Document Type: 
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
Release Decision: 
Original Classification: 
Document Page Count: 
Document Creation Date: 
December 19, 2016
Document Release Date: 
December 12, 2005
Sequence Number: 
Case Number: 
Publication Date: 
August 30, 1984
Content Type: 
PDF icon CIA-RDP91-00901R000400020004-1.pdf1.51 MB
Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901R00 ARTICLE APPEARED ON PAGE-A_- WASHINGTON TIMES 30 August 1984 Five being considered for Casey's CIA jo THE WASHINGTON TIMES The Reagan White House has begun assembling a list of possible successors for Central Intelligence Agency direc- tor William J. Casey who reportedly has made known his intention to leave gov- ernment service in January. Well-placed administration officials said there are at least five names on the informal list of individuals who will be considered for the cabinet-rank CIA post if Mr. Casey makes a final decision to return to private life. Three of those being considered to take over the CIA are White House chief of staff James A. Baker III; national security advisor to the president, Rob- ert C. McFarlane; and Laurence Silber- man, former Justice Department official who also served as former ambassador to Yugoslavia and a senior transition official for President Reagan after his 1980 election victory. All this, of course, is contingent on President Reagan being re-elected in November. Mr. Casey, now 71, would be replaced as a matter of course in event of a victory by Democratic candidate Walter F. Mondale, but White House insiders say he is ready to return to pri- vate life no matter what the election out- come. The scenario of potential successors to the CIA directorship sets up a fas- cinating array of domino effects within a second Reagan term. If Mr. Baker is nominated to replace Mr. Casey, or to i some other cabinet post such as Trea- sury secretary or attorney general, Mr. Reagan would be faced with finding a new chief of staff. Insiders at the White House are quietly speculating that the president might elevate deputy chief of staff Michael K. Deaver to replace Mr. Baker, but they also say that dedicated conservatives would prefer Secretary of the Interior William P. Clark for the second most powerful job in the inner circle. There is plenty of reason to suppose that Nancy Reagan, who likes both Mr. Deaver and Mr. Clark, might have the prevailing influence on whoever is cho- sen as staff chief. Mr. Deaver, who is not expected to remain in a second admin- istration for any longer than a year, and Mr. Clark have been at odds for more than a year and at one stage were not even speaking. If Bud McFarlane is tapped for the CIA job, the possibility arises that Pres- ident Reagan might ask United Nations Ambassador Jeane Kirkpatrick to take over direction of the National Security Council. Mr. McFarlane's deputy, Rear Adm. John Poindexter, has been assigned to the security council for most of the past four years. If Mr. McFarlane remains at the NSC, it is speculated that he would replace Admiral Poindexter with Donald Fortier, now in charge of political and military affairs there. Mr. Silberman, 48, is now an execu- tive of the Crocker National Bank in San Francisco and has had wide experience in Washington law firms, at the Justice Department and. as under secretary of labor. He is a no-nonsense, tough- talking individual who was an influen- tial factor in the Reagan transition team. Mr. Casey has been repeatedly involved in controversy since he man- aged Mr. Reagan's 1980 campaign and took over the CIA with a determination to keep both himself and the agency out of the news. The former World War II Office of Strategic Services (predeces- sor to the CIA) operative got into trouble with Congress for failing to disclose all his financial holdings. - Walter Andrews and Jeremiah O'Leary Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400020004-1 Approved For ReleaW@J0d/ff 3 'I i~ P91-00901 R $ ARTICLE APPEARED 29 August 19 ONPAer 0 Manila Isn't So EManeuvering II and even toda By PAUL GIGOT MANILA-This tropical city is 10,000 miles from Washington, but judging by the U.S. visitors it could be Capitol Hill. Jack Kemp dropped b for a chat with President Ferdinand Marcos last CI boss Willi am ase ormer U.N. Am- bacsador Jeane Kamm rick; Adm. Wil- liam Crowe, chairman-des) ate of the Joint Chiefs; ens. John Kerry and o n Melcher: Rep._ Stephen Solarz, plus as- sorted ate Department big, shots. They've all come to assess the troubles in the Philippines firsthand, and, more im- portant, to continue a two-year effort to