hawks "have been keeping him on
a short leash."
The official also states that the main
advocate of a more moderate stance
within the administration is Secretary of
State Shultz. At times, the official adds,
Shultz has had the active support of Na-
tional Security Council adviser Robert
McFarlane. However, he says,
McFarlane was basically not too inter-
ested in Central America, and all too often
left matters to his assistants, Menges and
North.
In the words of a congressional staff
aide, "the problem is that the State De-
partment talks one way but the right-wing
people in the administration do something
else. The indications are that the hard-lin-
ers in Nicaragua and the
hard-liners in the adminis.
tration are feeding on each
other, and the President is
fairly disengaged. And the
conservatives will not ac-
cept any solution with
Nicaragua that entails the
continued existence of the
Sandinista government."
Most US experts tend
to doubt that the
Sandinista leaders really
Cu itI...2 j
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'7k 1 p
'
weaken LTA hand'
By Dimitri K. Simes
THE pressure from rightist ideologues is mounting
to appoint Jeane Kirkpatrick national security ad-.
viser. This is a remarkably bad idea regardless of
the foreign policy strategy that'Ronald Reagan wants to
pursue.
And he is on the record as having assured the elector-
ate that during his second term he would seek to improve
the United States-Soviet Union relationship something
that his United Nations ambassador has made a career of
opposing.
The President is a man of broad strategic vision who
is not known for attention to detail. Accordingly, the com-
position of his team is of particular importance. At this
point, there are two somewhat loose eoalitions competing
for Mr. Reagan's soul. One consists of tough-minded
pragmatists and includes Secretary of State George
Shulz,- National Security Adviser Robert McFarlane,
Commerce Secretary Malcolm Baldrige, and White
House Chief of Staff James Baker. Not one of them is a
detentist. None harbor illusions regarding the Kremlin's
policies and intentions. None advocate unilateral conces-
sions for the purpose of cajoling Moscow into civilized
behavior.
But they and particularly their exceptionally compe-
tent and able lieutenants - Richard Burt at State, Lionel
Olmer at Commerce, Richard Darman in the White
House, and Jack Matlock on the National Security Coun-
cil staff - know that the Soviet regime is not about to
collapse and there is no alternative to dealing with it.
Disregarding diplomacy would not only make the super- .
power rivalry needlessly emotional and explosive, it also
would create a risk of alienating America's allies and po-
larizing domestic opinion. Only the Soviet Politburo
would benefit from that.
On the other side are Defense Secretary Caspar
Weinberger, CIA Director William Casey, and Mrs. Kirk-
atjck. Their attitude toward Communist Russia is
openly confrontational. Negotiations with the "focus of
evil" are feared on grounds the Soviets would participate
only to lull the West into a false sense of security.
Cooperation with the USSR in that view represents a de-
plorable appeasement
Where does Mr. Reagan stand? During his first term
he refused to choose. between the two sides. There was
enough peaceful rhetoric and negotiating flexibility to
keep the allies and the American public in line. But not
enough was offered to the Politburo to encourage any ac-
commodation. Diplomatic accomplishments were absent,
but so were disasters.. ....
tiQr~~l secure adv~s~rs would
CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR
15 November 1984
Meanwhile, US power and self-confidence were being
rebuilt. The Soviet Union was going through a period of
external and domestic troubles. The administration
could make a credible case that the situation in the US-
Soviet relationship was not all that bad.
Replace Mn McFarlane with Mrs. Kirkpatrick and
chances are that ideology will prevail over pragmatism,
The United States; national security
formulation process, if dominated by anti-
Soviet purists, will preclude the development
of negotiable arms control positions.
zeal over prudence, simplistic cliches over an apprecia-
tion of complexity. Forget then about the second term be-
coming a period of opportunity to achieve some modus
vivendi with Moscow
The United States national security formulation pro-
cess, if dominated by anti-Soviet purists, will preclude
the development of negotiable arms control positions.
The Kremlin will be bound to interpret the appointment
as evidence that nothing can be accomplished with Mr.
Reagan. That -would discourage the Soviets from bar- is
gaining in good faith.
Some of the President's supporters would only be
pleased if nothing comes out of talking to Konstantin
Chernenko 'and his associates. And a case can be made
that the nation can survive without a trivial pursuit of
marginal limits on two huge nuclear arsenals. The trou-
ble is that - notwithstanding the Soviets' angry re-
sponse - there is also likely to be a backlash in Western
Europe and in the United States itself.
The West Europeans by and large have welcomed
Reagan's reelection, but they are not comforted by a rise
in superpower tension. Credible negotiating.strategy to-
ward the Kremlin-is a prerequisite for the alliance management. The right wing has contempt for the West Euro-_
pean preoccupatiop with talking to the Russians.
. But that is beyond the point. NATO is a coalition of
democratic societies with their own interests, traditions,
and policy styles. To ignore them would be to 'invite a.
painful family dispute undermining Western cohesion,
vis-a-vis the Soviet Union. That much we should have'
learned from the .fiasco over efforts to twist European
arms in the dispute over the Siberian natural gas
pipeline. .
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14 November 1984
de1ght, perhaps
William J. Casey,
Director,
Central Intelligence Agency-
I came across something rather unexpect-
edly the other day and I thought I'd pass
it along to you.
I would think you might want to round-table
it, perhaps, because by now I'm sure the same
thought must have occurred to others who won-
der what really goes on at the White House,
particularly in the Oval Office.
My interest in Oval Office proceedings was J
stirred up once again a few weeks back when I
was told through words and pictures that
As of the moment, I have no idea what was
said, although a transcript of the conversation
would make fascinating reading and assist'
me - and others -toward a greater under-
standing of world affairs, Mr. Reagan and Mr.
Similar meetings between presidents and
various heads-of-state do not become a part of
Of course, you may have been at the very
meeting I refer to. But even you, I would think,
Office before you arrived and after you left.
Now, and I hope I have not taken too much of
lication felt about.Mr. Reagan's recent victory;
and what it really meant. Time is always anx-
ious to let me in on everything - except, of
course, precisely what was .said at the
Gromyko-Reagan meeting. -
Well, I had digested enough material and was
flipping along at the back of the magzine in
search of something on the lighter side.
In the "Living" section, 'I came across a piece
about a Swedish ivy plant which rests on the
marble mantlepiece in the Oval Office. The
thing - it is replaced from time to time with a
similar model - has been there since 1961 in
the same spot.
The location of the plant would, I think, be of
interest to you.
It rests just above and between the two
chairs the President and the visiting dignitary
use to sit down and talk, or whisper, or mumble,
or whatever it is they do.
Says Time: "No other (plant) in history has
been more photographed, more glimpsed in
person by the world's high and mighty, more
privy ... to the portentous intimacies of world
politics, than a certain Swedish ivy . . . that
dwells deep inside the Executive Mansion."
printed and there was the ivy plant right above
Sadat, Golda Meir, Yitzhak Rabin, Josen Broz
nand Marcos, the Sultan of Oman, Mohammad
Zia-ul-Haq, Menachem Begin, King Fahd, Omar
'Ibrrijos, Hosni Mubarak, Margaret Thatcher,
Yasuhiro Nakasone, Shimon Peres and our old
What really caught my eye was a picture of
the plant itself. It is?delightful.lyhealthy and,
thick - sort of bushy. It holds up well, I
learned, even with a fire in the fireplace below.
;I probably read too many spy novels and,
together with that unfortunate habit and my
aching desire to know what goes on in the Oval
was a marvelous spot to plant a - well, a listen-
....I could think of no one other than you to get
the job done. I certainly can't get in there.
Since I admire the CIA most of the time, and
just to be helpful, I thought I'd pass my obser-
Of course, you might want to check to see if a
bug isn't in there already.
Oh. It's the Time with Mr. Reagan's picture
on the cover.
.Good luck.
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12 November 1984
Letter to Capitol Hill
CIA Director Casey defends his agency's controversial primer
A fter an 89-page CIA manual that in-
structed rebels in Nicaragua on ter-
rorist tactics surfaced last month, the
White House promised that any official in-
volved in its development or approval
would be dismissed. But in a letter to mem-
bers of the House and Senate Intelligence
committees that was made public last
sc
a
mers, the manual
week. CIA Director William Casey insisted again raised questions about whether
that the thrust of the manual had been Washington's support for the contras was
misinterpreted, and he attempted to justify 1 designed merely to put pressure on the
its overall purpose. "The emphasis is on 1
education," Casey wrote, "not on turning a Nicaraguan government to stop its sup-
town into a battlefield." port of the Salvadoran rebels, as the
The CIA manual violated the spirit of Administration claims, or to overthrow
U.S. policy by advocating that the contras the Nicaraguan government, as critics
"
A misunderstanding arose, he said, when
the word remove was translated as "neu-
tralize" in the Spanish version. Asked
how a person is removed from office with-
out violence, Reagan said, "You just say
to the fellow that's sitting there in the of-
Contra leaders admit their guerrillas
had been guilty of abuses and atrocities.
Edgar Chamorro, a contra director now
living in Key Biscayne, Fla., says one reb-
el field commander, known as El Suicidio,
led his troops on a rampage in the spring
of 1983. murdering peasants and raping
women. Chamorro said last week that
contra leaders arrested El Suicidio and
some of his men last year and executed
them after a court-martial.
Chamorro, however, denied that the
main purpose of the manual was to help
the contras discipline themselves. He
claims that he was recruited in 1982 by
CIA agents who promised a new regime in
Managua "within a year." A Harvard
graduate and onetime Jesuit priest, Cha-
morro was selected by the CIA to act as his
rebel group's chief spokesman and was
paid a $2,000-a-month salary to help inh-
should
neutralize" local officials of the
leftist Sandinista regime in Nicaragua.
Casey. however, explained that the pas-
sage, along with one that advocated
"shooting" informers, should be consid-
Casey: "The emphasis is on education"
ered in. context. "It is important to note,"
his letter read, "that these passages are in
the context of occupying a community
and dealing with a situation in which ac-
tual or potential resistance remains."
President Reagan, campaigning Sat-
urday at John Wayne's birthplace in Win-
terset. Iowa, took the Administration de-
fense one step further. Said he: "I think
you're going to find that it was all a great
big scare and that there was nothing in
that manual that had anything to do with
assassinations or anything of that kind."
plied documents state that the aim of the Chamorro, who isrnow at odds with
contras "is the development of a demo- other contra leaders still operating out of
cratic and pluralistic government in Nic- 1 Honduras, complains bitterly that the CIA
aragua." Countered Republican Senator provided war-worn AK-47s' and leaky
Charles Mathias Jr. of Maryland: "The wooden punts so ancient the contras nick-
policy implied is the overthrow of an es- named them the "Phoenician navy."
tablished government." Chamorro felt not only shortchanged but
The Intelligence committees of the oppressively dominated by the American
Senate and House have been waiting for operatives. "Their insatiable appetite for
the CIA inspector general's internal inves- control," he stated, "has almost brought
tigation of the manual, which was ordered this movement to the brink of disaster."
by Reagan Oct. 18. The White House an- American operatives in the region
nounced last week that the agency's in- were as susceptible to corruption as rebel
quiry had been completed and sent to the officers, one contra leader told TIME last
President's Intelligence Oversight Board week. Some CIA agents were buying boots
for review, but officials would not say for the contras at $13 a pair and invoicing
when it might be submitted to Congress. them at $26. When an Argentine officer
California Democrat Norman Mine- involved in training the contras attempted
ta, a member of the House Intelligence to smuggle evidence of such markups out
Committee, complained that the CIA of Honduras, he was stopped at U.S. cus-
ld
wou
not allow his group to question the
man believed to be the author of the man-
ual, who was described by the Adminis-
tration as a "low-level" operative on con-
tract to the CIA. "We know who he is, and
the CIA knows where he is," said Mineta,
who maintains that the agent is still em-
ployed by the CIA.
R epublican Malcolm Wallop of Wyo-
ming, one of the few Senators to have
studied the manual in detail, came to the
CIA's defense. He explained that the docu-
ment had been drafted as part of a larger
effort to curb indiscriminate killings
among some rebel factions. Indeed, parts
of the manual dwell on improving the
contras' relationship with Nicaraguan
peasants, stressing peaceful persuasion
over violence.
. cspite Inc di
l
i
removed from his baggage. More omi-
nously, according to contras and State De-
partment officials, two chief CIA opera-
tives in Honduras were fired earlier this
year after they were belatedly discovered
to be Cuban agents. The counterspies,
both Cuban Americans, had once worked
for the CIA (one was in the team that
t 011VT NT=r _-
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tracked down Che Guevara in Bolivia).
Two intelligence sources vehemently de-
nied the charge and said that though
there were changes in key operatives, the
purpose was to install more experienced
CIA employees.
Nevertheless, such revelations sharp-
ened the dispute about Administration
policy. Critics maintain that rifts over the
contras have deepened within the intelli-
gence community. "Some of the best peo-
ple in the CIA stepped back and said it [the
covert aid] is just not going to work," says a
member of the Senate Intelligence Com-
mittee, Democrat Patrick Leahy of Ver-
mont. Citing the agency's failure to halt
the arms flow, reform the Sandinistas, or
remove them from power, the Senator
concluded: "You suddenly realize that
we've got a multimillion-dollar covert ac-
tion down there and every single objective
is unattainable." -ByAlessandra Stanley.
