FIVE BEING CONSIDERED FOR CASEY'S CIA JOB

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP91-00901R000400020004-1
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 16
• Document Creation Date: December 19, 2016
• Document Release Date: December 12, 2005
• Sequence Number: 4
• Publication Date: August 30, 1984
• Content Type: NSPR

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WASHINGTON TIMES
30 August 1984
Five being considered for
Casey's CIA jo
THE WASHINGTON TIMES
The Reagan White House has begun
assembling a list of possible successors
for Central Intelligence Agency direc-
tor William J. Casey who reportedly has
made known his intention to leave gov-
ernment service in January.
Well-placed administration officials
said there are at least five names on the
informal list of individuals who will be
considered for the cabinet-rank CIA
post if Mr. Casey makes a final decision
to return to private life.
Three of those being considered to
take over the CIA are White House chief
of staff James A. Baker III; national
security advisor to the president, Rob-
ert C. McFarlane; and Laurence Silber-
man, former Justice Department
official who also served as former
ambassador to Yugoslavia and a senior
transition official for President Reagan
after his 1980 election victory.
All this, of course, is contingent on
President Reagan being re-elected in
November. Mr. Casey, now 71, would be
replaced as a matter of course in event
of a victory by Democratic candidate
Walter F. Mondale, but White House
insiders say he is ready to return to pri-
vate life no matter what the election out-
come.
The scenario of potential successors
to the CIA directorship sets up a fas-
cinating array of domino effects within
a second Reagan term. If Mr. Baker is
nominated to replace Mr. Casey, or to
i some other cabinet post such as Trea-
sury secretary or attorney general, Mr.
Reagan would be faced with finding a
new chief of staff. Insiders at the White
House are quietly speculating that the
president might elevate deputy chief of
staff Michael K. Deaver to replace Mr.
Baker, but they also say that dedicated
conservatives would prefer Secretary
of the Interior William P. Clark for the
second most powerful job in the inner
circle.
There is plenty of reason to suppose
that Nancy Reagan, who likes both Mr.
Deaver and Mr. Clark, might have the
prevailing influence on whoever is cho-
sen as staff chief. Mr. Deaver, who is not
expected to remain in a second admin-
istration for any longer than a year, and
Mr. Clark have been at odds for more
than a year and at one stage were not
even speaking.
If Bud McFarlane is tapped for the
CIA job, the possibility arises that Pres-
ident Reagan might ask United Nations
Ambassador Jeane Kirkpatrick to take
over direction of the National Security
Council. Mr. McFarlane's deputy, Rear
Adm. John Poindexter, has been
assigned to the security council for most
of the past four years. If Mr. McFarlane
remains at the NSC, it is speculated that
he would replace Admiral Poindexter
with Donald Fortier, now in charge of
political and military affairs there.
Mr. Silberman, 48, is now an execu-
tive of the Crocker National Bank in San
Francisco and has had wide experience
in Washington law firms, at the Justice
Department and. as under secretary of
labor. He is a no-nonsense, tough-
talking individual who was an influen-
tial factor in the Reagan transition team.
Mr. Casey has been repeatedly
involved in controversy since he man-
aged Mr. Reagan's 1980 campaign and
took over the CIA with a determination
to keep both himself and the agency out
of the news. The former World War II
Office of Strategic Services (predeces-
sor to the CIA) operative got into trouble
with Congress for failing to disclose all
his financial holdings.
- Walter Andrews
and Jeremiah O'Leary
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ARTICLE APPEARED 29 August 19
ONPAer 0
Manila Isn't So EManeuvering II and even toda
By PAUL GIGOT
MANILA-This tropical city is 10,000
miles from Washington, but judging by the
U.S. visitors it could be Capitol Hill.
Jack Kemp dropped b for a chat
with President Ferdinand Marcos last
CI boss Willi am ase ormer U.N. Am-
bacsador Jeane Kamm rick; Adm. Wil-
liam Crowe, chairman-des) ate of the
Joint Chiefs; ens. John Kerry and o n
Melcher: Rep._ Stephen Solarz, plus as-
sorted ate Department big, shots.
They've all come to assess the troubles in
the Philippines firsthand, and, more im-
portant, to continue a two-year effort to
urge Mr. Marcos to "reform" his strug-
gling 20-year-old rule.
They have all mostly been whispering
into the wind. Despite nearly two years of
prodding, Mr. Marcos still stubbornly re-
sists most of the changes that both the
U.S. and many Filipinos believe are
needed to ensure a democratic transition
from the Marcos era.
U.S. Influence Limited
As this fact sinks in, you can be sure
that some Americans will begin to call this
a "failure" of U.S. policy. They will then
demand that the Reagan administration
take more drastic action, such as with-
drawing all support from the Philippines.
The New York Times is already taking this
line. Americans on the left claim to favor
"nonintervention," except for authoritar-
ians who have long been U.S. allies; then
they hunt for "leverage" that can produce
miracles of political change.
If only it were so easy. Events over the
past two years in Manila suggest that U.S.
influence with Mr. Marcos and in the Phil-
ippines generally is very limited. Most of
the reforms that have taken place have re-
sulted from Filipino, not American, pres-
sure on Mr. Marcos. The lesson is that, un-
less the U.S. is willing to commit troops or
support a coup, the fate of authoritarians
and their countries is beyond much U.S. in-
fluence.
This isn't the first case of such stymied
U.S. influence. Washington won't sell arms
and seems to have quit backing multina-
tional-agency loans to Chile, but the Pino-
chet dictatorship appears undeterred.
South African Premier P.W. Botha has just
demonstrated that he, too, can ignore the
threat of U.S. sanctions. Yet this lack of le-
verage is all the more striking in Manila,
because ties with the Philippines are
among America's strongest anywhere. The
U.S. has two big military bases north of
Manila and has long been generous with
aid. Filipinos and Americans fought to-
gether in World War . .7
Filipinos visit or emigrate to the U.S. by
the tens of thousands each year. One local
parody of the Philippine left goes like this:
"Yankee, go home (and take me with
you)."
Yet even here, a determined dictator
can deflect American pressure. Take mili-
tary reform, a high U.S. priority. Most
people agree that the Philippine military
needs better discipline and morale to pre-
vail against the growing communist insur-
gency. To do that, most people also agree,
it needs to replace top officers corrupted
by Mr. Marcos's patronage.
The symbol of this effort is Gen. Fabian
Ver, who rose under Mr. Marcos from
chauffeur to chief of staff. Gen. Ver is
among those charged with conspiring to
kill Benigno Aquino two years ago. Mr.
Marcos has put him on "temporary leave"
during the trial. The U.S. doesn't want
Gen. Ver reinstated, in part because his
successor, Fidel Ramos, is a well-regarded
West Point graduate who has started to
clean up the military. American emissar-
ies have told Mr. Marcos this to his face
and Sen. Melcher even said it publicly.
Yet Mr. Marcos insists that if Gen. Ver
is acquitted, he'll get his old job back de-
spite U.S. wishes. Philippine cabinet mem-
bers say the best the U.S. can hope for is a
compromise in which Gens. Ver and
Ramos both resign. Yet this would merely
open the chief-of-staff post to another
Marcos protege, Gen. Josephus Ramas.
Two other top Filipino generals who would
also have influence after Gen. Ver's depar-
ture happen to be relatives of First Lady
Imelda Marcos. The net effect on the mili-
tary would be zero.
Similar obstacles have prevented eco-
nomic reform. Mr. Marcos is a champion
economic meddler, and the U.S. wants
changes that let the market work. Mr.