urge Mr. Marcos to "reform" his strug- gling 20-year-old rule. They have all mostly been whispering into the wind. Despite nearly two years of prodding, Mr. Marcos still stubbornly re- sists most of the changes that both the U.S. and many Filipinos believe are needed to ensure a democratic transition from the Marcos era. U.S. Influence Limited As this fact sinks in, you can be sure that some Americans will begin to call this a "failure" of U.S. policy. They will then demand that the Reagan administration take more drastic action, such as with- drawing all support from the Philippines. The New York Times is already taking this line. Americans on the left claim to favor "nonintervention," except for authoritar- ians who have long been U.S. allies; then they hunt for "leverage" that can produce miracles of political change. If only it were so easy. Events over the past two years in Manila suggest that U.S. influence with Mr. Marcos and in the Phil- ippines generally is very limited. Most of the reforms that have taken place have re- sulted from Filipino, not American, pres- sure on Mr. Marcos. The lesson is that, un- less the U.S. is willing to commit troops or support a coup, the fate of authoritarians and their countries is beyond much U.S. in- fluence. This isn't the first case of such stymied U.S. influence. Washington won't sell arms and seems to have quit backing multina- tional-agency loans to Chile, but the Pino- chet dictatorship appears undeterred. South African Premier P.W. Botha has just demonstrated that he, too, can ignore the threat of U.S. sanctions. Yet this lack of le- verage is all the more striking in Manila, because ties with the Philippines are among America's strongest anywhere. The U.S. has two big military bases north of Manila and has long been generous with aid. Filipinos and Americans fought to- gether in World War . .7 Filipinos visit or emigrate to the U.S. by the tens of thousands each year. One local parody of the Philippine left goes like this: "Yankee, go home (and take me with you)." Yet even here, a determined dictator can deflect American pressure. Take mili- tary reform, a high U.S. priority. Most people agree that the Philippine military needs better discipline and morale to pre- vail against the growing communist insur- gency. To do that, most people also agree, it needs to replace top officers corrupted by Mr. Marcos's patronage. The symbol of this effort is Gen. Fabian Ver, who rose under Mr. Marcos from chauffeur to chief of staff. Gen. Ver is among those charged with conspiring to kill Benigno Aquino two years ago. Mr. Marcos has put him on "temporary leave" during the trial. The U.S. doesn't want Gen. Ver reinstated, in part because his successor, Fidel Ramos, is a well-regarded West Point graduate who has started to clean up the military. American emissar- ies have told Mr. Marcos this to his face and Sen. Melcher even said it publicly. Yet Mr. Marcos insists that if Gen. Ver is acquitted, he'll get his old job back de- spite U.S. wishes. Philippine cabinet mem- bers say the best the U.S. can hope for is a compromise in which Gens. Ver and Ramos both resign. Yet this would merely open the chief-of-staff post to another Marcos protege, Gen. Josephus Ramas. Two other top Filipino generals who would also have influence after Gen. Ver's depar- ture happen to be relatives of First Lady Imelda Marcos. The net effect on the mili- tary would be zero. Similar obstacles have prevented eco- nomic reform. Mr. Marcos is a champion economic meddler, and the U.S. wants changes that let the market work. Mr. Marcos has at least bowed to a standard International Monetary Fund austerity package. But on major issues he stone- walls. Two of his favorite cronies or their surrogates continue to dominate the sugar and coconut industries, for example, and the reason goes to the heart of Mr. Marcos's power. If Mr. Marcos abandons his top cronies, he loses major sources of political funding. He also sends a signal to every other client. "It's the padrone mentality. He has to take care of his own," says someone who knows Mr. Marcos well. "If he cuts off one, then every rat will leave the sinking ship." It's also instructive to look at where Mr. Marcos has agreed to reform, because Americans have had little to do with it. Mr., Marcos agreed last year to scrap a succession plan that would have made it easy for his ambitious wife to grab power. He was responding, though, to pressure from businessmen and voices in his own political party. "The U.S. was irrelevant," says Arturo Tolentino, an architect of the compromise. A reform