Reported by Martin Casey/Miami and Ross
H. Munro/Washington
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NEW YORK TIMES
12 November 1984
ABROAD AT HOME
Anthony Lewis
The Buck
Doesn't
Stop
-BOSTON
secret agency that carries out war,
murder and sabotage on the or-
~Qders of the President is funda-
mentally incompatible with a republi-
can system of government. So we are
forced to conclude when we see how,
the system has dealt with the disclo-
sure that the C.I.A. prepared a terror-
ist manual for Nicaraguan rebels.
After the outcry nine years ago
over C.I.A. assassination plots - the
Rockefeller Commission report, the
Church. committee hearings - a
series of safeguards was created to
prevent such abuses. Internal checks
in the agency itself were strength-
ened. The President issued an execu-
tive order specifically forbidding as-
sassinations. House and Seriate intel-
ligence committees were established
as watchdogs.
All those mechanisms have labored
in the affair of the Nicaragua manual,
but what have they accomplished? The
end result is that -American officials
who counseled murder have been
tapped gently on the wrist. And there is
no real check on the dirty business of
American-sponsored terrorism.
We have been shown conclusively
that the basic principle of republican
government - the principle of ac-
countability - does not apply to the
underside of our government. There
is no effective way to pin down re-
sponsibility for a polity of terror that
belies 'our premises. as a people.
The story of the instruction book for
the contras would be comic if it were
not so serious. For it has produced a
series of po-faced men affirming sol-
emnly -that the moon is made of
Camembert and that they would
never think of harming a hair on the
head they were trying to chop off.
That we in the press and the public
expressed shock at the manual was it-
self ironic. After all, the contras have
been carrying out murders and kid-
nappings for a long time now. And it
is no secret that they were financed,
trained, organized by the C.I.A.
Everything that followed reflected
this underlying incongruity. All those
in the supposed system for preventing
C.I.A. abuses deplored the idea of
murder while winking at the reality
that murder is inherent in the C.I.A.'s
Nicaraguan operations. And so there
was a series of charades.
The Director of Central Intelli-
gence, William Casey, is known to all
as an enthusiast for covert operations
in general and the contra operations
in Nicaragua in particular. But he
could hardly come out openly as an
advocate of murder. So he wrote a let-
ter to Congress saying the terrorist
manual was really intended to make
the .contras persuasive.'in "face-to-
face communication."
President Reagan before the election
spoke sternly about the manual, saying
in his second debate with Walter Mon-
dale that those who put it out "will be
removed." But on the day after the
election the President said the manu-
al's passage urging Nicaraguans to
"neutralize" Sandinista officials was
not after all a call for murder.
What.was really meant by."neutral-
ize," Mr. Reagan said, was this: "You
just say to the fellow who's sitting
i
there in the office, 'You're not in the of.
fice anymore.' " When I read that, I
wondered whether any of the reporters
at the Reagan press conference was
rude enough to laugh out laud. _
Then the C.I.A.'s inspector-general
found that the author of"-the Tanual
had not been aware of Mr. Reagan's
1981 executive order against assassina-
tions, and that senior officials had ap-
proved it without paying close atten-
tion because they were busy. So he
recommended that a few officials be
lightly punished. The President
agreed.
That tap on the wrist outraged
Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan,
vice'chairman of the Senate Intelli-
gence Committee. He called the in-
spector general's report "appalling,`
saying it denied that the manual
counseled murder "when of course
that is exactly what they meant.
Senator Moynihan's outrage was im-
pressive, but alas it was flawed. For he
was a key figure at one stage last year
in persuading the Senate to vote more
money for the contras. He accepted as-
surance from President Reagan that
there was no intention of trying to over-
throw the Nicaraguan Government -
assurances that mocked reality.
We have an ultimate safeguard in
our democracy, but that one too has
ceased to function here. The courts
are supposed to keep officials inside,
the limits of law. But the current Su-
preme Court has signaled that C.I.A.
operations are too sensitive to be
monitored by judges..
The result is that a country of laws,
not men, has a secret government be-
yond the law. The C.I.A. is not a rogue
elephant, as some used to say. It is an
instrument of the President, with all
the dangers of unaccountable power. ^ .
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NEW YORK
j6 12 November 1984
I N T E L L I C E N C E R
Top Reagan. Officials Mulled P.R. Value of Korean Air Crash
JUST HOURS AFTER THE
downing of Korean Air
Lines Flight 007, ad-
ministration officials are
said to have discussed "ex-
ploiting" the incident
against the Soviet Union-
even though it wasn't
known then if the plane was
destroyed deliberately.
According to an intelli-
gence source, Secretary of
Stale eorge Shultz; Law-
rence Ea~leburger, then un-
ersedcreta, for political of-_
aid rs; Richard Burt, then
State's political-military di-
rector, CIA chief William
Casey; National Security
,adviser William Clark: and
presidential counselor Ed
lie ese decided in a video
conference that the incident
could be used to quell Euro-
pean opposition to Pershing
missiles.
Shortly after that discus-
sion is supposed to have tak-
en place, Eugene Carroll, a
retired rear admiral who is
deputy director of the pri-
vate Center for Defense In-
formation, was with Burt
and Malcolm Toon, the
former ambassador to Mos-
cow. "They were saying,
'We've got 'em.' Burt's posi-
tion was that we were going
to extract our measure of
value out of the thing," Car-
roll told New York. "We
didn't know then, and we
still don't know, whether the
Soviets knew it was a civil-
ian airliner, but there was
this predisposition to look
for buttons to push and
levers to pull, to back up the
thesis of an evil empire."
A State Department
spokesman had no com-
ment for the record. But a
source close to Burt denied
any desire at the depart-
ment to exploit the crash.
There had been talk of con-
tacting U.S. embassies in
Europe to gauge "if there
had been any reaction over
there," the source said, but
even that was nixed, "be-
cause it was thought. it
would be unseemly."
The source said he per-
sonally knew of only one
other similar discussion:
"There was a White House
meeting at which someone
in this administration from
the right-wing side wanted
to get a P.R. guy in to mount
a Madison Avenue-style
campaign," he explained.
"F-ic was courteously lis-
tened to, but the idea disap-
peared without a trace."
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 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901
F~ tTI"L PEARED ,."'J
~ti?.~ r.n^- CHICAGO TRIBUNE
11 November 1984
By Raymond Coffey
and Storer Rowley
! Reagan asked in the ramous Hollywood movie line'
that he adopted as the title of his autobiography.
Reagan said it in the film "Ki
'
R
"
ng
s
ow
as he
awakened after having both legs amputated.
"Where's he leading the rest of us? amputated.
is the question now as
Reagan heads for a second term in the White House on the
strength of one of the greatest political victories in American
history.
The answer from the' White House is that there will be no
change in the conservative course.
.And, at least in the beginning, there won't be any major
change in the cast of lean rig' players in the administration,
White House officials say.
Politically, Reagan became a lame duck the minute his
triumph was sealed Tuesday. He cannot run again, and that
always diminishes a president's political clout.
BUT IN CONGRESS and elsewhere, politicians and special
interests will have t
be
i
o
m
ndful, at least in the early going
of the second term, of the powerful vote of confidence that
House
Reagan won last week and the influence that gives him in
the public-opinion arena.
Reagan, at 73 already the oldest president, saw his re-
election not as an ending but as a beginning. "Tonight'is the
end of nothing," he said Tuesday. "It's the beginning of
everything.
His top priority in the new term, he said, "of course, is
peace--disarmament and the reduction in the world of
nuclear weapons."
That would represent at least some shift of emphasis from
the first term, when Reagan concentrated on cutting taxes,
slashing spending on federal programs and embarking on a
massively expensive military build-up.
On the domestic front, Reagan said he would pursue again
what he calls the "prairie fire" of his conservative "revolu-
tion." The "passion of the fire that we kept burning for two
decades doesn't die just because four years have passed," he
said.
HE STILL THINKS that expanded economic growth can in
a large way help cure the staggering federal deficit created
under his administration.
Reagan also will seek "further reductions in federal
spending," according to James Baker, White House chief of
staff. But in the view of most officials, there is not much left
to be cut that could put a real dent in the deficit.
The President insists that he will not raise taxes but will
push for a simplification of tax laws-a process that could,
again in the view of many doubters, end up being a tax
increase even if it isn't called one.
As for staffing in a second term, Baker said Reagan does
"not want to breakup a win-
ning team." Baker said that
Reagan thinks "most of the people want to stay."
But on Thursday, Education Secretary Terrel Bell
became the first Cabinet member to decline a second
term, announcing he will resign Dec. 31. He cited " personal
reasons" and his financial future. Bell said he will return to
his home in Salt Lake City to become an education professor
AND SOME TOP White House officials, starting with
Baker himself, and some Cabinet members and other
leading players, such as United Nations Ambassador Jeane
Kirkpatrick, are known to be restless and talking about
leaving the administration or switching jobs.
Baker and other White House officials say they don't
expect any top-level exodus to begin for at least-the first few
months ofthe second term.
-However, Agriculture Secretary John Block, an Illinois
farmer, is among those expected to depart. Samuel-Pierce,
secretary of the Department of Housing and Urban Develop-
ment, also may be moving on. Pierce has been almost
invisible in the first term, to the point that Reagan once
MARGARET HECKLER. secretary of the massive De-
Fartment of Health and Human Services, has been difficult
or many in the administration to work with, a White House
official said, and it is unclear whether she will stay.
At the top of the Cabinet, Secretary of State George Shultz
definitely wants to keep his job, according to'a senior
House official, and Treasury Secretary Donald Regan is
expected to stay on at least through the tax simplification
struggle.
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,R PPEARED 777
-7 r
-Joseph Kraft
WASHINGTON POST
11 November 1984
' i the Russians
Reagan said about the Russians on the morrow
of his landslide. The day before he listed as the
first priority for a second administration,
"peace, disarmament."
But are the Russians ready to deal? 'And if
they are, is the Reagan administration
equipped to take "yes" for an answer?
The communist world now presents a specta-
cle of multifold confusion. In Moscow, signs of
pushing and shoving among leaders show
through the blanket of party unity. General Sec-
retary Konst: ntin Chernenko has recovered from
a period of illness and is now moving to assert his
primacy. He has been holding open the door for
an accord with this country on any one of several
areas of arms control.
Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko has been
less forthcoming, though not entirely negative.
His supposed ally, Defense Minister Dmitri Us-
tinov, missed the celebration of the Bolshevik
Revolution in Moscow Wednesday-apparently
because of an illness, which is serious. The sec-
ond secretary and heir apparent to Chernenko,
Mikhail Gorbachev, has been bouncing around
in leaderhip lineups, and is plainly vulnerable.
.His chief rival, the Leningrad boss Grigory
Romanov, is thought to favor toughing it out
against the United States, He seems to be in
alliance with Nikolai Ogarkov, _the former chief
of staff who was recently dismissed, perhaps to
close off the possibility of his succeeding Usti-
nov as defense minister.
A gauge of the trouble is that many coun-.
tries that rely on Russia are now looking for
side deals. The North Koreans are talking
about talking to the Japanese and South Ko-
reans. Vietnam gives signs of coming to terms
with China. The leaders of Angola hint at ex-
pelling a contingent of Cuban soldiers if South
Africa comes to terms.
The East Germans are making eyes at the
West Germans. The guerrillas in El Salvador
have opened talks with the government. The
Sandinista regime in Nicaragua accepted the
peace terms proffered by the Contadora coun-
tries, Mexico, Panama, Colombia and Venezuela.
So the correlation of forces, as the Russians
like to put it, is favorable. Reagan is right in
thinking Moscow has an incentive for coming
to terms. But elaborate Soviet suspicion-and a
habit of exploring every overture as a weak-
ness make cutting a deal with Moscow very
hard. So there arises the question of whether
the Reagan administration is up to the task.
One problem is that highly placed members of
the administration--for good or bad reasons=
oppose an arms control accord, or have other pri-
o
i
r
ties A current i
. case points th
telligence operation of -iqypq
ragua. As part of that operation, there have been
regular overflights of Nicaraguan territory. The
natural response of the Sandinistas is to ask the
Soviets for air support in the form of MIG fight-
ers. The Soviets have a tough time refusing. So if
the president wants to head off a crisis in Nicara-
gua that would spoil deals with Moscow, he has
to check the zealots in the CLA.
Another kind of problem arises from per-
sonal rivalries inside the administration. Last
week, for example, saw the floating of a story
about possible appointment of a czar to deal
with all arms control questions for the presi-
dent. Presumably the purpose of the leak was
to show that Reagan's commitment extended
to the point of reining in such skeptics as De-
fense Secretary Caspar Weinberger and the
CIA boss, William Casey. But the leak came
from James Baker, the White House chief of
staff, who is himself looking for a new job in the
second Reagan administration, Among those
said to be under consideration for the post of
czar, Baker mentioned the president's national
security adviser, Robert McFarlane. The end
result is that Weinberger and Casey dig in,
McFarlane's role is confused, and Baker looks
as though he's trying to get McFarlane's job.