Marcos has at least bowed to a standard
International Monetary Fund austerity
package. But on major issues he stone-
walls. Two of his favorite cronies or their
surrogates continue to dominate the sugar
and coconut industries, for example, and
the reason goes to the heart of Mr.
Marcos's power. If Mr. Marcos abandons
his top cronies, he loses major sources of
political funding. He also sends a signal to
every other client.
"It's the padrone mentality. He has to
take care of his own," says someone who
knows Mr. Marcos well. "If he cuts off
one, then every rat will leave the sinking
ship."
It's also instructive to look at where Mr.
Marcos has agreed to reform, because
Americans have had little to do with it.
Mr., Marcos agreed last year to scrap a
succession plan that would have made it
easy for his ambitious wife to grab power.
He was responding, though, to pressure
from businessmen and voices in his own
political party. "The U.S. was irrelevant,"
says Arturo Tolentino, an architect of the
compromise.
A reform movement independent of Mr.
Marcos has also developed this year
among junior officers in the military. Yet
U.S. diplomats admit the movement
caught them by surprise, while the Filipino
reformers say they'll do anything to avoid
being associated with the U.S. "We re-
member Diem in Vietnam," says one.
Similar fear of American taint makes it
difficult for the U.S. even to harp-ensure a
fair election. An independent citizens
ou known as am re did yeoman won
making s assembly elections the air-
est in decades. needs both more move
and more man wer to me the next
election truly ha
conceivably could bell). But Jose Concep-
cion, Namfrel's chief, considers any such
funding the kiss of death, because it would
damage the group's reputation for indepen-
dence. "IThat rumor) causes me all kinds
of trouble," he says.
Faced with these realities, Filipino op-
positionists and American moralists will
surely demand that the Reagan adminis-
tration press Mr. Marcos further. One idea
is the "carrot-and-stick" proposal of Rep.
Solarz, threatening aid cuts unless Mr.
Marcos makes specific reforms.
A hint of how well this works occurred
earlier this year when Mr. Solarz pushed
aid cuts through the U.S. House. (Most aid
was later restored in a House-Senate con-
ference.) Mr. Marcos's defense minister
quickly proposed that the U.S.-Philippine
bases treaty be abrogated, while Mr.
Marcos took the unsubtle step of having a
medal (left over from World War II)
pinned on his chest by the Soviet ambassa-
dor. Some of this was surely bluff, but it is
always possible that Mr. Marcos could
start playing ultranationalist and snub the
U.S. altogether.
Dealt Out of the Game
Another idea is a show of U.S. moral in-
dignation-a complete withdrawal of aid
and a retreat from the bases. This would
surely damage Mr. Marcos's domestic
standing, but to an uncertain end. In the
happiest scenario, the democratic opposi-
tion triumphs. But what if it doesn't? Mr.
Marcos, his back to the wall, might him-
self crack down, or elements in the mili-
tary assert themselves, or the growing
force of the hard left play its hand. What-
ever happens, America wouldn't be a
player because it already will have dealt
itself out of the game.
aIbn
GAT
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NEW YORK POST ME 00H
29 August 1984
III Jeane
or out?
I r k n a t ri c k move
U
By ROWLAND EVANS and ROBERT NOVAK
JEANE Kirkpatrick in-
tends irrevocably to de-
liver her post-election
resignation as ambassa-
dor to the United Nations
after the fall General As-
sembly session, setting up
a battle royal inside the
administration over
whether she will move up
in a Reagan second term
- or out
Michael K. Deaver,
President Reagan's
deputy chief of staff, and
other White House aides
want her out (perhaps to
a prestigious exile as am.
bassador in Paris). But
Reaganite Republicans
regard her as the special
protector of Ronald Rea-
gans ideological purity in
international policy and,
especially since her
triumphant convention
speech in Dallas, a possi-
ble vice-presidential can-
didate.
Because the result of
that battle will set the
national security mold
for Reagan's second
term, conservative
hard-liners have putA
Kirkpatrick's retention
at the top of their sec-
ond-term list, prefer-
ably as the first female
secretary of state.
Reagan's well-known
distaste for easing out
George Shultz or any
Cabinet member is thor-
oughly appreciated by
Kirkpatrick's admirers.
Their fallback post is
Robert McFarlane's na-
tional security job in the
White House, a natural
launching pad for the
secretary's office if
Shultz bows out as ex-
pected sometime in 1985.
When she has chosen
to exercise it, Kirkpat-
rick's influence with the
President can be pro-
found - and that makes
important enemies for
her in high places. His
intellectual affinity with -
her strong views on Is-
rael, the Third -World
and especially the
Soviet Union is resented
both in the State Dept.
and White House.
Such resentment has
surfaced -regularly over
the past three years. In-
siders confirmed to us
that one senior White
House aide politely
warned her in person
early last year that the
President would make
"peace" with the Soviets
bid was blocked by
hard-liners in the ad-
ministration (Clark,
CIA Director William
Casey and Defense Sec-
retary Caspar Weinber-
ger), they hit a brick
wall in pushing for Kirk-
patrick. Deaver and
other critics vetoed her.
Since then, the adminis-
tration's leading intellec-
tual has expanded her
political base among
Reaganite conservatives
without hardly trying
and while remaining the
Cabinet's only registered
Democrat.
Dramatic evidence of
that base was the recep-
tion accorded her open-
ing-night speech at the
Dallas convention. Her
performance generated
confidence that, if she be-
comes a Republican after
before he left office; in the election as key con-
that case, Jeane Kirk- servatives expect, she is
patrick would have to be equipped to be the 1988
out of the administra- vice presidential nomi-
tion before It happened. nee.
Why? Because her She thrilled hard-
views on the Soviet liners by attacking her
Union were too un- own party for "hiding its
-friendly to accept any head in the sand" about
U.S.-Soviet deal. the Soviet reality and
Intimates say that al- "always blaming Amer-
though Mrs. Kirkpat- Ica first" - the-best-re-
rick was stunned and eeived speech at the
deeply. upset by that convention other than
conversation, she chose Reagan's own. That was
to ignore rather than a valedictory for four
pursue it. But the warn- years at the UN, during
Ing came back to haunt which she has not
her last October when masked frustration over
William P. Clark was the impotence of both
eased out as national se- the world organization
curity adviser and dis. dnd her own role as
patched to the Interior chief U.S. delegate.
Dept. in hopes Reagan But talks with dele-
would replace him with gates on the convention
chief of staff James
Baker. Although Baker's
L%
floor made clear that
despite her self-image
of .,impotence, the Re-
publican Party's domi-
nant conservative wing
places a high value on
keeping her in the ad-
ministration.
That value is confirmed
to them by her attitude
toward the continuing ef-
fort by Shultz and Deaver
to finally bestow a peace-
maker's image on Ronald
Reagan by setting up
talks with Soviet Foreign
Minister Andrei
Gromyko during the UN
General Assembly - ses-
sion before Election Day.
Those talks are viewed
by Shultz and some politi-
cal aides as giving Rea-
gan the long-sought
image of peace Deaver
wants to adorn him with..
Most administration offi-
cials who are skeptical
keep their doubts to
themselves, fearful of in-
truding on this high-level
stratagem.
But not Jeane Kirkpat-
rick. She Is too blunt to be
silent inside the adminis-
tration about her concern
that a pre-election Rea-
gan-Gromyko talk, how-
ever well-intentioned,
could end up embarrass-
ing both the President
and the U.& Similarly,
she does not hide her
opinion that the -State
Dept.'s well-advanced
plan to cut a deal with
Nicaragua's Marxist.