movement independent of Mr. Marcos has also developed this year among junior officers in the military. Yet U.S. diplomats admit the movement caught them by surprise, while the Filipino reformers say they'll do anything to avoid being associated with the U.S. "We re- member Diem in Vietnam," says one. Similar fear of American taint makes it difficult for the U.S. even to harp-ensure a fair election. An independent citizens ou known as am re did yeoman won making s assembly elections the air- est in decades. needs both more move and more man wer to me the next election truly ha conceivably could bell). But Jose Concep- cion, Namfrel's chief, considers any such funding the kiss of death, because it would damage the group's reputation for indepen- dence. "IThat rumor) causes me all kinds of trouble," he says. Faced with these realities, Filipino op- positionists and American moralists will surely demand that the Reagan adminis- tration press Mr. Marcos further. One idea is the "carrot-and-stick" proposal of Rep. Solarz, threatening aid cuts unless Mr. Marcos makes specific reforms. A hint of how well this works occurred earlier this year when Mr. Solarz pushed aid cuts through the U.S. House. (Most aid was later restored in a House-Senate con- ference.) Mr. Marcos's defense minister quickly proposed that the U.S.-Philippine bases treaty be abrogated, while Mr. Marcos took the unsubtle step of having a medal (left over from World War II) pinned on his chest by the Soviet ambassa- dor. Some of this was surely bluff, but it is always possible that Mr. Marcos could start playing ultranationalist and snub the U.S. altogether. Dealt Out of the Game Another idea is a show of U.S. moral in- dignation-a complete withdrawal of aid and a retreat from the bases. This would surely damage Mr. Marcos's domestic standing, but to an uncertain end. In the happiest scenario, the democratic opposi- tion triumphs. But what if it doesn't? Mr. Marcos, his back to the wall, might him- self crack down, or elements in the mili- tary assert themselves, or the growing force of the hard left play its hand. What- ever happens, America wouldn't be a player because it already will have dealt itself out of the game. aIbn GAT Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400020004-1 ARTICLE APPEARED `?' FAGE_13,' Approved For Release 2005/12/23: CIA-RDP91-00901R0004000 NEW YORK POST ME 00H 29 August 1984 III Jeane or out? I r k n a t ri c k move U By ROWLAND EVANS and ROBERT NOVAK JEANE Kirkpatrick in- tends irrevocably to de- liver her post-election resignation as ambassa- dor to the United Nations after the fall General As- sembly session, setting up a battle royal inside the administration over whether she will move up in a Reagan second term - or out Michael K. Deaver, President Reagan's deputy chief of staff, and other White House aides want her out (perhaps to a prestigious exile as am. bassador in Paris). But Reaganite Republicans regard her as the special protector of Ronald Rea- gans ideological purity in international policy and, especially since her triumphant convention speech in Dallas, a possi- ble vice-presidential can- didate. Because the result of that battle will set the national security mold for Reagan's second term, conservative hard-liners have putA Kirkpatrick's retention at the top of their sec- ond-term list, prefer- ably as the first female secretary of state. Reagan's well-known distaste for easing out George Shultz or any Cabinet member is thor- oughly appreciated by Kirkpatrick's admirers. Their fallback post is Robert McFarlane's na- tional security job in the White House, a natural launching pad for the secretary's office if Shultz bows out as ex- pected sometime in 1985. When she has chosen to exercise it, Kirkpat- rick's influence with the President can be pro- found - and that makes important enemies for her in high places. His intellectual affinity with - her strong views on Is- rael, the Third -World and especially the Soviet Union is resented both in the State Dept. and White House. Such resentment has surfaced -regularly over the past three years. In- siders confirmed to us that one senior White House aide politely warned her in person early last year that the President would make "peace" with the Soviets bid was blocked by hard-liners in the ad- ministration (Clark, CIA Director William Casey and Defense Sec- retary Caspar Weinber- ger), they hit a brick wall in pushing for Kirk- patrick. Deaver and other critics vetoed her. Since then, the adminis- tration's leading intellec- tual has expanded her political base among Reaganite conservatives without hardly trying and while remaining the Cabinet's only registered Democrat. Dramatic evidence of that base was the recep- tion accorded her open- ing-night speech at the Dallas convention. Her performance generated confidence that, if she be- comes a Republican after before he left office; in the election as key con- that case, Jeane Kirk- servatives expect, she is patrick would have to be equipped to be the 1988 out of the administra- vice presidential nomi- tion before It happened. nee. Why? Because her She thrilled hard- views on the Soviet liners by attacking her Union were too un- own party for "hiding its -friendly to accept any head in the sand" about U.S.