Then there is the president's own sense of
the realities. He has repeatedly evinced a less
than complete grasp of arms-control. A good
instance. lies in the "Star Wars" project for a
defense against nuclear weapons. A feint in
that direction may be necessary for the pur-
poses of a trade with Moscow. But if Reagan
goes all-out for such a defense-as he fre-
quently seems to be doing-then he will queer
any deal, by forcing the Russians to move in
the same direction.
Thus-there are banana peels aplenty between
wanting to do a deal and actually bringing it off,
Only the president himself can clear the way.
And to open the path, a first step might well be
personal contact at the summit level. But further
steps entail according absolute confidence to
some advisers over others. Specifically Reagan
will have to give the nod to Secretary of State
George Shultz and McFarlane. He will have to
turn a deaf ear to such close associates as Wein-
berger and Casey.
Unfortunately, that is the kind of choice Rea-
gan finds distasteful. He has never made it be-
fore,. and he cannot delegate it. At his post-
electoral news conference Wednesday, he even
asserted that "we don't have a conflict within
the administration" on arms control. So to
seize the moment that beckons on arms con-
trol, the president will have to develop a much
sharper sense of the realities I
d
n
eed hill
,e w ase 2nd6gid fYfr~ 'glI4i ?' . fs(MigO ON400010002-4
1931, sAngelesTlmesSyndlcate
 ARTICLE APPEoved For Release
ON PAGEM
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10 November 1984
Second term, second team?
When President Nixon won re-election
in 1972 he fired, in effect, his entire
cabinet. He demanded everybody's res-
ignation before reinstating -the members
he liked. President Reagan's re-election
heralds nothing as dramatic. Practically
all the senior members of the administra-
tion are ready to soldier on. And Mr
Reagan, whose loyalty to colleagues
sometimes seems excessive, is not about
to remove them.
Only at the bottom of the cabinet are
fast departures likely.' Legal troubles
facing Mr Raymond Donovan, the la-
bour secretary, may ensure his removal,
which was half accomplished some weeks
ago when he took leave of absence to
answer criminal charges. Among others
who may depart are Mrs Margaret Heck-
ler (health), who has irritated White
House insiders, and Mr Samuel Pierce
(housing and urban development), a
black lawyer who has been criticised as
lightweight. There is a question too
about the future of Mr John Block at
agriculture. Cabinet officials higher up
seem to have dug themselves in.
Mr William Casev at the. Central intel-
ligence Agency is vulnerable, but that is'
habitual with him. The president's ex-
traordinary ML gjt g K,tto Eel rid of old
friends should shield Mr Casey from
criticism much.o it from con ress, over
his st le of lead ers i an a enc s
activities in Central America. The stay-
put sentiment extends to Mr ames Bak-
er, the sensible. and efficient White
House chief of staff, who has been
vowing for at least a year to give up his
exhausting job as soon as his boss was re-
elected. Moderate Republicans who
worry about Mr Reagan drifting into
deeper conservatism in a second term
should be pleased that Mr Baker appears
ready to forget his pledge for a time in
the interests of overseeing a new Reagan
legislative programme.
There is no sign that the president has
reconsidered his choice of Mr Edwin
Meese as attorney-general, despite the
reluctance of the last congress to confirm
him. Mr Meese's likely renomination
suggests that the so-called "sleaze fac-
tor"-the question-mark over personal
financial practice that came to settle on
Mr Meese and quite a few other Reagan
appointees-will .not particularly bother
the president from now on.
Curiously, the lack of movement at
the top of the administration serves to
intensify the rumours of change. Interest
centres on the future of the most promi-
nent players: Mr George Shultz, the
secretary of state, and Mr Caspar Wein-
berger at the defence department. Mr
Shultz's untheatrical stability has not yet
landed him the foreign-policy triumph he
is said to long for. He intends to plod
towards this elusive goal. He is aware,
meanwhile, that Mr Weinberger, look-
ing for a change after his years of pro-
moting the Reagan arms build-up, would
like his job.
This delicate rivalry is complicated by
the ambitions of Mrs Jeane Kirkpatrick,
the hawkish ambassador to the United
Nations. She wants to leave her relative-
ly uninfluential job. The conservative
lobby which supports her would ideally
like to see her at the state department or
at the White House as national security
adviser. Her advance seems unlikely-
and not merely because neither Mr
Shultz nor Mr Robert McFarlane, the
present unassuming national security ad-
viser, appears ready to move. Mr Rea-
gan's White House aides, doubtful about
the ability of the opinionated Mrs Kirk-
patrick to hit it off with congress, would
still like to keep her at arm's length even
if they cannot keep her as far away as
New York.
Neither Mr Shultz nor Mr Weinberger
has mastered the complex tactical logic
of arms control. They tend to rely on
assistant secretaries: on Mr Richard
Burt, the head of European affairs at the
state department, and Mr Richard Perle,
the redoubtable nuclear pointman at the
Pentagon. In what Washington calls the
battle of the two Richards, Mr Burt is
clearly more willing to be flexible with
the Russians than is Mr Perle, who'-has
come to be regarded, perhaps too sim-
ply, as anti-arms control. An unmistak-
able sign of Mr Reagan's intent to deal
with the Russians would be the early
departure of Mr Perle, which is far from
certain. Another indication of the presi-
dent's frame of mind would be the ap-
pointment of an arms-control "czar" to
break the negotiating deadlock. The
name of Mr Brent Scowcroft, who dealt
with arms control under Presidents Ford
and Carter, is often mentioned.-
On the economic front, Mr Donald
Regan is currently immersing himself so
deeply in tax reform that everybody
believes he has the president's consent to
stay at the treasury. Mr Regan is no
financial mastermind but he has encour-
aged, through thick and thin, the presi-
dent's refusal to increase income taxes as
a means of reducing the federal- deficit.
He has further ingratiated himself by
outdoing all other cabinet officers as a
fund-raiser for the Reagan re-election
campaign. If there is any surprise on the
economic side it is that the official who
shoulders the administration's most
thankless task, Mr David Stockman, the
sharp-minded budget director, has ap-
parently conquered his misgivings about
staying on and will remain until at least
mid-1985..
The shock that might set off an eco-
nomic chain-reaction would be the de-
parture of Mr Paul Volcker; the' chair-
man of the Federal ? Reserve Board.
Some Reagan officials predict that Mr
Volcker, the inflation-slayer and the St
George of Wall Street, will resign in the
spring rather than continue until the end
of his term in 1987. He is no bosom friend
of Mr Reagan, who reappointed him
only after much hesitation. If he went,
either Mr Regan or Mr Shultz might
move to the Fed. That would open up a
cabinet post of the calibre sought by Mr
Baker, whose transfer would bring into
the open a succession struggle already.
.underway at the White House.
Mr Michael Deaver, a Baker ally and
Reagan family confidant, seems to be
pitted in the battle for the number-one
White House job against Mr William
Clark, another original member of Mr
Reagan's California mafia who helped
his boss out last year by taking over the
job of interior secretary from the impru.
dent Mr James Watt. Even Mr Weinber-
ger's appetite for a change could perhaps
be satisfied in such a general upheaval.
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- WASHINGTON POST
Kirkpatrick Poses Personnel Problem
A Reagan Favorite, She Faces Resistance for NSC Post
By John M. Goshko
Washington Post Staff Writer
President Reagan is determined to keep
U.N. Ambassador Jeane J. Kirkpatrick in his
administration, although that would confront
him with a thorny personnel problem because
of strong indications that the only job she will
accept is national security affairs adviser. .
Any attempt to put her in the National Se-
curity Council post now held by Robert C.
McFarlane would prompt strong opposition
from Secretary of State George P. Shultz and
White House chief of staff James A. Baker III,
who last year thwarted efforts by conserva-
tives to have her take over the pivotal policy-
making position.
Senior administration officials said yester-
day that a decision on Kirkpatrick's status
was unlikely before December and that Rea-
gan probably would seek first to convince her
to take some other job.
But, they added, Reagan's regard for Kirk-
patrick is so high and the pressure from Re-
publican conservatives to retain her services
so strong that the idea of giving her the se-
curity adviser's post has not been ruled out.
The officials were vague about how this
could be done without creating an uncomfort-
able working relationship between her and
Shultz and Baker.
Some sources suggested the possibility of a
compromise under which Shultz would agree
to her installation at the NSC if administra-
tion moderates led by Shultz were compen-
sated with control over a new White House
post with responsibility for arms control.
Determined to leave the United Nations,
Kirkpatrick has made clear that she would
like a major policy-making post, and
sources familiar with her thinking
said the NSC job is the only one she
is likely to accept. A senior White
House official, discussing Kirkpa-
trick's status yesterday, said: "We
hope to hold on to her. She's a giant
inteiiect."
Admiration among Republican
conservatives for her feisty views
moved toward adulation after her
nationally televised performance at
the Republican National Convention
last August, when she cut her last
ties to the Democratic Party by
blaming the Democrats for "the dis-
mal period of retreat and decline" in
America's world position.
The conservatives regard Kirk-
patrick as crucial in the administra-
tron's internal balance of power and
as an all}' of such combative figures
as Defense Secretary Cas ap r W.
Weinberger, < Central Intelligence
AApency Director Virlliam I Casey
and former national security affairs
adviser William P. Clark, now sec-
retary of the interior, against the
more_moderate wing of Shultz and
Baker.
Despite this lavish praise, Kirk-
Patrick's celebrated feistiness and
intellectual convictions have raised
questions about whether she could
work effectively in harness with
Shultz and Baker, who both Appar-
ently will continue in office.
That is why Kirkpatrick has told
friends on several occasions: "If you
were to ask me where I'll be next
February or March, I'd say it's
most -likely .that IT be in the south
of France on leave from George-
town University [where she is a
professor of government] writing a
book about the United Nations."
The sources said her interest in
becoming national security affairs
adviser stemmed not from vanity or
ambition but the conviction that
after four years in the high-visibility
U.N. job, it is the only position, ex-
cept for the unattainable position of
secretary of state, where she could
effectively continue to press her
views.
According to the sources, she
believes that if she took a lesser job,
it would be perceived as a demotion
STAT
with serious negative consequences
for her influence.
Despite strong backing from ad-
ministration conservatives, Kirk-
patrick failed to win the national
security affairs post a year ago
when Clark vacated it. At that time,
she was defeated by the strong op-
position of Shultz and Baker; and
she is still bitter about what she
considers unfair rumors about her
ambition during that battle.
Regarding the possibility of tak-
ing another job, Kirkpatrick, who
has maintained public silence about
her plans, yesterday said in a tele-
phone interview:
"Sometime in late December af-
ter the U.N. General Assembly is
concluded, I expect to sit down with
the president and make my report
to him. I will tell him that I'm pre-
pared to stay on at the U.N. into
next year until my successor has
been picked and there has been an
orderly succession.
"But I will also make clear that
I'm not-unhappy about the prospect
of returning to private life. As to
staying in government, I would do
so only if the president persuaded
me that there was an opportunity to
make a significant contribution to
his administration in the foreign
affairs field."
There have been suggestions
that she might be named ambassa-
dor to France or Israel or be given a
specially created post as adviser to
the president.
This weeks there also w" re ru-
mors that she mig Le_P ace Ca ey
at the CIA.
However, the sources familiar
writ h Kirkpatrick's views said she
regarded most of these proposals as
attempts to push her out of the pol-
icy-making mainstream, Sources
said some administration officials
had made a concerted effort to con-
vince Kirkpatrick that she would be
an ideal replacement for Evan G.
Galbraith at the U.S. Embassy in
Paris.
The sources also said Kirkpatrick
r~gar e h rlkQ__a__gvtj A
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 ARTICLE fPPEARDproved For Release 9Q c7r: O 2DP91-00901 R000400d
ON PAGE! ---
Washington Wire
A Special Weekly Report From
The Wall Street Journal's
Capital Bureau
REAGAN'S TEAM faces partial reshap-
ing during the second term.
White House Chief of Staff Baker may
move to a new post, if the right spot can be
found. Baker is said to show interest in lore-
placing Case as CIA director. Jeane Kirk
patric is eager to leave her U.N. post but is
cool to suggestions of an ambassadorship or
the top USIA job. EPA administrator Ruck-
elshaus is likely to quit government within
a year unless offered a choice cabinet
post.
Treasury chief Regan stays on mainly to
oversee an income-tax overhaul; if it is
shunted aside, he may leave. Budget Direc-
tor Stockman remains on the job for now to
see next year's budget through Congress; he
could bow out afterward. Sure departures:
HUD Undersecretary Abrams, State Depart-
ment spokesman Hughes, as well as Educa-
tion Secretary Bell.
Federal Reserve Chairman Volcker
may step down before his term expires
in 1987-possibly sometime in 1986.
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 Next 1 Page(s) In Document Exempt
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 'DANIEL P. MOYNIHAN
NEW YORK Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400 1U4,?oc,,s,ry STAT
84- 9914
'
JCnrfeb ,~fafes S chafe
November. 9, 1984
On November 1, Joel Brinkley of the New York Times reported
an interview with Edgar Chamorro of the Nicaraguan Democratic
Force. Mr. Chamorro said it was a routine for CIA officers to
arrange visits between FDN officers and members of Congress and
for the FDN officers to be briefed on characteristics of those
members and what to say to them.