Leninist dictatorship. is
.scandalous.
It is. just this quality
that has galvanized
those Ideologically-com-
mitted Reaganites re-
maining In the adminis-
tration to fight to keep
her in at their side, In-
deed, she has become
the principal bearer of
the torch picked up by
Reagan in New Hamp-
shire eight years ago
Whetl *re; ch9llen e.4'
r tsftW R4i tan'
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ARTICLE APPEARED
4N FACE..
CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR
29 August 1984
There's a man giving away military secrets
from a quiet warren at National Archives
By Peter Grier
Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor
Washington
JOHN Taylor has spent 40 years re-
vealing United States military secrets.
He does this with enthusiasm. His
best tidbits are written on small squares
of paper; as if they were grocery lists.
"Here's a good one," he says, holding
up a note. "In World War II, in Europe,
US secret; agents were often named after
plants. Basil. Nutmeg. Goldenrod."
Mr. Taylor is not an antiwar activist.
He presides over the National Archives
Modern Military branch, a warren of
rooms where casual chat can center on
which SS regiment was commanded by
Hitler's girlfriend's sister's husband.
He has worked at the Archives since
1946, becoming the man behind numerous
famous books on World War II (such as
Barbara Tuchman's "Stillwell and the
American Experience in China"), and
even serving as the model for a character
in a best-selling spy thriller.
"There are a thousand and one untold
stories here," says Taylor, with once-top-
secret documents strewn about his desk
like so many old newspapers.
In the last several months, Taylor and
his fellow archivists have been gleefully
examining rich material. This summer;
the CIA. after much roddin shi Pt!ed to
the National Archives 450 boxes o
memos re ports, an war ones eaIing
,__.. 1_ ^US antes m Qrld
cs r_
it
These old boxes, says Taylor hold
thousands of previously unknown details.
The OSS used agents called "chief whis-
perers" to spread rumors in foreign lands.
Saul Steinberg, famous for drawing New
Yorker magazine cartoons, was an agency
propaganda artist.
aeQSS received intell' nee r,--r+s
Qn ja an from contacts in the Vatican. It
helped the British nm a "black" rac fo sta-
tion that broadcast propaganda into Ger-
many. This lavish station had a fountain
in the control room and illuminated plas-
tic furniture. The station transmitter was
so powerful (with an effective power of
900, 000 watts) that when it was turned on,
light bulbs in nearby homes blew up.
Approved
"You never know what's going to pop
up in these boxes," says Taylor, chortling
as he moves off in search of more papers.
The newly released documents name
the real names of many OSS agents and
contain personal accounts of the war be-
hind the lines - secrets that archivists
say they have rarely seen before.
Take, for example, the story of Lt.
Comdr. J. B. Roberts. Near the end of the
war, Commander Roberts was para-
chuted behind Japanese lines, in China,
to accomplish sabotage with Chinese Na-
.tionalist guerrillas. The battery.of.
Roberfs's radio was dead on arrival. He
received only half the 500 pounds of TNT
he had been promised. The explosives
were wet when delivered, and of an infe-
rior type used for blasting tree stumps.
Still, Roberts and his Chinese aide,
Chiu Wing, whose nickname was "the
Madman," managed to blow up numer-
ous enemy trains.
"The Madman is turning into a leg-
end," Roberts wrote in one of the weekly
reports he somehow found time to file.
"Men beg to go with him."
In the months preceding D-Day, the
OSS divided German-occupied France
into spy "circuits," much as a manufac-
turing company splits countries into
salesmen's territories. The circuits were
named by someone with a feel for lilting
words: "Sacristan," "Satirist,"
Several days later, the castle where
Amault was imprisoned was bombed by
the Allies. "During the confusion," he
said in his report, "I managed to escape
and ran to the rivet; which was about two
miles from there, and crossed it. Then I
walked about 50 miles through the woods
so as not to be seen by the German sol-
diers searching the country "
Another report tells of an agent who
worked out of a Polish farmhouse. Some
weeks after he arrived, the barn was com-
mandeered by German troops. Unsus-
pecting, the soldiers slept on a pile of hay
that covered a secret radio. "The whole
period was a serious strain on the agent's
nerve," says the report.
It is for historical detail such as this
that writers and scholars flock to the
Modern Military reading room, a small
space with the atmosphere of an under-
ground lunch counter. On an average day,
says John Taylor, there are between 10
and 15 people riffling through military
records at the archives, researching every-
thing from PhD theses to screenplays.
German POW camps, the proposed US
invasion of Japan, and the Nuremberg
war crimes trials are popular subjects,
Taylor says. So is anything dealing with
the OSS.
William Casey before President
Reagan made him chief of the CIA used
"Wheelwright," "Gondolier." Agents to dr_pb~ and o rse. mince man" n -o -
were dropped into each circuit, their job to was a German spy in Latin America dur-
work with the French Resistance in that ing World War II came in to read his file.
particular area. "I not only found his report, I found
The newly released OSS material in. his photo," says Taylor.
cludes a green folio, titled "W. Europe, John Taylor came to the National Ar-
Vol. 3, Bk. 1, Secret War Diary," in which chives as a freshly minted graduate of the
these agents describe what life was like in University of Arkansas. He found himself
occupied France. Claude Arnault, a civil- wheeling around Army documents dating
ian who worked for the OSS, was dropped back to the 1800s and was quickly
into the "Wheelwright" circuit in late hooked. "I liked it, from Day 1. I was fas.
summer 1944, and promptly captured. cinated by those records," he says..
" .. they had found a German flag, He has been dealing with military doc-
German medals, grenades, a midget re- uments ever since. Along the way he has
ceiver in my suitcase," Arnault re-
counted, and the decided to shoot me at acquired a top-secret security clearance
eight PM". However I was lucky because (archivists in his department must have
the officer commanding the castle was aue) utho orand ked
s s an nd with many well-known
called away, and he told the guards to ad hist istorians.
keep me until he returned. I decided it He helped Da tome ahn with his
would be safer to escape." ~?td breng toon US cryptogra
Phi; "The Codebreakers.1, Jam,,
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ARTICLE A EAP
bT~ PAGE
LUNACY / John Podhoretz
WASHINGTON TIMES
28 August 1984
?
Good heveningtJii-.-a is
.dine' (sort 01)
Ni
But most interesting about the
SAM DONALDSON: Good
novel is its portrait of
evening,this is "Nightline" a
I'm Sam Donaldson, filling United States under Soviet dom-
in for Ted Koppel. Tonight ination. There are two Soviet
and
we are dealing with a conservative the Urters: the Nations in White New House, York,
political thriller called "I, Martha the United n
which is depicted as a nest of
Adams;' from St. Martin's Press, Soviet espionage agents. Liberal
336 pages, $12.95 - and neither Americans desperately try to put
the Soviets nor the American the best face they can on the new
intellectual establishment are too political order. Most Americans
happy about it. For more on the become collaborators as expert as
story, we go to Anne Carrels in the French during the Second
Moscow. World War. The Soviets round up
MS. GARRELS: Sam, the Soviet
press agency TASS today took the
rare step of issuing a formal
denunciation of an American
novel. "TASS is authorized to
state," said the press agency, "that
we condemn in the harshest pos-
sible terms the Reagan-
Kirkpatrick-Kri stol-inspired
publication of the so-called novel
`I, Martha Adams, by the so-called
Pauline Glen Winslow, who is in
reality a Zionist-racist CIA oper-
ative."
MR. DONALDSON: Thank you,
Anne. "I, Martha Adams;" for
those of you who have not read it,
is set sometime in the early 1990s.
Both President Reagan and Vice
President Bush have been killed
by an assassin's bomb, and the
presidency has reverted to the
Democratic Party, which signs twc
arms control agreements that are
extremely prejudicial to the best
interests of the United States.
Then, one day, the Soviets strike at
American nuclear installations in
the West, disabling American
counterresponse,and the U.S.
capitulates. Martha Adams, the
heroine, is the wife of a nuclear-
weapons designer who, unlike
most of her countrymen, decides
to fight the Soviets. She discovers
plans for a secret missile that
had been deployed by President
Reagan without anyone's
knowledge, and sets out to find it.
every military leader in the coun-
try and shoot them, and send all
American politicians off to mental
hospitals inside the Soviet Union.
Only Martha Adams, along with a
legendary Israeli Mossad agent,
have the power to end the Soviet
domination.
MR. DONALDSON: Now, for a
personal Soviet response, we have
joining us our old buddy Vladimir
Pozner, the American-born com-
mentator for Radio Moscow.
MR. POZNER: Hey, Sam, how's it
shakin'?
MR. DONALDSON: Not bad, Vla-
dimir. How about you?
MR. POZNER: Not too shabby, not
too shabby. What you say me and
you grab a couple brewskies after
the show?
MR. DONALDSON: Sounds good
to me. Now what do you, as a
Soviet citizen, think of "I, Martha
Adams"?
MR. POZNER: Well, Sam, I think
we all enjoy a trashy novel every
now and then. Here in the
Soviet Union, for example, we gob
ble them up, particularly the
"Gyorgy's Adventures Inside the
Murmansk Hydroelectric
Power Dam" series. But we find it
troubling, more than troubling,
in fact, when we find out that a
novel as clearly anti-Soviet as this
one, a novel that portrays us
falsely as aggressors and imperi-
alists, is allowed to be published in
your country when in fact an
investigation by our own interna-
tionally respected Institute of
.USA and Canada has proved that
this book was written by a CIA
committee.
MR. DONALDSON: I'd really like
to know just what proof you have
for this charge that "I, Martha
Adams" was written by the CIA.
MR. POZNER: Well, Sam, the proof
of the pudding is in the eating, cer-
tainly, as you know. How are the
Dodgers doing?
MR. DONALDSON: Not as well as
the Cubs. Joining us now is Wil-
liam Casey, director of the CIA.
Mr. Casey, was this novel written
by the CIA?
MR. DONALDSON: Come on, Mr.
Casey. After all, the internation-
ally respected Institute for the
USA and Canada insists that it is a
CIA plot.
MR. CASEY: For your informa-
tion, the Institute is a KGB disin-
formation operation.
MR. DONALDSON: Well, that may
be your opinion,
MR. CASEY: You'll take TASS'
word over mine?
MR. DONALDSON: Mr. Casey, we
are an independent news organiza-
tion, taking no sides, with neither
fear nor favor.
MR. CASEY: That's just great,
Sam. I thank you, the captive
nations thank you, and the
American people thank you.
MR. DONALDSON: You're wel-
come. For a right-wing view, join-
ing us now is ABC commentator
George Will. George, your
thoughts.
MR. WILL: Ted, the loose, baggy
monster that is this novel is rid-
dled with grammatical, syntacti-
cal, and other stylistic errors, and
demonstrates few of those qual-
ities that Aristotle, for one,
insisted were necessary to the
foundation of a work of moral art.
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 ARTICLE APPS }oved For RelVa& AM $V2D1 W4$ l$P7591-00901 R00040
ON PAGE 27 August 1984
Washington
Five top Reagan administration offi-
cials were exempted from political
chores at the Republican convention.
Left out, either because of their sensi-
tive duties or at their own request:
Secretary of State Shultz, Defense
Secretary Weinberger, Attorney
General Smith, CIA Director Casey,
budget chief Stockman.
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 AP~ed For Release 26lit1P1AW&91-Vgkk1
ARTICLE 91 A?oiict 1gRL
b,
The disappearing Republican liberals
By S.J. Masty
THE WASHINGTON TIMES
For millions of "A-Team" fans,
Mr. T was in rare form. They waited
for him to throw someone through
a saloon window as he railed at "the
wishers, the wasters, the wanters
and the weak"
Indeed, he sounded like Mr. T, but
looked older, balder and much too
pale. Wait a minute, it wasn't Mr. T,
it was Jerry Ford! Viewers stared,
incredulous. Jerry Ford of "Whip
Inflation Now," and the stealth golf-
ball? He was flexing his biceps,
roaring that Walter Mondale was
"just peddling fear." Something
fishy was going on.
Mr. Mondale was a chump, pick-
pocket, snake-oil vendor, second-
story man, thimblerigger and
general dink: Mr. F be tellin' you
'bout it, and if you didn' listen, you
were gain' through that saloon win-
dow, fool.
Then the former duffer turned
muscleman, who could never pay an
untarnished compliment to the Lip-
per, described him in tones usually
reserved for a Vatican High Mass.
As good as the speech was, one
could hardly wait for him to jump in
his van and rescue little girls from
Sandinista kidnappers.
This was highly disturbing to a
few. Sen. Lowell Weicker, ?-Conn.,
ran from camera to camera com-
plaining. Weirdos had taken over, he
howled. They were against tax
hikes and free abortions with green
stamps.
Sen. Chuck Mathias, R-Md.,
sounded the same. Why was he in
the party? "As long as I can do
something useful as a Republican,
I'll be a Republican," he explained.
It was unsatisfactory, with so much
work to do. For example, Mr.
Kemp's tires needed rotating and it
was branding time at Bunker
Hunt's ranch.
At a nearby theater, liberal
Republicans rallied their troops
with a play where a bumbling Mr.
Reagan toys with jelly beans. He
laments imminent nuclear war, say-
ing, "Nancy's not going to like this
one hit. She had her heart set on a
little Santa Barbara jaunt" It
wasn't working. Nobody cared.
Something was going wrong.
Moderates held their breath as
Mr. F finished to numbing applause.
It would be better now. They had a
matched set of Doles to damp
things down.
Sen. Bob Dole. R-Kan., won lib-
i eral hearts on election night 1982,
when he said Republican losses
crippled the White House. Now,
President Reagan would be coming
to him to get things done. Disloyalty,
as the greeting card says, means
never having to say you're soggy.
Suddenly, eyes bulged and
throats constricted. President Rea-
gan "restored dignity to his office,"
said Mr. Dole. "For the first time
since President Dwight Eisen-
hower, the country we love is at
peace with itself" They knew it had
to be a plot. It looked like Sen. Dole,
but it sounded like Jimmy Cagney
in "Yankee Doodle Dandy." They
gritted their teeth and waited, but
there was neither a drop of disloy-
alty nor a smudge of bitterness, just
smiling people and the general
miasma of Chanel No. S.
Transportation Secretary
Elizabeth Dole was no better. Ron-
ald Reagan "backed up his words
with deeds," she explained. He
"doesn't just praise hard work, he
provides it." No harping on ERA, no
demanding SBA loans for women's
aerobics classes, just Valentines
Day.
Somehow, it just didn't seem like
Mrs. Dole. Then it dawned on them.
They realized precisely what Pres-
ident Reagan, ,A Director Bill
Casey and RNC Chief F"rank Fah-
ien7iopf were up to, and it was
chilling.
In the basement of. the Repub-
lican National Committee, mad sci-
entists were turning moderates into
mindless conservative automatons.