Mr. Chamorro noted, for instance, that he was told by a CIA
agent that Representative Geraldine Ferraro was "very, very
liberal" and "impressionalbe on religious issues." The full passage
is as follows:
Visits to Capital Recounted
Agency personnel frequently arranged for rebel
officers to fly to Washington, where they would visit
members of Congress "to lobby," Mr. Chamorro said.
"They would tell us which senators and congressmen
to see and what to say," and the CIA officers would
brief the rebels when members of Congress came to
Honduras on fact-finding trips.
Mr. Chamorro, who frequently consulted old appointment
books to refresh his memory as he talked last week,
pointed to one page where he had noted a CIA agent's
briefing on Representative Geraldine Ferraro, who was
planning a trip to Honduras last spring.
The notation said: "Very, very liberal" and "impres-
sionable on religious issues."
If substantially accurate, these charges reflect an invasion of
the privacy of members of Congress and improper conduct about which
the intelligence oversight committees of the Congress have to inquire.
Are the charges substantially accurate? Were officers of the FDN
directed to meet with members of Congress and coached beforehand? If
so, please furnish a list of,the members of Congress targetted for such
meetings and the characterizations made about these members.
Sincerely,
Daniel Patrick Moynihan
Honorable William J. Casey
Central Intelligence Agency
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 ABC WORLD NEWS TONIGHT
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>REAGAN/CABINET>JENNINCS: George Will is with us tonight from Washington.
s
>2>George, you have heard Sam's report. Let me ask you if
you see any particular personnel problems at the White
House. WILL: Well, they have a kind of gridlock in
Washington, I'm afraid,,Peter. To begin with, Jim Baker,
who served a long time in a-very grinding job, would
probably like to run something of his own, possibly the
CIA. But Bill Casey, who differs with Mr. Baker on a
number of issues, would probably stay at the CIA just to
block Jim Baker. Jeane Kirkpatrick has been at the U.N.
four years. Lord knows she's suffered enough. She might
like Bud McFarlane's job and Bud, some people say, would
like to be ambassador to Israel.
JENNINGS: What do you mean, 'She's suffered enough?'
WILL: Sitting at the U.N. as the United States'
representative, listening to Third World rhetoric for four
years is enough to drive anyone batty, frankly.
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ON PAGE 8 November 1984
PrI T TALK
Rumors and the C.I.A.
To rumors that he is being con-
sidered for Deputy Director of
Central Intelligence, Lionel H.
Olmer, Under Secretary of Com-
merce for international trade, said,
"No offers have been made, much
less accepted." Mr. Olmer, formerly
in Naval Intelligence, is a friend of
William J. Casey, the Director of Cen-
tral Intelligence. The rumors may
have been prompted by Mr. Casey's
acceptance of an invitation to attend
Mr. Olmer's 50th birthday party next
Sunday. Mr. Olmer's wife, Judy, is a
C.I.A. emploTee.
James F. Clarity
Warren Weaver Jr.
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 R 'i1" f... AP t 171,
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P;ASHINGTON TIMES
8 November 1984
So here is Jeane Kirkpatrick,
who has fought the good fight for
the president and for America, with
no place to go except back to aca-
demic life, which is where she came
from. It's not a bad life for her, but
how about her admirers, those like
me, who think that for Jeane Kirk-
patrick to be forced out of the
administration would be America's
loss?
Right now, she is part of a trium-
virate headed by Defense Secre-
tary Weinberger, and including CIA
Director Casey, which is unyielding
in its opposition to making any kind
of deal with Daniel Ortega's
Marxist-Leninist dictator: hip over
Nicaragua. Opposing the
Weinberger-Casey-Kirkpatrick
troika reportedly are Secretary of
State Shultz, Robert McFarlane,
and Langhorne Motley, assistant
secretary of state for Latin
America, who keeps coming up
with "draft treaties" one after
another for Nicaragua.
For anyone who follows the
struggle for power in Washington,
at the core of which is always a
struggle for the soul of the pres-
ident, the departure of Jeane Kirk-
patrick would be a triumph for
those who want President Reaga T
to confine his comments about "evil-
empires" only to South Africa and :
Chile and to be kind to the Soviets.'-
The next four years will be
among the most critical in the
nation's history, because Soviet..
power and audacity is growingwhile its economy approaches what",
would appear to be a disastrous cli==
max. President Reagan will need all
the help he can get, and he has no
more loyal friend and admirer than'-'
the lady who is made of the same,;,
stuff as Margaret Thatcher.
The country and, indeed, the.
Free World can't afford to los4
Jeane Kirkpatrick. It's up to Pres- h
ident Reagan.
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 -Apprdved For Release 2006/01/17: CIA-RDP91-00901R00040
WASHINGTON TIAES
7 November 1984
RUSE-AND-EFFECT
CORNER... Ear's pop-
ping with pride to hear
that its announcement of
their probable hitching a month or
oo ago may have helped tip the
scale to the impending nuptials of
Maury Povich and Connie Chung.
It is happily wrapping a kosher
wok. And it's sort of hoping the
same thing happens with Bill
Colby, former ClAmeister, and
Sally Shelton, former Ambassador
to Barbados. After he's Officially
Divorced, of course.
POCKETFUL OF .
RUMORS.. - And nobody
believes for a minute that
there'll be no Major
Changes at the White House with a
second Reagan administration, as
so boldly predicted in assorted
Organs. Within six months said
yesterday's Better Rumor Round,
we'1 see Jim Ba er out may e
running the CIA; Bill Casey Out
runnm is z e; Mi DDeaver
enfolded tb t e bosom of the
Burston-Marstellar flackerie;
Nancy's staff chieftain Jim Rose-
bush off to the Private Sector;
Nick Ruwe, former Nixon-in-exile i
staff chieftain, heading a White I
House section; Jim Lake, cam-
paign pressperson, crowned White
House Communications Director;
David Stockman, after shepherd-
ing his budget through Congress,
beginning his own big-time biz;
and a handful of Cabinet biggies
scrambling to replace Charles
Price as Ambassador to England
and Bob Nesen as Ambassador to
Australia. (Those are the two
plummiest about-to-be-emptied
posts.) Let's see how Reality
stacks up. Back tomorrow.
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 App'v'ed For Release 2006/Q1~ 7 CIA-RDP91-00
GHRISTTAN SCIENCE lION
6 November 1984
The CIA's misaffian~e vd rove
By Wtliazn V. Kennedy
ANYONE who thought that the "reforms" intro-
duced after the mid-1970s congressional investi-
gations of the Central Intelligence Agency had
solved the agency's problems should by now be thor-
oughly disillusioned,
To the mining of Nicaraguan harbors now has been
added the primer on political assassination and Machi-
avellian manipulation, and even murder, of one's, own
associates.
The problem is not that the primer violates a succes-
sion of presidential directives against political assassina-
tion. Nor does it lie in inadequate supervision or inad-
equacies of this or that director.
There was a flaw built into the CIA at its foundation.
Until that flaw is corrected we are going to be subjected
to a chain of worsening embarrassments and crises that
could corrupt - some would say already have corrupted
- our foreign policy and our domestic politics.
The idea for creation of a centralized intelligence
agency was born of the Dec. 7, 1941, Pearl Harbor disas-
ter. Successive investigations had demonstrated that
there was sufficient evidence on hand to have enabled the
United States military to avoid at least tactical surprise,
but service compartmentation and inadequate processing
procedures precluded its timely use.
Thus, the Central Intelligence Agency was created in
1947 to serve this purely "intelligence" function.
Not the least of the reasons for the intelligence failures
leading up to Pearl Harbor, however, was an American
propensity for action rather than for the often dull and
monotonous gathering and sifting of seemingly_ routine
facts that is the heart and soul of the intelligence process.
Thus there had emerged during World War II an orga-
nization supposedly intended to produce. strategic intelli
gence but which, in practice, was eminently activist in
nature, reflecting the nomme de guerre of its.. founder;
William J. (Wild Bill) Donovan.-This was the "Office of
Strategic Services."
The OSS was on the point of going out of business
when the Central Intelligence Agency was created. By an
act of legal and political legerdemain the remnants of the
OSS were "folded into" the new agency.
The commando type activities that were the hallmark
of the OSS had nothing to do with the production of intel-
ligence. Yet-in the years since, it was the OSS "camel"
that took over the CIA "tent.". As pointed out by-the
Senate investigators of the CIA in 1976, all the directors
who have emerged from the agency itself have come from
the OSS side of the agency - which now has become the
"covert action staff. The present CIA director, William
J. Casey, is archetypical in that his only previous "intel-
ligence" connection was with the World War II OSS.
The identification 'of "intelligence" as a separate and !
distinct activity is a product of the military staff system
that emerged over the past 200 years. A clear distinction
was established between intelligence on the one hand and
military operations on the other because experience
taught that it is all too tempting for operations staff offi-
cers to pick and choose the information likely to support
a predetermined course of action. That is why in the
American military staff system the operations and intel-
ligence staff agencies are separate and at least nominally
Permitting the OSS crowd to penetrate and take over
the Central Intelligence Agency was a disaster. For it was
these people who sold a succession of American presi
dents, Democratic and Republican, on the notion that:
"covert action," supposedly concealed under the intelli-
gence umbrella, provided an easy way out of the difficul-
ties of the cold war. The national humiliations that have
flowed from this in the Bay of Pigs fiasco of 1961, sub-
version of governments in -Iran and Guatemala that!
promised a transition to more democratic institutions,
and the bloody "Phoenix" program of Vietnam ill-fame
down to the present imbroglios over CIA activities in
Central America should have convinced us long ago that
a drastic overhaul is needed.
Further, the involvement of former CIA "covert ac-
tion" operatives in the Watergate crisis was a clear warn-
ing that sooner or later our own "house" is going to catch
fire from the flames we are setting for others.
The most pressing need, therefore, is to remove the co-
vert operations staff from the national intelligence estab-
lishment. Whether it should be retained as a recon-
stituted OSS or placed under control of the Department
of Defense is a separate issue -. to be determined by
whether the national conscience can continue to live with
this sort of activity without a formal declaration of war.
That would leave a separate, truly "intelligence"
agency, which would be known as something other than li
its present title, for that has become a national liability.
We have created a monster. We owe it to ourselves and to
the people who look to us for leadership - in particular
moral leadership - to do something about it.
.William V. Kennedy is principal author of "The
intelligence War" and he has served as an Intelli-
gence officer in the Strategic Air Command and for
I4 years on the faculty of the US Army War Coll
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 Approved . For Release 2006/01V1' H MAMPPMSg0901 R000400
6 November 1984
WASHINGTON WAYS
By Donnie Radcliffe
Washington Post Staff Writer
"I beg your pardon?" sputtered a
Central Intelligence Agency
spokeswoman at the agency's
Langley headquarters when asked
about a cocktail circuit
report-planted no doubt by the
KGB-that Director William
Casey and his wife. Sophia,
recently had been divorced and
that he had married a former
American ambassador to a
Caribbean country.
"Director Casey is still very
happily married," said the
spokeswoman who, after
recovering her cool, suggested
that the bridegroom in question
might be a former director,
namely William Colby.
Colby, however, said it is not he
who has untied one nuptial knot
and tied another.
Simply put, Colby said: "I'm not
yet married because I'm not yet
divorced."
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 r
ARTICLE APPEA `proved For Release 2D 6l{i[7R?(7T3=RDP91-00901 R00
ON PAGER'/?/' 5 November 1984
Elections in Nicaragua
Results Will Probably Heighten Tensions
Between Washington and the Sandinistas
By PHILIP TAUBMAN
Special to The New York Timm
WASHINGTON, Nov. 4 - The elect { The. officials said there are divisions
tion in-- Nicaragua today is likely to within the Administration over how to .
heighten tensions between Washington deal with Nicaragua, including dis-
and Managua and make it more diffi- agreement over the key issue of
cult to develop a peace plan for Central whether stability in Central America.,
America, according to and United States interests in the re
Reagan Administration of- gion, can be advanced while the San-
News facials and Latin . Amer- dinistas remain in power.
Analysis ican diplomats. State Department officials, including
The problem, they say, Mr Shultz have favor to re-
is that the United States
solve differences throe notiation.
and Nicaragua view the election so dif- Other seni-oi"nainaT-secvr~ty ataes,
oint:
-Cass`par
one
l
"
~eTe
p
e
y
ns
ferently. They agree on on
including Secretary ot
the election will have a major impact ;,, Vlembe{Q?r_ WlI]Iam 7. Casey, the
Calls for Another Election i
Now that the Nicaraguan campaign
has ended without the participation of
major opposition candidates, including'
Arturo Jose Cruz, a former Sandinista
Ambassador to the United States, the
United States intends to insist that any
Central American peace plan be con-
tingent on the Sandinistas holding an-
other election, Administration officials
said.
"We hope the Sandinistas will recog-
I nize that this election was not legiti-
mate and that they will use the Na-
tional Assembly to write a new consti-
tution that includes provisions for a
new election next year," one official
said.
Under current Nicaraguan law, can-
didates elected today are expected to
serve for a six-year term.