They got the Doles, replacing
their loveable, mushy cerebellums
with two parts Milton Friedman's
"Free to Choose;" three parts 1984
GOP platform; three parts Reagan
speeches; one part John Wayne
movies; and a dash of Professor
Friedrich Hayek. They might never
be the same again. They imagined
poor Gerald Ford strapped to a steel
table as doctors prepared an injec-
tion of Gatorade.
It was just like the 1970s cinema
classic, "The Stepford Wives,"
where housewives were turned into
robots by their husbands.
There was only one problem. The
wives were more pleasant, less
given to whining and abysmal self-
ishness by the end of the movie.
What's more, they seemed happier
too.
As the evening concluded, the
liberals took a head count. Call the
restaurant, one commanded, and
book a table for six. oops, make that
five, oops, four. Where were they
disappearing to? It was eerie.
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1-=. I ? F WASHINGTON POST ~~jj
~rN F-~ H _f 17 August 1984
I WAS JUST THINKING AIB T THE NICARAGUAN
HARSH-09,10,-- IT MLt't1TT 8E CASEY AGAIN"
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 ARTICLE APPEARED
ON PAGE pproved For Release 2005ftBN:GCA-'600901 RO
16 August 1984
Fears for El Salvador's
aid STAT
s
behind Reagan Famble,
By Roger Fontaine
THE WASHINGTON TIMES
The Reagan administration, by
making Central American policy a
"prime issue." in a battle to win
more aid, gambled against the
political wisdom that it should
avoid controversial policy debate in
an election year.
Behind the gamble, according to
administration sources, was the
widespread fear that the leftist
guerrillas in El Salvador would
start a Tet-style offensive soon, in
an attempt to convince the
American public that the war there
was unwinnable.
The immediate danger in El Sal-
vador reinforced the broader con-
viction in the administration that
the effort there is vital to American
security and must be pursued with-
out letup.
The decision on a high-visibility
effort was taken by President Rea-
gan last month, officials said, with
overall direction of the effort, par-
ticularLv as it related to the Con-
gress, given to national security
adviser.Robert C. McFarlane.
The 'State Department, accord-
ing to White House officials, ini-
tially opposed a strategy it deemed
high-risk and likely to fail.
Administration sources reported
that the strategy was worked out in
an informal but high-level White
House situation room meeting
headed by Mr. McFarlane July 20 -
the day after the closing of the
Democratic convention.
NTNNIS ANALYSIS
Those attending, including
Ambassador Jeane J. Kirkpatrick,
CIA Director William Casey and
en. FO n esse}; c airman of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff, are all known
for their belief that Central
America must be a high priority
concern of the administration.
The first hint of a new strategy
came three days later, when Vice
President George Bush announced
in a published interview that Cen-
tral America would be made into a
Republican campaign "prime
issue."
"The Democrats have been work-
ing on an erroneous premise about
what has been going on in Central
America," Mr. Bush said at the time,
indicating the Democrats were
oblivious to the nature of the threat.
White House sources.now say Mr.
Bush's interview was a "trial bal-
loon" which worked and served as
the opening salvo of a public cam-
paign to win support for the
president's policies in an election
year.
Officials have long expressed
concern about an autumn guerrilla
offensive. and most remain con-
vinced it is coming, most likely next
month. "Everybody expects it,' said
--one official.
In light of that immediate threat,
the first stage of the administra-
tion's go-for-broke strategy tar-
geted additional military aid for El
Salvador. and led to the following
actions being taken:
? A stepped-up effort at releas-
ing information supporting the
administration's case on Central
America. Within a period of two
weeks, an official Green Book was
released giving the most compre-
hensive details to date of the Nica-
raguan military buildup and
subversion of its neighbors.
That was followed by the disclo-
sure of information linking the San-
dinistas to drug running, which in
turn was amplified by orchestrated
Senate hearings on the same sub-
ject.
At the same time, the administra-
tion made available Gen. Paul
Gorman. head of the U.S. Southern
Command, and Thomas Pickering,
U.S. ambassador to El Salvador, for
top-secret "Codeword" congres-
sional briefings.
It then released 95 percent of the
material to the public - material
including films of arms smuggling
into El Salvador from Nicaraguan
shrimp boats.
According to one White House
source. "Gorman did a remarkably
good job," a view shared by a num-
ber of other administration offi-
cials.
? A high-intensity lobbying
effort by the administration, led by
Mr. McFarlane, resulted in key leg-
islative victories for President Rea-
gan's funding requests for El
Salvador for fiscal years 1984 and
1985, even though the current fiscal
year ends in less than two months.
That effort has produced a total
S186 million in military assistance
for that country this year - a
record. This came when a $70 mil-
lion supplemental appropriation
was added to the S126 million that
had already been appropriated.
According to administration offi-
cials, the new money above all buys
mobility in the form of more heli-
copters and trucks, which are
expected to keep the guerrillas on
the run for the rest of the summer
and fall.
It also relieves the concerns of
Salvadoran field commanders
about ammunition shortages. Such
worries, officials point out,
resulted in the past in a passive
defense.
Now, with the return of Congress
after the Republican convention,
the administration will turn to win-
ning full funding of the $8 billion,
multi-year economic-development
program recommended by the Kis-
singer Commission - known as the
Jackson Plan for the late Sen.
Henry Jackson, D-Wash. White
House officials have promised
another all-out effort.
In Central America, the adminis-
tration is also conducting high-
visibility operations, despite
concern that they may spur contro-
versy in a election year.
Recent decisions include:
? Resumption of regular recon-
naissance flights over El Salvador
in anticipation of the fall offensive.
Eleven Mohawk OV-1 aircraft,
whose radar can pinpoint troop
movements in the dark and relay
details to Salvadoran field com-
manders, will fly for the next six
months as they did last February
through April.
? Continuation of a policy of
pressuring the Sandinista govern-
ment by naval shows of strength.
This month, the recently commis-
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five-vessel task force that will
patrol 50 miles off the Honduran
enact near the (:,,1f r 1 ,,,moo
 ARTICLE
ON PAGE
d For Release 200 $/ ? CI 19
14 August 1984 T
MARGIOTTA FINDING
OUT WHO HIS
FRIENDS ARE
FORMER Nassau Republican leader Joseph Mar-
giotta walked out of the Nassau County Jail yester-
day looking more like a conquering hero than a
convicted felon.
Wearing a large smile, Margiotta said he was
"delighted to be home with my family and my wife
and that's all I have to
say." By ROBERT WEDDLE
Margiotta, who has CHRIS OLIVER
lost 30 pounds, said he'd
try to keep his weight A spokeswoman for the
down to 193. CIA director, who main-
The ex-political boss tains a residence in
walked alone from the cy- nearby posh Roslyn Har-
clone fence at the East bor, said she would not
Meadow, L.I., facility to reveal whether Casey is
his wife, Dorothy, waiting going "for policy and re-
in a gray Cadillac. curity reasons."
Margiotta, 56, was pa- And a spokesman for
roled after serving 14 Margiotta successor
months of a two-year John Mondello, chairman
term for running a of the Nassau County Re-
$800,000 municipal insur- publican Committee,
ance fee kickback racket. said:
He has spent the past "The chairman is at-
two months in a work-re- tending, but we don't
lease cottage - after know anything else about
doing a year in Allen- it," said David Levy. "We
town, Pa., federal prison. will neither confirm or
He had commuted to deny who else is invited
his political office in or who is going. If we
nearby Uniondale, spend- knew, we wouldn't tell
ing weeknights in the cot- you"
tage and weekends at his Unfortunately Reagan
Brookville home on Long aide Lyn Nofziger won't
Island's Gold Coast. be able to attend. He's in
He'll be welcomed to- Dallas this week,
night at the luxurious preparing to get the
Swan Club in Glenwood President reelected.
Landing by 150 ' old The most positive re
friends as guests of res- sponse came from for-
for-
Shapirto. owner Stanley mer Gov. Wilson:
Shapiro.
But trying to figure "Of course I plan to at-
out who is going to the tend. That's a stupid
ex-con's bash is tougher -question. I would relish
than being invited. ? the opportunity to see
The invitation list in- once again my long time
eludes such big names friend Joe Margiotta."
as Richard Nixon, CIA Other guests include
Director William Casey, all top state legislative
former Gov. Malcolm leaders of both parties.
Wilson and Reagan Ad They'll toast the re-
turn ministration strategist of Margiotta - one
Lyn Nofziger. of the state's most
"No, no. The [former] powerful figures for 15
President is definitely not
going," said. Nixon years.
spokesman John Taylor. They'll talk about his
"I don't know what he'll new consulting career in
be doing, but he is not his former Uniondale
going." law office building.
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 UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL
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fDd~~
MARGIOTTA
BY HENRY G. LOGEMAN
EAST MEADOW, NY
Former Nassau County Republican Chairman Joseph Margiotta will be freed
Monday after serving 14 months of a two-year prison term for extortion and
mail fraud.
The 57-year-old Margiotta, at one time the most powerful political boss in
the state, will be on parole for good behavior for the remaining 10 months of
his federal sentence.
It is not clear what time Margiotta will be released Monday but on Tuesday,
night', he will be guest of honor at a cocktail party to celebrate his release.
The party will be held at the exclusive Swan Club, in Glenwood Landing.
Among those invited are former president Richard Nixon, Lyn Nofziger, a
political strategist for President Reagan and CIA Director William Casey of
Roslyn Harbor.
Not invited, however, is Sen. Alfonse D'Amato, to whom Margiotta served as
mentor during the younger senator's rise in politics. Margiotta believed D'Amato
gave him only minimal support during his federal trial.
Others sure to attend are County Excutive Francis Purcell and Joseph
Mondello, Margiotta's hand-picked choice to succeed him as county chairman.
Margiotta served one year in Pennsylvania's Allenwood Federal Prison Camp and
was allowed to serve the remaining two months in a work-release program in the
Nassau County Jail in East Meadow.
Under the program, Margiotta has established a business as a political and
public relations consultant working from his former insurance office in
i1n i ondale.
But Margiotta's political future is clouded. Under state law, as a convicted
fellon he cannot resume his job as party chairman. And because of the
conviction, some party leaders are reluctant to give Margiotta any role in party
affairs fearing adverse public reaction.
Throughout Margiotta's personal ordeal he steadfastly maintained his
innocence.
Following one mistrial, a second federal court jury found him guilty of
forcing a county insurance agent to hand over $700,000 of his commissions to
him.
Margiotta then doled out these funds to party faithful who did little or no
insurance work.
Margiotta testified the fee-splitting was accepted and entirely legal
political patronage.
Margiotta has been disbarred from the practice of law and is at least
temporarily suspended from conducting insurance business because of the
convicition.
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 .Approved For Release 2005/12/23: CIA-RDP91-00901 R00
ARTICL; APPEABED
ON J%GE--_4_-)__...
U.S. Officials
Backed Off
7sakos flan,
By Howard Kurtz
!{When Sena Mark 0. 'Hatfield (R
Ore.) agreed to help Greek finan-`
cier Basil A. Tsakos with plans to
bird a trans-African oil pipeline, he
joined a long list of former govern-'
ment officials and corporate exec- i
utives who were involved in the $12
billion project. -
Among those who were associ-%
ated with Tsakos' pipeline venture
were former Navy secretary'J. Wil-
liam Middendorf, former Arms Con-
trol and Disarmament Agency di-
rector George M. Seignious III, for-
mer Republican National Commit-
tee member Carl J. Shipley, former'
intelligence agent Joseph Rosen-
baum, former Navy deputy under-
secretary Robert Ferneau and for-
mer assistant secretary of State
Willis Armstrong, as well as senior
executives from Rockwell Interna-
tional and Morrison-Knudson Co.
All of them left the venture, how='
ever, at least in part because of
questions raised, about Tsakos' fi
nancing sources and business meth
ods. Some of those questions are
now at the heart of investigations
by the justice Department and Sen-
ate Ethics Committee into . the Or-
egon senator's relationship with
Tsakos.
Tsakos, 70, an excitable 'man
with thick glasses who carries his
files around in a suitcase secured
with a padlocked chain, was confi-
dent that he could sell the plan
when he opened an office at the Wa-
tergate Hotel three years ago. The
2,200-mile pipeline, he told visitors,
would carry 4 million barrels a day
(WASHINGTON POST
10 August 1984'
ofr Saudi Arabian oil to the United
States and Europe, cut costs and
travel time, create jobs in Africa
and -bypass the . tense shipping
routes of the Persian Gulf.
- But to make his ambitious plan
fly, Tsakos'had to have support in-
side. the Reagan administration. In
classic Washington fashion, he as-
sembled a group of prominent Re-
publicans who might open the right
doors.
TTHis associates' met with-CIA Di-
rector . i iam? .. asey, who, ac-
coring to` a spokesman, was inter-
estedin the -national security imp Y
cations o t e protect: einious and
Armstrong, -two officials from the
Nixon' 'and Ford administrations,
briefed Assistant Secretary of State
Chester Crocker on the idea. Hat-
field, meanwhile, discussed the plan
with Defense Secretary Caspar W.
Weinberger and arranged for
Tsakos to sit down with Energy
Secretary Donald P. Hodel.
While the pipeline does not neec
formal government approval, Hat
field and other supporters say the
African nations along the route-
Sudan, the Central African Republic
and Cameroon-were seeking as-
surances that U.S. authorities
would not oppose it.
Former associates,also say it was
clear that Tsakos eventually would
need government financial help,
perhaps through the Export-Import
Bank, and that U.S. diplomats
would have a role in negotiations
with Africa.
"Our government agencies were
interested in this project and they
were willing to lend their help to it,"
said Shipley, a Washington lawyer
who resigned as president of
Tsakos' Trans-African ? Pipeline
Corp. "I was just a hired gun ... to
lend an aura of Americanism to it. If
it succeeded, I would have received
substantial fees."
Once he and the others pulled
out, Shipley said, "It was absurd,
childish and infantile to think that
[Tsakos] could walk this project
through the government."
By early this year, all the firm's
original American directors had re-
signed. "These guys all dove for
cover," said William Hundley, Ro-
bailed out." ey a
Hatfield has remained the most
prominent supporter. Hatfield and
Tsakos have maintained that these
was no connection between the wn.
ator's support for the pipeline pro-
ject and $40,000 in payments from
Tsakos to Hatfield's wife, Antt;-
nette, for what both men desci`_:c
as real estate services,
- To - get started, Tsakos 3
$250,000 to Rosenbaum, a fricxxl o
Casey, and sought financing from:
Financial General Iianl+s~,-, ,
which Shipley represented_
Consultant Keith Narma t.
Tsakos' former project directc4r,
said a key elemer:t with Sv.e bn fell
into place last iDecember, %4)Ca
Hatfield sent Tsakos a :matter-sup
porting the project. Hatfield also..
discussed it with 'Sudanese Presi-
dent Jaafar Nimeri and hosted a din-:
ner for Sudan's energy rrrini_.ter,
That letter, and the meeti. fi
with Nimeri, was the first initi,itivt
of a senior member of the U.S.. po-
litical establishment pleading an be'
half of the project," Norman said.