In direct talks between the United
States and Nicaragua, which began in
June, the Administration has'said any
agreement on security issues must be .
linked to moves toward democratic
rule. Sandinista leaders have said the
internal political system in Nicaragua
is not subject to negotiation.
The negotiations, which have taken
place at the Mexican Pacific resort of
Manzanillo, have failed to narrow
major differences, according to Amer-
balloting for President and 90 mem- States delegate to the United Natiops,
bers of the National Assembly, which is have questioned the di p? iomatic initia-
expected to produce an overwhelming tives, contending thati catagua would
victory for Sandinista candidates, will not abide by any 'agreement to reduce
institutionalize and legitimize the revo-its ties to the Soviet Uniorisn4 Cuba.
lution that toppled the Government of The election today will complicate, if
Anastasio Somoza Debayle in 1979. I not severely damage, the effort of the
The United States and its allies in i Contadora Group to develop a peace
Central America consider the election plan for Central America, according to
to be unfair and unrepresentative and the Administration officials and Latin
----
ward democratic rule in Nicaragua. diplomats.
The omun_ composed of Mexico.
noting that several major opposition
called the election "a sham."
'Complicates the Relationship'
Because the question of internal gov-
ernancein Nicaragua has been a piv-
otal issue in regional peace talks and in
direct negotiations between the United
States and Nicaragua, the different
perceptions of the election are likely to
harden negotiating positions and exac-
erbate tensions, the Administration pf
ficials and Latin diplomats said.
"The election clearly complicates
the relationship between the United
States and Nicaragua and is a setback
for regional peace talks," a senior
State Department official said today.
He added: "We think the Sandinistas
realize how badly they botched it. They
know the election doesn't have interna-
tional legitimacy. We hope they will de-
cide to hold another. election soon."
if the regional peace talks collapse
and the negotiations between the
United States and Nicaragua fail . to
make progress, Administration offi-
cials said, the chances of some kind of
American military intervention . in
Nicaragua would increase if President
Reagan is re-elected on Tuesday.
ican and Nicaraguan officials.
Some Administration officials have
reported that the Administration, while
publicly calling for free elections in
Nicaragua, argued in private that
major opposition candidates should no
take part to insure that the elections
would appear to be unrepresentative.
This contention has been denied by
revising a proposed peace treaty ` Other officials.
drafted in September that was en- !
dorsed by Nicaragua but criticized by
revisions by American allies, including
El Salvador and Honduras. A new draft
is expected to be ready by the end of the
month.
The draft treaty called for mutual re-
ductions in arms, troops and foreign
advisers among Central American na-
tions and included a prohibition against
the establishment of foreign military
bases.
It also barred countries from provid-
ing support to irregular forces trying to
overthrow another government, a
provision aimed at stopping Nicara-
guan aid to Salvadoran guerrillas and
American support of anti-Sandinista
forces.
More directly relevant to today's
election, the proposed treaty required
the tee of civil liberties, includ-
ing free elections. Administration offi-
cials, while criticizing the draft tiance
for failing to specify b~ c p
on arms reductions would be verified, I
said the provisions about free elections j
would be made meaningless by the
Nicaraguan voting.
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 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00 01R000400010002-4
US NEWS & WORLD REPORT
1.7 5 November 1984
Intelligence Chief With Nine Lives
The hounds of controversy once again
are baying at his heels, but his job as
America's spymaster is as safe as ever.
For the third time since Ronald Rea-
gan put him in charge of the Central
Intelligence Agency, lawmakers are
demanding that William Casey quit or
be fired. Walter Mondale endorsed the
new call for Casey's scalp, a clamor
that erupted upon word that the CIA
had prepared a kidnap-and-assassina-
tion manual for anti-Communist guer-
rillas in Nicaragua.
Although National Security Adviser
Robert McFarlane vowed that whoev-
er was responsible for the controversial
primer will be punished, no one ex-
pects Casey to step down. According to
aides, the 71-year-old lawyer never
read or even heard of the manual be-
fore it hit the headlines.
The rumpled and irascible grandson
Still another furor en-
sued when White House
Chief of Staff James Baker
swore under oath that Casey, while
running Reagan's 1980 campaign, gave
him a copy of Jimmy Carter's debate-
briefing book. Not so, said Casey as the
controversy faded into a still unre-
solved mystery.
Last spring saw Casey's toughest
test-a messy dispute over CIA mining
of Nicaraguan harbors. That operation
was aborted under fire from Congress.
Do the storms that envelop Casey
bother Reagan? As recently as Septem-
ber, the CIA chief received this message
from the White House: "You're my man
at the CIA as long as I am President."
Casey has done exactly what Reagan
wanted him to do: Reversed setbacks
suffered in the anti-CIA wave that
swept America after Watergate.
Casey's exploits as a coordinator of
spy operations against Nazi Germany
in World War II gave him a lifelong
respect for the usefulness of covert ac-
tions, and he eagerly rejuvenated the
CIA's clandestine operations.
The spymaster won budget hikes of
up to 25 percent a year for the CIA,
sharply boosted its covert-action sec-
tion in staff and money and increased
intelligence-estimate pa=
pers from a scant dozen a
year to nearly 60.
"Get it done." One key
White House official says:
"When I ask Bill Casey for
something, he will get it
done and what he gives
me will be as timely and
short as it can be." Casey's
own credo, outlined in a
recent speech to CIA staff
members: "Set tasks. Set
deadlines. Make deci-
sions. Act. Get it done and
move on."
Declares Senator Barry
Goldwater (R-Ariz.), chair-
man of the Senate Intelli-
gence Committee: "Casey
has built the agency up
until today young people
are standing in line to join
the CIA."
Other lawmakers chal-
lenge the "outstanding"
rating Goldwater gives
Casey. The CIA's Nicara-
guan activities, says Sena-
tor Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.),
have hurt the crucial bi-
partisan support that the
CIA needs in Congress.
But it's a waste of time,
Leahy says, to seek Ca-
sey's removal. "The Presi-
dent likes him ... no mat-
ter how many screw-ups
they make. So he's going
to stay, and it becomes a
moot point." ^
d
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of an Irish immigrant has
feuded with Congress
since he came to Wash-
ington in 1971 to head
Richard Nixon's Securities
and Exchange Commis-
sion. Much of the bicker-
ing involved the for-
tune-last estimated at up
to 14 million dollars-that
Casey made as an investor
and author of make-mon-
ey books.
Not "unfit." Nearly ev-
ery committee that has
checked his qualifications
for public office-first as
chief of the SEC, then as
under secretary of state,
head of the Export-Im-
port Bank and director of
the CIA-has complained
of misstatements, lapses
of memory and reluctant
disclosures of assets and
clients. At one point, a
Senate panel declared
that the most it could say
was that he was not "un-
fit" for the job. -
Disclosure that Casey,
in his first two years as
CIA chief, made millions
of dollars playing the
stock and bond markets,
produced an uproar. That
storm subsided only when
he put his investments in
 ^T~ri r ~ For Ruse 2006h1OYAWK: GIR1( W9'$M901 i ~1 f
- r/ ) d Nnvamhav 10PS IPiL~15 l.lr'~L
U.S. Srrugales ~ to keep high1ech fron Soviets STAT
By KAREN R. LONG
Newhouse News Service
A West German customs agent re-
ceived -the tip that would become an
international lightning rod in the pros-
perous black-market trade known as
techno-banditry.
The agent was told last November
that a Swedish ship would dock in Ham-
burg the following day for'seven hours
and would have 40 tons of contraband
on board.
Customs agents boarded the ship
and seized three 20-foot-long contain-
ers. Inside was a VAX 11782, a highly
sensitive and powerful. computer made
by Digital Equipment Corp. of Weston,
Mass.
Digital had sold it to an interme-
diary company that shipped the com-
puter legally to South Africa. But its
final destination was, to be the Soviet'
Union.
The news was greeted with wry
alarm in Ohio, where physicists work.
ing at the Morton-Thiokol Salt Co. mine
in Painesville Township had been wait.
ing for months to obtain a VAX 11782,
which they needed to conduct a multi-
million-dollar experiment on proton
decay.
It looked as though the Russians
were having an easier time getting
their hands on a contraband VAX than
U.S.,scientists were having getting a le-
gitimate one, says Daniel Sinclair, a
University of Michigan physicist as.
signed to the proton project.
Sinclair turned out to be right.
The federal Commerce Depart-
ment recently fined Digital $1.5 million
for export law violations that authori-
ties believe allowed at least two other
VAX 11782s to slip into Soviet hands.
The machines are believed to have as-
sisted the Soviet manufacture of inte-
grated circuits, which have strategic
applications.
Digital sold the two computers to
the same South African intermediary
company, Microelectronics Research
Institute.
The Commerce Department had
blacklisted Microelectronics for its
record of buying militarily sensitive
U.S. products and reselling them to the
Soviet Union.
The fine imposed on Digital was
the largest in U.S. history for export
violations. For the intermediary com-
pany, experts say, it would have been
pocket change.
The flow of U.S. technology to the
Soviet bloc often is compared to narcot-
ics traffic, with commensurate fortunes
to be made, say. U.S. Customs Service
agents who try to police the tp roved
Their assessment is echoed by
Nick Anning, a British expert on the
Soviet Union who co-wrote the book
"Techno-Bandits: How the Soviets are
Stealing America's High-Tech Future."
"The biggest surprise, in research-
ing the book, was the amount of money
to be made in it (theft)-better than
standard espionage," Anning says.
"These guys are making millions
and leading the life of Riley, always
one step ahead of the authorities."
The payoff for Soviet bloc coun-
tries is equally rich, defense depart.
ment spokesmen say.
"The Soviets save billions of dol-
lars and at least five years in their re-
search cycle; they tremendously reduce
the development risk of new concepts
and the costs of plant modernization;
arc' they get a close working knowledge
of U.S. comoponents, giving them an
opportunity to construct countermea.
sures," Richard N. Perle, an assistant
secretary of defense and a crusader
against technology leaks, has told the
International Herald Tribune.
The scale of techno-banditry, like
the constantly shifting list of desirable
new items, is elusive.
"It's like narcotics," says Jeffrey
Friend, senior special agent for Cus-
toms' strategic investigations division
in Washington.
"It's virtually impossible to meas-
ure something unless you get the coop-
eration of other countries and unless
you measure it all."
CIA Director William J. Casey at
tempted to measure it recently for the
Commonwealth Club of California,
whose members run the companies of
the Silicon Valley, the high-tech heart-
land outside San Jose.
"You in this room are the bulls-
eye in a massive, well-coordinated. and
precisely targeted Soviet technology
acquisition program," Casey said, ac-
cording to a transcript of his talk.
"The ability of the Soviet military-
industrial complex to acquire and as-
similate Western technology far ex-
ceeds previous estimates.
"During the late 1970s, the Soviets
got about 30,000 samples of Western
production equipment, weapons and
military components, and over 400,000
technical documents both classified and
unclassified. The majority was of U.S.
origin."
The crackdown on Digital, a flurry
of arrests and thousands of confiscated
shipments are part of a get-tough pol.
icy begun under the Reagan Adminis-
tration in 1981. Last month, FBI Agent
Richard W. Miller, a 20-year veteran,
was arrested and accused of passing
For R
IRDIP91
~m aLe
b
i
ge
sc
nbedas
>
a KGB
wo
Though no one argues against the
need for the crackdown, some members
of the scientific community.have be-
come apprehensive about its scope.
"Scientific enterprise cannot take
place in a vacuum." argues Stephen B.
Gould, director of the project on scien-
tific communications and national secu-
rity for the American Association for
the Advancement of Science.
Secrecy is just what makes the So-
viet science establishment second-rate
and so desperate for Western technolo-
gy, Gould says. By clamping down on
the openness that has nurtured Western
science, he says, the United States
'could shoot itself in the foot.
"Systems that are designed on the
cutting edge of technology have high
failure rates," Gould says.
"We've had a lot of news lately
about military systems that do not
function and contain defective parts.
Some scientists in the military labora-
tories believe we've become so closed
in our development that the bugs can
no longer be caught."
Friend of the Customs Service and
other government officials say the cir-
cumstances are not hopeless. Customs
has reported making a dent in the tech-
no-banditry trade in the last two years,
thanks to a $30 million shot in the arm
from Congress and a few new strate-
Agents try to follow up on all U.S.
computer-sales to foreign firms that
refuse the traditional free installation,.
a tip the hardware is heading else-
where. The'same goes for those who
make special inquiries about warrant
ties if the computer is moved.'Packag-
ing in "salt-free" crating to guard
against sea air often is another give-
away. . .
Friend acknowledges that the sci-
entists' apprehension is understandable,
but says the best policy probably would
keep all parties a little dissatisfied.
"It's a degree of safety that you
look for," he says.
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 ARTICLE ApMmaml For Release 2006/01/17WMIRDM-OOSOMR000400010002-4
ON PAGE_ n.~ 4 November 1984 Dcr F11f PNI-Y. STAT
WALTER SCOTT'S
Personality Parade
Q There is a rumor flying about that, if Ronald
Reagan is re-elected, the first three resignations he
will accept are those of Charles Wick, director of
the U.S. Information Agency; William Casey, di-
rector of the CIA: and Raymond J. Donovan, Secre-
tary ofLabor. Your opinion? J.L. , Bethesda, Md.
A All three have proved first-term embarrassments
to Reagan, but loyalty to his personnel is almost a
fetish with the President. It is unlikely that he will
drop the three unless they sincerely want to leave-
which is highly doubtful, since each covets power
and position. Donovan, of course, has been indicted
for fraud and grand larceny in New York City and
is on leave of absence to defend himself.
L K:4(-TFR .SC"O77 1494
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 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901R00040
UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL
4 November 1984
CABINET SECRETARIES HIT THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL
BY D'VERA CORN
WASHINGTON
Using a time-honored advantage of incumbency, President Reagan has sent his
Cabinet secretaries across the country to work for his re-election, other
Republican candidates and state party treasuries.
Cabinet secretaries made more than three dozen trips on behalf of the
national ticket since the campaign began on Labor Day, according to figures
supplied by the Reagan-Bush re-election staff and Cabinet offices.
The pace intensified in the campaign's last week, when at least five Cabinet
secretaries were booked for road trips by the Reagan-Bush team.
Cabinet members made dozens more appearances to raise money and support for
state Republican parties, and Republican candidates for other offices.
In the campaign's closing weeks, most Cabinet secretaries also accepted more
speaking invitations to trade group meetings and other non-political events,
where their messages endorse Reagan administration policies.
Agriculture Secretary John Block is among the most active Reagan-Bush
campaigners. He has spent 12 days since Labor Day courting farm votes in nine
states, according to his office, and made one appearance with Reagan.
The Cabinet's two women secretaries are busy, too. Health and Human Services
Secretary Margaret Heckler was booked for eight days on the road in eight states'
on behalf of Reagan-Bush, including three women's rallies. Transportation
Secretary Elizabeth Dole spent six days in eight states.
Housing Secretary Samuel Pierce campaigned for seven days in seven states,
according to Reagan-Bush figures. Interior Secretary William Clark is
campaigning in his home state of California for five days.
Also campaigning, according to the Reagan-Bush staff, was Energy Secretary
Donald Hodel, booked in two states in three days; Education Secretary Terrel
Bell, three states in three days; Commerce Secretary Malcolm Baldrige, two days
on the trail; and Treasury Secretary Donald Regan.
Cabinet members also are valuable draws on behalf of other Republican
candidates. Dole, one of the most popular, campaigned for eight GOP Senate
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nominees, including North Carolina Sen. Jesse Helms, in addition to other
Republican hopefuls, according to her office. Bell also campaigned for Helms.
Clark campaigned for at least 10 congressional candidates and two senators,
and was on the road for two weeks in September, in addition to a week on behalf
of Reagan-Bush this month, according to his office.
Baldrige's staff said he helped at least a dozen GOP congressional
candidates, and took political trips once or twice a week since Labor Day.
Regan is estimated to have raised $750,000 to $1 million for GOP
congressional candidates and causes, according to the Reagan-Bush campaign. The
campaign said he helped bring in $350,000 at one Reagan-Bush fundraiser and
$150,000 at a get-out-the-vote rally.
As political appointees, Cabinet members are not barred from campaigning, as
are career federal employees. A Reagan-Bush spokesman said the campaign is
''extraordinarily careful" about ensuring the government does not foot the bill;
for political events.
Most political activity by Cabinet secretaries this season is on behalf of
state parties' get-out-the-vote drives, called Victory '84, because that is
where it is needed most, said Reagan-Bush campaign spokesman John Buckley.
With Reagan ahead in the polls, Cabinet members are of more use campaigning
on the local level.
"The most effective use of their time that we have is to help raise money
for state parties,'' Buckley said. ''Campaigning is done primarily by the
president and vice president.'
Mainly because it looks inappropriate, six of the 16 Cabinet members have
done no Reagan-Bush campaigning -- Attorney General William French Smith,
Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger, Secretary of State George Shultz, CIA
Director William Casey, Budget director David Stockman, although he did attend
fund-raisers, and U.N. Ambassador (and registered Democrat) Jeane Kirkpatrick. A
seventh, Labor Secretary Raymond Donovan, canceled appearances after he was
indicted by a New York court last month and went on leave.
But both Shultz and Weinberger have made more speeches recently, criticizing
Democratic policies without mentioning presidential nominee Walter Mondale by
name. And two former GOP defense secretaries, Melvin Laird and Donald Rumsfeld,
attacked Mondale's record at a campaign-sponsored news conference last month.
When 21 ambassadors appointed by Reagan recently endorsed Helms, however,
Shultz quickly released a statement saying it would be improper for the
department's career foreign service officers to do the same.
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 AI IIC E~5 FEl
C.; x aGw
For Release 2006/01/17 :4Q$j ft0P@@jR00
4 November 1984
.LETTERS TO THE EDITOR
Sfandir dhzg by Mr..
Joseph Kraft ["The Blame Falls on
Casey," op-ed, Oct. 281 quoted a re-
mark supposedly made by a former
Republican secretary of state which
was highly defamatory ` about William
Casey, head of the CIA. If such a
statement were in fact ever made, the
source should be promptly identified, ,
I have known Mr. Casey for many
years, both professionally and socially.
No one who has been associated with
Bill Casey would. ever have the slight-
est question about his integrity.
WILLIAM P. ROGERS Was The writer was secretary of state from
1969 to 1973.
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FILE ONff "1LI-AS F TIT S-FERtLD (TX
`\oveml,c- 1984
Double-edged sword
While no one seriously suspects that
the United States was involved in any way
in the assassination of Indian Prime Minis-
ter Indira Gandhi, as the Soviet Union
cruelly has suggested, the credibility of
American denials of such charges cannot
help but be undercut by the involvement of
the Central Intelligence Agency in distribut-
ing manuals to Nicaraguan guerrillas recom-
mending kidnapping and assassination.
There is a certain irony in the fact that
in'the same week that the U. S. government
has issued a strong protest against the "ab-
surd and irresponsible" Soviet charges of
CIA involvement in the cowardly murder of
Mrs. Gandhi in New Delhi, CIA Director
William J. Casey has sent a letter to Con-
gress trying to justify his agency's role in
the publication of a manual on how to "neu-
tralize" local public officials in Central
America.
Would Mr. Casey have the world com-
munity believe that the U. S. recommends
murder to achieve its political goals in Cen-
tral America, but opposes such a policy on
the Indian continent or in other parts of the
world. Since the CIA chief seems to have
difficulty understanding the problem with
the United States' deploring violence in
some places, (e.g., Lebanon, India, Northern
Ireland) and then advocating it in others
(e.g., Nicaragua) in a manual blessed and
defended by its top intelligence agency,
President Reagan and Congress should ex-
plain it to him - as quickly and in as point-
,d a way as possible.
We are not suggesting, however, that
the how-to book on insurgency and as-
sassination was a mistake simply because it
creates awkward diplomatic problems. Ob-
viously, there is something terribly insidious
about an agency of the U. S. government
being connected, even indirectly, to a man-
ual that explains how to kidnap, kill and
blackmail public officials in another
country. President Reagan, in fact, has spe-
cifically prohibited such activity. In defend-
ing the publication of the CIA manual, then,
Mr. Casey seems to be contradicting the po-
sition of the administration he serves.
When the controversial manual first
surfaced last month, National Security Ad-
viser Robert McFarlane made the one clear-
headed statement that we have heard dur-
ing the entire episode. He promised that
President Reagan would fire any U. S. offi-
cial who was involved in producing the
manual. Although Mr. McFarlane said he
presumed that a low-level intelligence offi-
cial was primarily responsible, he indicated
that even Director Casey would be subject
to dismissal if it was determined that he
had authorized publication of the manual.
It is not clear what role, if any, the
director played in publication of the man-
ual; but part of it was written at CIA head-
quarters in Langley, Va., and, to compound
the outrage, Mr. Casey now is defending it.
In so doing, he is doing a disservice to
his country. He is badly undercutting U. S.
credibility and giving America's adversaries
ammunition to use a?ainct her
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 VN
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APT1rI- r;;'; c RED NEW YORK TIMES
2 November 1984
C.I.A.'_ChiefDefend s Manua! for
By JOEL BRINKLEY Nicar~guan 1
Spedsl w The New York Timm 'Rebel,
WASHINGTON, Nov. 1- William J.
Case
Di
t
-
y,
rec
or of Central Intelii-
gence, has written a letter to members
of Congress defending a C.I.A. manual
for Nicaraguan rebels that advocates
kidnapping and assassinating Nicara-
guan Government officials.
Mr. Casey's two-page letter, dated
Oct. 25, is the first statement to be
made public that expresses the agen.
cy's view of the document, which has
been sharply criticized in Congress and
elsewhere.
The White House has said any Cen-
tral Intelligence Agency official "in-
vohved in the development" of the
manual "or approval of it" will be dis-
missed.
But in his letter, Mr. Casey said the
"thrust and purpose" of the manual
are, "on the whole, quite different from
the impression that has been created in
the media."
'Emphasis on Education'
He said the manual's purpose was
I ;'to make every guerrilla persuasive in'
ace-to-face communication" and to i
1 develop "political awareness," adding
that its "emphasis is on education,
avoiding combat if necessary."
Mr. Casey's letter was sent to mem-
bers of the Senate and House intelli-
gence committees, along with a trans.
lated and annotated copy of the manual
and of another agency document for
the insurgents, a rebel "code of con-
duct." Both committees are investigat.
ing to see if the agency acted improp.
erly in preparing the manual,
The annotations of the manual show
how the document was edited at C.I.A.
headquarters. Agency officials told two
members of the Senate Intelligence
Committee last week that "a great part
of" the manual "was excised before
printing," Senator Malcolm Wallop,
Republican of Wyoming, said after the
C.I.A. briefing.
But the translation Mr. Casey sent to
members of Congress shows that only
one sentence "was deleted in the head-
quarters edition," the C:I.A. annota.
tion says. That sentence says, "If pos.
sible, professional criminals will be
hired to carry our selective 'jobs.' "
It is unclear when that sentence was
deleted because rebel leaders said it
was included in the edition they re-
ceived.
Mr. Casey would not comment on his
Reagan Orders 2 Inquiries
In addition to the Congressional in-
vestigations, President Reagan or-
I dered the C.I.A.'s inspector general
acid the President's Intelligence Over-
sight Board to conduct inquiries. Today
the White House spokesman, Larry
Speakes, said the C.I.A. investigation
was now complete and had been sent to
the oversight board.
Mr. Speakes said Mr. Reagan had
not seen the C.I.A. inspector general's
report and did not know what It says.
Mr. Speakes also said he did not know
when the Oversight Board investiga-
tion would be finished and when, if
ever, the results would be made public.
Also today, Representative Norman
Y. Mineta, the California Democrat
who is a senior member of the House
had Intelligence to allow then committee to
question the agency employee known
as John Kirkpatrick, who is believed to
be the manual's author.
Mr. Mineta said: "We know who he
is, and the C.I.A. knows where he is,
and they just refuse to let us talk to
him." He also said he had been told
that Kirkpatrick was not the man's ac-
tual name, and he said he had learned
that the manual's author was still em-
ployed by the C.I.A. at its headquarters
in Washington.
Mr. Mipeta and others members of
Congress also criticized the C.I.A. to-
day for another explanation of the
manual that appeared in published re-
ports this week.
Moderating Purpose Cited
An article in The Washington Post on
Wednesday, quoting intelligence, offi-
cials and rebel leaders, said the
manual had been prepared in response
to reports of widespread abuse and cor-
ruption among the rebels, including
rapes, torture and indiscriminate kill-
ings of Nicaraguan citizens. The manu-
al, the published reports said,- was in-
tended to moderate the rebels' onduct.
In an inteview, Edgar Chamorro, the
rebel leader who was in charge of pub-
lishing the manual, said: "That was
one purpose but was not the main pur-
pose of the manual. It was to teach us
the principles of guerrilla warfare."
Mr. Chamorro added, however, that
Mr. Kirkpatrick "didn't want us to use
a shotgun approach; he wanted us to
select our targets." .
Many unconfirmed reports have
been made public in recent months as
casing the anti-Sandinista guerrillas of
torturing and killing hundreds of seem-
have included civilians.
accounts
from missionaries and others living or;'
traveling in Nicaragua.
Members of the Senate and House in-
telligence committees and their aides I
said today that if the American-backed
rebels were guilty of atrocities, the
C.I.A. should have told Congress.
But Senator Patrick J. Leahy, the
Vermont Ddmocrat who is a member
of the Senate committee, said, "There
has been a clear absence of any such
discussion."--
A senior Government official who is
familiar with, the C.I.A.'s Congres-
sional briefings on the subject said;
"They have always said there Is a little
problem here and a little pr'obiem
there, but nothing serious."
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 TIME MAGAZINE
C::App~ovs or Release r006/010 :0(6I PO%b901P000400010002-4
V "Ao to "Neutralize" the Enemy
.4 shocking CIA primer jolts the Administration
Psychological Operations in Guerrilla Warfare
partment spokesman said he was prohibit-
ed from discussing intelligence matters.)