"You can imagine the significance of ,
that."
Sudanese Ambassador Omar
Eissa said his country studied two
years before signing a right-of-way
agreement. "We're concerned
about creating a lot of commercial
activity for Africa," he said. "We're
not interested in who's behind the
project. The merits of the project
can speak for themselves."
Tsakos charged in two lawsuits
that Rosenbaum and others tried to
defraud him and steal his plan by se-
cretly forming a rival firm with a
similar name. One suit was dropped
and the other settled.
"We denied every one of his co-
ckamamie allegations," Hundley
said. Hundley and Shipley said
Tsakos knew that the men were-
setting up the second firm under an
agreement that the venture had to
be controlled by Americans. They
said they also were troubled by al-
legations that Tsakos had a criminal
record and has been involved in
arms sales, both .,of which Tsakos
denies.
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 I
Appr2 /12/23 CIA-RDP91-00901 R
ON PAGE WASHINGTON POST
Michael Dobbs 10 August 1984
The Pope [arid the Bulgarians: A Reply
PARIS-The author of Tuesday's "Taking sides of the case and have given prominence to Sterling focuses on some details ttiat would
Exception" col mn, Claire Sterling, has devoted Prosecutor Albano's contention that his case not affect the sweep of myarticles even if trey
considerable time and effort to proving that the stands up despite some apparent flaws, Ster- were incorrect. In fact,.they are not. For exam-
attempted assassination of Pope John Paul 11 _ ling sets up a straw man argument. My articles - pie, Sterling challenges my statement that
was masterminded by the Bulgarian Secret examined the nature of the evidence without Judge Domenico Sica was the first -Italian
$ce on behalf of the Kremlin. She has elabo- taking a position on whether the prosecutor magistrate to interrogate Agca. But he -was,
rated on this thesis in an article for The Read- has proved his case against the accused Bulgar- - and -did so-less than six hours after the assassi- -
ers' Digest, in a book entitled "The Time of the ians or not. That is the-proper role of a journal- nation attempt at 11 p.m. on May 13, 1981.
Assassins," and as a consultant for NBC News. - ist, and it is the role Of the Italian courts to de- Sica told me this himself, and'it is confirmed in
Most recently, on June 10, 1984, Sterling tic ideon the case itself.-
published a 5,900-word account- in The- New - The 'argument that Mehmet All Agca, the %a photocopy of the formal interrogation repo
York Times describing a secret report by Ital- -pope's would-be assassin; could have gotten at m MY Possession.
ian'.state prosecutor Antonio Albano which
t iea'st some of the, details about his alleged Bul- ".; She is mistaken- *hen-she says that all .deg,.
asked -for the indictment and trial of three for- garian'accomplices from the mass media- tails provided= by_Agca about- Antonov's aid';
mer Bulgarian officials in Rome accused of in-.- ---"the Bulgarian argument," -Sterling calls it- Aivazov's apartments. have been "subsequent.
volvemerit in the conspiracy- does not derive from Sofia. Among the sources verified." Neither 'is it true that "practicall3r-
During the course of- my own inquiries in for this assertion is Agca himself, who told Ital- everything Agca: tried to take back .had beeit
Rome into- Albano's report,` I. discovered a:; ian magistrates on June 28, 1983, that his de- substantiated already."
series of omissions, factual errors and-misquo- - scription-of the apartment of Bulgarian- airlines Sterling writes that-apart from a clainT
tations in the summary provided by .Sterling to clerk Sergei 1. Antonov was based on reports in about carrying arms and explosives=Agca has
The New York Times. I refrained - from point- the Italian press to which he had access while not taken back "a word" about plotting -with ':
ing out these mistakes--or- even mentioning in prison -' the three main Bulgarian suspects and a fo
Sterling by ? name-as I felt no useful u cr
P rpoSe Agca's contention was described by Albano Bulgarian, Ivan Tomev Dontchev, to kill Wale; `-
was served by being drawn into a public shout- in his report as "amazing but in fact probable," sa? But according to Prosecutor Albano's re;?`
ing match at a time when the bulk of the evi- In her Times article, Sterling does not mention - -port,-Agca has denied that he even knew.
dence about the case is still protected by Italian this acknowledgment, and indeed omits any Dontchev. He has also denied visiting the
laws on judicial secrecy. specific scene of. the would-be assassination with tQ-
This effort to avoid a reference to the June 28 retraction in .
journalistic argument which Agca denied earlier statements about -"Bulgarians.
"
ahout a still secret report has now been visiting Antonov's apartment, meeting his wife In pursuing this story I was paying impliot
thwarted by Sterling herself, who accuses me or knowing that he was employed in the Bul- tribute to Sterling for breaking new ground l!
of "numerous omissions or misstatements" in ' garian airline office in Rome. revealing details of the prosecutor's' report be -
- - In -her column Tuesday, Sterling accuses fore anyone else. It gives me no pleasure fn
my article in The Washington Post on July 22. I me of failing to note Albano's comment that have to :respond to her attack b
have provided my editors with a point-by-point by Pointing out
rebuttal of the June 28 retraction was "unconvincing and that this achievement has been tarnished by-I
Sterling's criticisms, none of which I lack of concern for accuracy and balance, andand
the
same accept,wnd lam happy to do will also me f avail- indeed a contrast with objective evidence." an apparent refusal to accept as legitimate cop
But the report makes clear that, when he uses clusions that may differ from her own.
nificant errnrc
Oil. in due c-route a list of si
g
mi
N
Y
k Ti
and o
ssions in her
ew
or
mes account. the June 28 testimony at all but to a later oc- The writer is The Post's Paris corres o;ui=
For reasons of space, I will deal here with just casion on which Agca retracted details about a ent.
a few of the more significant distortions in her plot to kill Solidarity leader Lech Walesa. (The -
LL.-attack on me.
portion of the report covering this sequence is
First, I would like to draw attention to a in fact available for inspection, since it was
literary device-used by Sterling: her tendency published by the Italian Catholic weekly II
to conclude that anybody who questions her Sabato.) - -
-- thesis''that the. assassination attempt has al-----.-More -to- the point is why Sterling, who ,
ready been shown to be a Soviet bloc conspir- claims to be in possession of the full text of the
acy is accepting "Bulgarian arguments." For-
tunately, I -aril in good company here: in her prosecutor's -report, should have failed to tell
her readers of a retraction by Agca that Albano
book (page 197 of the hardback edition), she -- writes in his report- "modifies in a 'certainly,-
says that CIA chief William Casey and former penetrating manner the basic fabric of the evi-
national security adviser William Clark were dente ... and poses new problems to the in-
taking a stand that "hardly differed from" the vestigators." Not onlyT.does Sterling, take. a
Bulgarian press spokesman's: phrase out of context, she also simply ignores
By failing to acknowledge that the two arti- statements by the. prosecutor which do not
des I have written on this subject have gone to support her argument.
some lengths to give readers an idea of both i
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 STAT
Approved For Release 611'5k J-Vl :' RQl DD9OI't9O
6 August 1984
Third, we
'IA Perforim. Vital
aaziong the
Task Need Su ort ry the yei
they successful in
destabilizing
came i
Ni
America is confronted with an undeclared
war by . the forces of international Com-
munism and radical Arab-states.-
Terrorism has reached a stage where the
distinction between war and peace is; often.
obscured. The Soviet Union's KGB is waging
constant-battle against us, using techniques of . {
propaganda, disinformation and other so-
called "active measures," such as stealing or
otherwise improperly acquiring' our .best;
technology.
all
see . increasing dissatisfaction
people _of ..,Communists nations.
supporting guerrilla action and
nto. control in Ethiopia,- Angola,
caragua and, of course, Cuba and Vietnam.