A contra leader now in exile in Mi-
ami, Edgar Chamorro, told TIME that the
document is based on notes given him a
year ago by a "gringo" who arrived as a
CIA operative at rebel headquarters in Te-
gucigalpa, Honduras. He was described
by Chamorro as an Irishman who fought
for the U.S. in the Korean War and ad-
mired the "psychological operations" of
the Irish Republican Army. Chamorro
printed up 2.000 copies of the manual and
handed out 200 of them to his troops, but
then he had second thoughts. He revised
the rest by censoring out references to
"criminals" and "murder." (It was not the 11
only time that contra leaders have balked
'cP he 89-page booklet entitled Psycho-
I logical Operations in Guerrilla War-
fare is a primer on insurgency, a how-to
book in the struggle for hearts and minds.
Some of the "techniques of persuasion"
are benign: helping the peasants harvest
crops, learn to read, improve hygiene.
Others are decidedly brutal: assassina-
tion. kidnaping, blackmail. mob violence.
It could be a manual for the Viet Cong
or the Cuban-backed rebels in El Salva-
dor. If it were, the Administration would
likely be waving it as proof of its thesis
about the sources of insidious world ter-
rorism. In fact, however, it is a publication
of the CIA, written for Nicaraguan contras
seeking to overthrow the Sandinista re-
gime. Jts disclosure last week came as a
political embarrassment to the Adminis-
tration and a major moral one for the U.S.
It stirred memories of CIA abuses that
were supposedly outlawed a decade ago
and gave Democrats a potentially hot new
cam paign issue.
The pamphlet, written in Spanish, rec-
ommends use of "selective violence" to
"neutralize" Sandinista public officials
"such as court judges, police and state se-
curity officials." To make an example of
an execution, it is "absolutely necessary to
gather together the population affected, so
that they will be present and take part in
the act." If "it should be necessary" to
shoot a "citizen .who is trying to leave
town." guerillas should claim that he was
"an enemy of the people." Targets who fail
to cooperate. the manual. instructs, should
be "exposed" to police "with false state-
ments from citizens." The finale of a suc-
cessful local insurgency is a mob riot. "Pro-
fessional criminals will be hired to carry
out specific selective jobs" like provoking a
shooting that will "cause the death of one
or more people who would become mar-
tyrs for the cause." A guerrilla commander
stationed in a tower or tree should give the
signal to begin the mayhem, the manual
instructs. "Shock troops" armed with
"knives, razors, chains, clubs and blud-
geons" will "march slightly behind the in-
nocent and gullible participants."
The document clearly violates the
spirit of an Executive Order signed by
Reagan in 1981 that prohibits even indi-
rect participation in assassination. At the
very least, the document undercuts Rea-
gan's moral pronouncements condemning
state-sponsored terrorism by such nations
as Libya, Syria and Iran. Last June, for ex-
ample, Secretary of State George Shultz
declared, "It is not hard to tell, as we look
around the world, who are the terrorists
and who are the freedom fighters ... The
contras in Nicaragua do not blow up
school buses or hold mass executions of ci-
vilians." (Asked how to reconcile Shultz's
statement with t1papvelGl&UalWea
at CIA help. Last spring they objected to a
16-page CIA Freedom Fighters' Manual,
which showed, with comic-book-style il-
lustrations, sabotage techniques like pull-
ing down power cables and putting dirt
into gas tanks. It was eventually distribut-
ed, but one contra leader objected that the
cartoon characters depicted in the draw-
ings "didn't look very Nicaraguan.")
Adolfo Calero, one of the contra lead-
ers, denied last week that his guerrillas j
followed the terrorist teachings in the CIA
manual. But in the field, the contras do use
psychological and physical coercion to
win over the peasantry, just as Commu-
nist-backed rebel organizations do. Gov-
ernment sympathizers are sometimes exe-
cuted, and contra commanders have
discussed assassinating one or another of
the nine-member ruling Sandinista direc-
torate. The contras had a list of 60 Sandi-
nistas in the village of San Fernando who
had to be "eliminated" before the contras
could safely occupy the town last year, ac-
cording to those who traveled with the
contras. (They never took the town.)
Reaction to the CIA manual, the exis-
tence of which was first revealed by the
Associated Press last Monday, was fast
and furious. Walter Mondale demanded
the resignation of CIA Director William
Casey, and questioned Reagan's role.
"Did he know this was going on?" asked
Mondale. "I don't know which is worse-
knowing this was going on or having a
Government where no one is in charge.
Congressman Edward Boland, the chair-
man of the House Intelligence Commit-
tee, fumed that the document was "re-
pugnant to a nation that condemns such
acts by others. It embraces the Commu-
nist revolutionary tactics that the United
States is pledged to defeat throughout
the world." His committee launched an
investigation, and its Senate counter-
part scheduled a closed briefing by CIA
officials.
T he White House moved quickly to dis-
avow the document. President Rea-
gan ordered two investigations, one by the
CIA inspector general's office and the oth-
er by the agency's three-member over-
sight board. "The Administration has not
advocated or condoned political assassi-
nation or any other attacks on civilians,
nor will we," said Spokesman Larry
Speakes. Other officials claimed that the
booklet had been prepared by a "low-lev-
el contract employee" of the CIA and was
never cleared for publication by higher-
ups. The document indicates a sophisti-
cated knowledge, apparently drawn from
CIA field reports, of techniques currently
being used by Communist guerrillas. The
key political and moral question is wheth-
er senior Government officials knew what
the CIA manual was advocating, and if
not, why not. -By Evan Thomas. Reported
by Martin Casey/Miami/and Ross H. Munro/
09'40O10002-4 5`
eC2OO6/O1*M7ef1=e-RDP9fi"1b090I RI
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ry?t r~^~
PoB
NEW YORK TIMES
2 November 1984
Casey's Letter on Nicaragua Manual.
special to the rrew York Times
WASHINGTON, Nov. I -- Follow-
ing is a letter from William J. Casey,
Director of Central Intelligence, to
members of the House and Senate In-
telligence Committees. The letter,
.,dated Oct. 25, was obtained today
,from a member of Congress.
I'd like you to look through the
much publicized text of the F.D.N.
-manual on psychological operations
together with the code of conduct pre-
_pared in pocket size for every F.D.N.
soldier to carry with him at all times.
You will see that the thrust and pur-
pose of this material is, as Senator
Wallop has said publicly, on the whole
quite different from the impression
that has. been created in the media.
The ultimate distortion appeared in
this morning's New York Times edi-
_ torial, which speaks of the agency
"having to be stopped from illegal
minings and murders." This distor-,
tion of the reality must be corrected.
Let me describe these documents
and their contents to help you work
your way through them. They were
prepared in the political section of the
F.D.N. with the help of an advisor.
provided by the C.I.A. The code of
conduct explains that the objective of
the F.D.N. is the, development of a
democratic and pluralistic govern-
ment in Nicaragua. It describes the
need to achieve a reconciliation of the
Nicaraguan family, to establish so-
cial justice and human rights in Nica-
ragua, to restore the freedoms vio-
lated by the Sandinistas and to
achieve economic reform and
"greater social mobility."
Purpose of Manual
The manual, entitled "Psychologi-
cal Operations in Guerrilla War-
fare," was prepared by and ad-
dressed to .people who had made the
fateful decision to engage in armed
combat in order to resist oppression
by a totalitarian regime. Its purpose
is stated as assuring thet every com-
batant will be "highly motivated to
engage in propaganda face to face, to
the same degree that he is motivated
to fight."
It aims to make every F.D.N. guer-
rilla "persuasive in face-to-face com-
munication _ a propagandist com-
batant - in his contact with the peo-
ple; he must be capable of giving 5 or
10 logical reasons why, for example, a
peasant must give him fabric, needle
and thread to mend his clothes. When
the guerrilla behaves this way,
enemy propaganda will never turn
him into an enemy in the eyes of the
population."
It goes on to deal with developing
political awareness, using group dy-
namics, interaction with the people,
"live, eat and work with the people,"
respect for human rights, teaching
and civic action.
Protecting Guerrillas
There is a section headed "guer-
rilla arms are the strength of the peo-
ple against an illegal government."
shoot that individual. The other uses
the word "neutralize" in dealing with
the problem of removing local offi-
cials or occupying a town.
It is important to note that these
two passages are in the context of en-,
tering or occupying a community and
dealing with a situation in which as
tual or potential resistance remains. i
They are preceded by admonitions
that the "enemies of the people, the
Sandinista officials or agencies, must
not be mistreated in spite of the
criminal actions even though the
guerrilla forces may have suffered
casualties" and also that "whenever
it is necessary to use armed force
during an occupation o;- a visit to a
town or a village," the guerrillas are
to "explain to the population that first
of all this is being done ? to protect
them, the people not the guerrillas
themselves" and that "this action,
while not desirable, is necessary be-
cause the final objective of the insur-
rection is a free and democratic soci-
ety where acts of force are not neces-
sary."
This deals with protecting the guerril-
las and citizens when a town is occu-
pied. There is also a section on the
training and operations of armed
propaganda teams, made up of 6 to 10
members charged with raising politi-
cal consciousness within Nicaragua
and personal persuasion within the
population.
Again, the emphasis Is on educa-
tion, avoiding combat if possible,
"not turning the town into a battle-
field." That context puts into per-
spective the four passages with which
the whole document and the F.D.N.
psychological operations have been
characterized. Two of these four pas-
sages were deleted by the F.D.N.
Of the other two, one advises on
how to explain to the population` if-a-
guerrilla, having "tried to stop the in-
formant without shooting" should
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ARTICLE APP ED NEW YORK TIMES
ON PAGE 47- 2 November 1984
NICARAGUAN TALKS
What the U.S. Seeks and foreign advisers could be verified.
The two Administration officials said
The proposal presented by the Ad- that Mr. Shlaudeman was limited in
ministration in August called for the what he could accomplish at Manza-
agua
ARE SAID TO STALL withdrawal vof. i all Soviet Nicaragua
military advisers from Niwithin nine months of the signing of an
agreement, the two Administration of-
ficials said.
Meetings With U.S. in Mexico in return , according to a copy of the
proposal made available by one of the
Fail to Narrow Differences officials, the United States said it was
ureoared to take removal of the advis.
nillo by negotiating instructions pre-
pared in Washington that barred any
serious exploration of how differences
between the two countries could be re-
solved, or at least narrowed.
"No one will tell Shlaudeman what
the end game is, what the road map to a
final agreement is," one of the officials
said. He added, "The reason is that the
Administration doesn't really want a
settlement with the Sandinistas."
By PHILIP TAUBMAN America. These and other Administration offi-
spxtal to The New York Timm The United States, according to the
proposal, also offered not to mine Nica- cials said that a number of senior Rea-
WASHINGTON, Nov. 1 - Recent raguan harbors or attack oil storage in- gan aides. including ecreFd -ofT
talks between the United States and stallations if Nicaragua would close a tense Caspar W. Weinberger. WjlIjarrl
Nicaragua have failed to narrow major communications center in Managua J. Casey. the Director of Central Intel,
differences between them, according that the Administration says has been igence, and Jeane J. Kirkpatrick, the
to officials of both countries. used to direct guerrilla operations in El chief United States delegate to the
Representatives of the two countries Salvador. The mining and attacks, United Nations, were opposed to ne-
which were 3irectecYby t e entra n-
met at the Mexican Pacific resort of tc goiations`vv~thie`Sa`stas.
Manzanillo on Tuesday and Wednesday tWhgeniy Ae ,-`s'ere estop in TTer oppos-i ion"-ff6-6ff c als said,
in their seventh negotiating session April because of Congressional op2osi- was based on objections to the Kennedy
since Secretary of State George P. tion. Administration's apparent agreement Shultz made an unexpected visit to In addition, the two officials said, the with the Soviet Union in 1962 that the United States insisted that any agree- United States would not take military
Nicaragua in June. ment with Nicaragua, whether directly action against Cuba unless it posed : a
Although the talks were said to have between Washington and Managua or strategic threat to the United States.
progressed better than expected during among Central American nations, That commitment, which was never
the summer, generating a ripple of op- must include provisions for moving stated explicitly, is generally consid-
timism that tensions might be reduced, Nicaragua toward democratic rule. ered to be part of the accord that ended
Reagan Administration officials said it Elections Called a Sham the Cuban missile crisis.
One Administration
was now clear that the discussions had official said:
Sandinista leaders have repeatedly 'Some of Reagan's advisers say that
stalled after an initial exchange of pro- said that the governance of Nicaragua kind of agreement must never happen
posals. They said it was not clear is an internal matter not subject to ne- again. No one knows whether the
whether the talks would continue after', gotiation with the United States or any United States should invade Nicara--
elections in Nicaragua, and the United other country. gua, but people don't want to foreclose
States next week. Presidential elections scheduled to that option by signing some kind',of
Two Administration officials farm- be held in Nicaragua on Sunday have agreement."
iar with the discussions said today that:i been called a sham by Mr. Shultz.
the United States had declined to Last month, the United States pre-
modify proposals first offered in Au- sented a technical paper on how any
gust that called for major concessions agreement about reductions in arms
on. security issues by Nicaragua. The
officials said that the proposals did not
detail what reciprocal steps would be
taken by Washington.