More. recently, -however, they've .been
encountering substantial unrest. People in '
those; countries are .. less willing to; take
Communist oppression lying down. They are
i
rore aware of what the Communist. bosses
are really up?to.
Ft The people are progressively' more fed up
with the rigidity. and ` ineffectiveness of ;.,l
bureaucratic Communist controls and their
The-'KGB is destabilizing weak.: govern-
ments undermining trade and international
economies and providing weapons and
training to insurgents who seek to overthrow
Atifie same
li
tary power that can be.
an overwhelming mi
used to intimidate others and force ,political
gains.
Thus we in the Central Intelligence Agency,,1
have our work cut out for. us : What do we .have;]
going in our favor?-,.., Jy _.
44
,First,-the benefit of strong support from the
a$ministration and. Congress for:: our
rp,building program'. We. have . had con
siderable increases in budget and other
resources. The increases have allowed us to
acquire advanced technical systems that
Dave brought us new information-gathering
Acpabilities.
Second, we have been, able to employ top,!
'systems analysts to' ` handle` the flow of new
information. In hiring them, we aren't'looking
i
W
ft
t
i
t
f
d
d '
f
i
'
r
en
s an
re a
er pa
r
o
s,
t r sp
es.
e
ctnnnortPrc - i nnle ? ` who understand the
All this -is overlaid on intense demographic
problems. A large ; and -rapidly growing'',
percentage of non-Slavic Soviet peoples does
.. not' fully: identify . with; the. Soviet state or the-
ruling elite ~, ._.
Meanwhile, `the CIA-is achieving gratifying
results. in such areas as our campaign to curb
.industrial espionage
iauvugut t1Ara VptrdLWUns, etrnerlca nas, .:
often wound up, contributing indirectly to the
,.Sovietbuildup - the accuracy and precision:
of Soviet weapons - which, in effect, has us ?
.competing with our-. own technology. This has
forced us to make 'those budget-busting ap-
propriations to come up with more adequate
But w
n
u
e
ow f
lly recognize the problem;
and we inthe:CIA are-doing a much better
counter-espionage job. Last year, well over
dOd Soviet. agents were arrested or kicked
out =_ or defected - arond the world.. Most
of I them, had : `been engaged
in
stealin
, .
.:
g
technology,
w
endless jifference between human-treedom "1 The CIA's task of fighting the undeclared'
aid totalitarianism and who are willing to put war is an unceasing one. For the nation's
themselves on the line for the things we in sake, it is imperative that we have the un-
America believe in derstanding' and support of our fellow
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-William J. Casey,' Byliner News Service
 ARTICLE APPEARED
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4 August 1984
DISPATCHES.
KAI BIRD AND MAX HOLLAND
L
U NICARAGUA: Not-So-Comic Capers
Unusual documentary evidence that belies Director of
Central Intelligence William Casey's assurances that the .
Reagan Administration is not trying to overthrow the San-
dinista government has just emerged. Now circulating in
Nicaragua is "The Freedom Fighter's Manual," an il-
lustrated pamphlet in the style of a comic book. It en-
courages . citizens to join in the "final battle against the
usurpers of the authentic Sandinista revolution.... There -
is an essential economic infrastructure that any government
needs to' function,. which can easily be disabled and .even
paralyzed without the use of armaments."
The'~styie of the. sixteen-page booklet reminds one
nostalgically, of a 1950s U.S. government - handout on civil
defense, but this one is filled with suggestions on how to
sabotage the Nicaraguan economy. Pouring sand into car .
engines, spilling tacks on highways and clogging up toilets
with sponges are strongly recommended. Not all the tech-
niques are. strictly in the realm of sabotage. One serves of
illustrations shows how to make a Molotov cocktail;
another depicts breaking the windows of the local police sta-
tion with a slingshot. Presumably with the fainthearted in
mind, the manual also endorses reporting late for work.
A peasant found the pamphlet stuffed in the door of a
house in the town of Ocotal, near the Honduran border,
shortly after a June I attack by members of the Nicaraguan
- --- -------
Democratic Force, the contra group most heavily dependent
on C.I.A. financing. Eventually the pamphlet reached Betsy
Cohn, director of the Central American Historical Institute
at Georgetown University. She passed it on to Robert Parry
of the Associated Press for confirmation of its author-
ship, - - ----- ----
aware he had sources within the American intelligence
community_ Despite the predictable official denial, Parry's
sources told him the booklet was indeed prepared by
-- -- ---- ------ the C.I.A. for. distribution by the Nicaraguan contras.
Although it .has received major play in Baltimore, Miami
and Minneapolis newspapers, the story has received scant
notice in.The New York Times.
It took a scholar to make the next observation. Cohn says
she became curious when she noticed that some of the
Spanish used in the pamphlet-for example, the words for
faucet and tire-is not typically Nicaraguan.
With the huge increase in the agency's budget, one would
think that the least Casey could do is produce a culturally
sensitive comic book. -
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FAIRFAX JOURNAL
2 August 1984
secrecy obsession
the CIA, and folly
Analysis
By JEREMY CAMPBELL
THE American obsession with secrecy has reached
such heights of folly it is now very likely that the CIA
will be sued by its own former director for preventing
him from publishing excerpts from his own public speeches.
Admiral Stanfield Turner, head of the CIA under Presi-
dent Jimmy Carter, has spent the past year trying to make
his new book, "Secrecy in Democracy," innocuous enough
to satisfy the CIA Review Board, which must approve
works by members or ex-members of the agency before
publication.
In spite of heroic acts of self-censorship on his part, the
Board is still not satisfied. Turner, no longer bothering to
hide his disgust, calls the whole process "absurd."
At one point Turner accepted the judgment of the board
that. a section of the book, dealing with his experiences at
the CIA, divulged classified information. He set to and com-
pletely rewrote the section, quoting only from his own pub-
licly given speeches.
To his amazement, permission was still denied, even
though other officials have said almost exactly the same, ei-
ther in-speeches or in published writings.
Of two further matters the CIA is trying to make him cen-
sor, Turner says: "You would laugh out. loud if I told you
what they are."
Turner is now considering a lawsuit if he continues to be
thwarted. This is richly ironic because Turner, a careful and
far from exciting writer on the subject of intelligence and
defense affairs, once enthusiastically supported the idea of
pre-publication review for books by CIA officials.
He was responsible for the prosecution of Frank Snepp, a
former CIA agent who published a book - "Decent Inter-
val," a critical study of the U.S. intelligence role in Vietnam
-without prior review.
Snepp was ordered to surrender all his royalties from the
book to the government.
The Turner case highlights an aspect of the rising mania
for secrecy in Washington. It shows that the Reagan admin-
istration is so determined to suppress leaks of information
that it does not mind making a fool of itself in the process.
This could cause political troubles for the White House.
It is known, for example, that the Pentagon is planning to
expand the use of random lie detector tests, in which offi-
cials at the Defense Department would periodically be re-
quired to "reaffirm their continued loyalty to the
government."
At present such tests are voluntary, but refusing to take
one can compromise a civil servant's chances of promotion.
Jeremy Campbell is Washington correspondent for the
Standard of London. Distributed by the Scripps-Howard
News Service.
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