State Department officials, defepd-
ing the American position, said Nicara-
gua's counterproposals called for
equally large concessions by the United
States, including the removal of all
American forces from Central Amer-
ica and the dismantling of military, bases in Honduras improved by the
United States in recent years.-
The department officials said that
the United States representative at the
talks, Harry W. Shlaudeman, Presi-
dent Reagan's special envoy to Central
America, was negotiating in good faith
with the expectation that some sort of
agreement could eventually be
reached.
ers "into consideration" when setting
the level of American forces in Central
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RADIO N REPORTS, i
4701 WILLARD AVENUE, CHEVY CHASE, MARYLAND 20815 [phone]
PUBLIC AFFAIRS STAFF
PROGRAM News Watch STATION C N N- T V
Cable News
Network
DATE November 2, 1984 5:00 PM CITY Washington, DC
SUBJECT Report From CIA on Manual Discovered in Nicaragua
LOU WATERS: The CIA's Inspector General is investigat-
ing the Agency's controversial manual designed to teach Contra
rebels how to overthrow Nicaragua's government.
Today, Democrats in the House and the Senate Intelli-
gence Committees say the Reagan Administration is holding up the
results of those investigations to avoid embarrassing the
President before the election.
Mary Tillotson joins us now from our Washington studios
with a report.
Mary?
MARY TILLOTSON: Lou, about three weeks ago, after word
of that CIA manual on terrorist techniques to be used by the
Contra rebels in Nicaragua surfaced in press reports, President
Reagan put out a statement saying he is opposed to the sort of
political assassination recommended in the manual, and also
ordering two investigations of how the manual got produced.
The CIA Inspector General's office has,now completed its
investigation and sent its_ findings to the White House Intelli-
gence Oversight Board for further review.
But, Democratic membes of both the House and Senate
intelligence Oversight Committees, like Vermont's Senator Patrick
Leahy, say they are now convinced the Administration will sit on
the investigation findings until after the election.
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OFFICES IN: WASHINGTON D.C. '? NEW YORK ? LOS ANGELES ? CHICAGO ? DETROIT ? . AND OTHER PRINCIPAL CITIES
 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901R00040001
WASHINGTON POST
1 November 1984
Former presidential conf~nder Jesse
Jackson will no longer be giving away his
spellbinding oratory. He's going for the big
money and has signed with the Agency for
Performing Arts with a $1 million advance
for personal and television appearances, and
writing books At $
25,000 a speech, he's in i
the: big leagues with form
1
er secretaries of
state Henry A. Kissinger and Alexander. M. mentAnalysts in the Sheraton=Carlto
Haig Jr, and columnist Art Buehwald :.. to
Noted authors Howard Fast ("The Last Walter Mondal
be the e will get this yealraOn i tort'
Frontier" and 'Citizen Tom Paine") and Ste. day a streetcorner poll was held at the _
phen-Birmin ham Tues-
g (Our Crowd,. and The necticut Connection at. Connecticut a dq L
Grand Days: America's 'Sephardic Elite') ', and 2,928 11
are the guest speakers Sunday at the sec-. from D.C.Maryland passersby and V Vir pdrirginia, ginia, mostly and annual Jewish Book Fair at the Jewish percent:forom other areas. reeas. Mondale
won 60
Community Center in Rockville. Fast's t won 60
newest
percent of the vote
newest book is "The Outsider"; Birming- eas, incidentally cast : Those 60 from percent for other Prefi.
ar-
is "The Rest of Us" .:..How tough ident Reagan. , M
art Sahl, the satirical
can you be in an argument with your boss? dark prince of the 1960s, opened this week
Frank- Mankiewicz
, a well-I.at Charlie's Georgetown and hasn't lost
Democrat working as an executive vice sharpness: ''He described CIA director Wile
president at Gra & its
Y Co., will debate his liani Casey as "t e s
boss, Robert Keith Gray, a man with spar- o an sal who came in fort e
resi e-
kling Republican credentials, on the topic ore the movie "Countr nt ea an eft
"Reagan versus Mondale" today at. a. lun-
cheon of th,- V Le bank fnrr>rin-oa
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 Approved For Release 2006/01/17: CIA-RDP91-00901R00
ARTICLE APPEARED EARLY WARNING
ON PAGE November 1984
Rebuilding the CIA
Reagan's second term may see the resolution of one of the
CIA's secret wars - the one that has been waged quietly behind
the scenes between Central Intelligence Director William
Casey and some of his staff and a group of professionals who
share neither his enthusiasms nor convictions. One of Casey's
signal achievements has been to inject new life and energy into
the U.S. intelligence community. But some of the old-line
professionals have been opposed to the operations he has sought
to pursue most vigorously. Following the model of the Good
Soldier Shweik, these staffers have followed orders but have not
provided moral support or personal initiative. Tuough various
channels, some of them have signalled Congress discreetly that
they were against' some of the actions being taken in the
not-so-covert war in Central America. These are the same men
who held key posts in the intelligence community in the era of
passivity and disenchantment presided over by the Carter
administration. Their survival in top CIA jobs today has been
due in part to the loss of many of the Agency's best operatives
in the 1970s, most notably in Admiral Stansfield Turner's
"Halloween. Massacre" (see below). But two events within
the CIA during Reagan's first term also help to explain the
present division of power.
The first was Casey's curious choice of Max Hugel as
Director of Operations. This set off a furore amongst intelligence
professionals, most of whom believed that Hugel, a street-smart
businessman and an old friend of the new DCI, was qualified
for the job only by personal loyalty to Casey. The post Hugel
was offered is uniquely sensitive, since the Director of Oper-
ations.-is responsible for clandestine operations in the field.
Hugel was forced out after a virtual revolt inside the Agency.
This episode, coming early in Casey's tenure, bruised his
authority within the community.
The second event was the unexpected retirement, at the mid-
point of Reagan's first term, of Admiral Bobby Inman as
Deputy Director of Central Intelligence. Inman, a former chief
of the National Security Agency (NSA), was widely respected
throughout the community for his discretion and professionalism,
and many insiders felt sure he would eventually succeed Casey
in the top intelligence job.
These unrelated episodes brought the Agency's most
cautious professionals into positions of control. For many
months before the elections, the idea was canvassed widely that
Casey would be forced to retire in the near future as the result of
pressure from inside the Administration, the Republican Party
and the Congress, much of it related to recent events in Central
America. A powerful lobby would then be assembled to bring in
a professional as director. This would please many in Congress,
most notably House Speaker Tip O'Neill. The problem is that,
in the present context, such a DCI would be extremely unlikely
to be an operations man with a. wealth of personal experience
of the realities of intelligence work in the field. Top manage-
ment of the CIA is good, a veteran intelligence observer
comments, but it is exactly that: management. The overriding
theme is survival, understandable enough after the traumatic
experiences of the past decade and a half, during which the
Agency has taken a battering from both Democrats and
Republicans.
The CIA's operational capacity was savaged under the Carter
Administration. For all the outrage registered over Reagan's
campaign statement that the erosion of U.S. intelligence in
those years may have contributed to the success of terrorism
in Beirut, many insiders think his remarks were justified.
Stansfield Turner was quoted as saying that the President must
be wrong because the CIA didn't cut a single operative overseas.
A number of CIA veterans who were forced out during his
incumbency express anger and disbelief that Turner could
make such a claim. One EW source reports that, as a result of
Turner's cuts, in Western Europe alone, the CIA:
^ Lost 90 per cent of its intelligence reporting ability in West
Germany;
^ Lost its entire Greek-speaking component in the Athens
station;
^ Lost the intelligence reporting section of the Paris station;
^ Lost its chief of station in Madrid;
^ Lost the key operative who had helped to prevent a Com-
munist takeover in Portugal;
^ Lost its foremost expert on Western Europe and the Social-
ist International, with an invaluable - and irreplaceable -
network of sources.
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 ARTICLE APpE oved For Releas;@120M 1$17 : CIA-RDP91-00901R00
ON PAGE 7 November 1984
the hostages."
This stunning exclusive, purporting to
scoop all the world's other news-gather-
ing organizations, amounted to fulfillment
of a dire warning that had been made over
the past several months by officials of the
Committee to Elect Reagan: Be on guard
for an attempt by President Jimmy Carter i
to formulate a secret ransom deal to free
the American hostages in Iran. Such a
move, Reagan's men felt, coming so soon
before the November 4 election, might
guarantee Carter's reelection.
The men around Ronald Reagan called
it the "October surprise," and Moore's ex-
clusive report seemed to confirm their
worst fears-that the euphoria resulting
from the release of the 52 American hos-
tages might sway millions of American
voters into forgetting why they were think-
ing of voting against Jimmy Carter.
Or so it would appear. But, in fact, the
words delivered by a reporter on a local
television station owned by ABC in Chica-
go represented the climax of a sour chap-
ter in the history of American politics. And
it is a chapter that has remained unknown
up until now. In basic form, it amounts to:
? A political-espionage operation, di- Reagan campaign. Besides George Bush,
rected and controlled by some members the vice-presidential candidate and for-
of the Reagan committee, that dwarfed in mer CIA director with extensive contacts
scale anything conceived in the days of
the Nixon political-spying operation--or
any other similar operation, for that matter,
all across the U.S. intelligence communi-
ty, there was William J. Casey, director for
the entire campaign.
Casey, the present'CIA director, was a
mil io aTre Wall Street lawyer who had
served in the Office of Strategic Services
(OSS) during World War 11 and later
served in a variety of official and nonoffi-
cial government appointments, including
membership on the President's Foreign
Intelligence Advisory Board. A man with
wide contacts throughout the governmen-
tal and intelligence structure, Casey was
known as an obsessive collector of infor-
mation, a man with an unquenchable, de-
vouring passion for all data.
And the data Casey was most interest-
ed in during the 1980 campaign was infor-
mation on the Carter White House and the
Carter reelection campaign. For example,
the minutes of a September 12, 1980
meeting of Casey's lieutenants record that
the campaign director "wants more infor-
mation from the Carter camp...." Per-
haps not so coincidentally, the exhortation
came. just three days after a secret com-
munique from the German government to .
Carter that Khomeini was ready to, make a.
deal on the hostages-and on the very
same day that Khomeini signaled the Car-
ter White House that the Germans were
bona fide messengers.
This interesting coincidence of events ,
suggests a fairly sophisticated informa-
tion-gathering operation that, extended
into the Oval Office, an operation that was
able to alert the Reagan committee to
even the most sensitive top-secret devel-
opments. While it is difficult to estimate its
size, there is no question that the spying
operation was quite extensive, covering
the entire government apparatus.
Casey himself had revealed the exis-
tence of the operation in July 1980, during
the Republican National Convention- in
Detroit. With typical audacity, Casev told
reporters that he was establishing an
"intelligence operation" in the campaign,
and he -said flatly that it was aimed at dis-
covering whether Carter planned any Oc-
tober surprise.
Reportedly, however, other Reagan
campaign officials were upset at Casey's
direct admission of an intelligence opera-
tion, and it was not, as such, ever referred
to again in public. But it flourished in se- i
cret. Oddly enough, the operation's most
valuable assets were not campaign work-
ers but a fairly large number of ostensibly
loyal government employees. To the Rea-
gan committee's surprise, there were
many military and intelligence-agency em-
ployees who had become convinced that
Carter was a dangerously muddleheaded
feather merchant. While not enamored of
Reagan, they felt strongly that under no
circumstances should Jimmy Carter be
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? An operation that ultimately resulted
in the destruction of what was apparently
an imminent deal between Iran and Carter
to release the American hostages months
before they were set free coincident with
Reagan's inauguration. That deal was
aborted by a news leak that took place im-
mediately after the Reagan committee
learned of it.
? A complicated series of events that
saw TV reporter Larry Moore used as an
innocent dupe to destroy the very deal he
was reporting.
What follows is not a nice story. There are
no heroes and no winners. It is a story of
political chicanery. Until the present time
only a tiny part of it has surfaced: charges
that Reagan's people stole confidential
briefing papers prepared for Carter prior
to his nationally televised debate with Rea-
gan, an incident known as "debategate."
But there is more-much more.
Whether any criminal prosecutions will
result remains an open question. Last
spring a congressional investigation con-
cluded that there had been a "cover-up"
of the Reagan spying operation. Mean-
while, an attempt to appoint a special
prosecutor to probe the 1980 campaign is
still ensnared in legal arguments.
Still, few seem to grasp the full extent
and depth of the spying operation-its
tracks have been well covered, and even
revelations connected with the theft of the
briefing papers have not unlocked the rest
of the spying operation's secrets.
Like all modern presidential-election cam-
paigns, the Reagan campaign had a politi-
cal-espionage apparatus. As a challenger,
Reagan could come to relybn the'custom-
ary resources of such operations` dis-
gruntled
career diplomats, government
employees, and not-so-loyal'members of
the opposition party.
But there were two factors that elevated
this time-honored custom of political espi-
ohage, into, something much . different-in
1980. One was the growing conviction
within the Reagan campaign that Carter
almost certainly-would pull an,October
surprise, i.e., arrange the release of the
hostages at the most critical point of the
campaign. Therefore, there was an urgent .
requirement for detailed intelligence from
inside the Carter White House.
The second factor, and in some ways
more important than the first, was the na-
ture of some of the people running the
Continued