-Soviet deal. the Soviet reality and Intimates say that al- "always blaming Amer- though Mrs. Kirkpat- Ica first" - the-best-re- rick was stunned and eeived speech at the deeply. upset by that convention other than conversation, she chose Reagan's own. That was to ignore rather than a valedictory for four pursue it. But the warn- years at the UN, during Ing came back to haunt which she has not her last October when masked frustration over William P. Clark was the impotence of both eased out as national se- the world organization curity adviser and dis. dnd her own role as patched to the Interior chief U.S. delegate. Dept. in hopes Reagan But talks with dele- would replace him with gates on the convention chief of staff James Baker. Although Baker's L% floor made clear that despite her self-image of .,impotence, the Re- publican Party's domi- nant conservative wing places a high value on keeping her in the ad- ministration. That value is confirmed to them by her attitude toward the continuing ef- fort by Shultz and Deaver to finally bestow a peace- maker's image on Ronald Reagan by setting up talks with Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko during the UN General Assembly - ses- sion before Election Day. Those talks are viewed by Shultz and some politi- cal aides as giving Rea- gan the long-sought image of peace Deaver wants to adorn him with.. Most administration offi- cials who are skeptical keep their doubts to themselves, fearful of in- truding on this high-level stratagem. But not Jeane Kirkpat- rick. She Is too blunt to be silent inside the adminis- tration about her concern that a pre-election Rea- gan-Gromyko talk, how- ever well-intentioned, could end up embarrass- ing both the President and the U.& Similarly, she does not hide her opinion that the -State Dept.'s well-advanced plan to cut a deal with Nicaragua's Marxist. Leninist dictatorship. is .scandalous. It is. just this quality that has galvanized those Ideologically-com- mitted Reaganites re- maining In the adminis- tration to fight to keep her in at their side, In- deed, she has become the principal bearer of the torch picked up by Reagan in New Hamp- shire eight years ago Whetl *re; ch9llen e.4' r tsftW R4i tan' Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000400020004-1 Approved For Release 2005/12/23: CIA-RDP91-00901 ROq ARTICLE APPEARED 4N FACE.. CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR 29 August 1984 There's a man giving away military secrets from a quiet warren at National Archives By Peter Grier Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor Washington JOHN Taylor has spent 40 years re- vealing United States military secrets. He does this with enthusiasm. His best tidbits are written on small squares of paper; as if they were grocery lists. "Here's a good one," he says, holding up a note. "In World War II, in Europe, US secret; agents were often named after plants. Basil. Nutmeg. Goldenrod." Mr. Taylor is not an antiwar activist. He presides over the National Archives Modern Military branch, a warren of rooms where casual chat can center on which SS regiment was commanded by Hitler's girlfriend's sister's husband. He has worked at the Archives since 1946, becoming the man behind numerous famous books on World War II (such as Barbara Tuchman's "Stillwell and the American Experience in China"), and even serving as the model for a character in a best-selling spy thriller. "There are a thousand and one untold stories here," says Taylor, with once-top- secret documents strewn about his desk like so many old newspapers. In the last several months, Taylor and his fellow archivists have been gleefully examining rich material. This summer; the CIA. after much roddin shi Pt!ed to the National Archives 450 boxes o memos re ports, an war ones eaIing ,__.. 1_ ^US antes m Qrld cs r_ it These old boxes, says Taylor hold thousands of previously unknown details. The OSS used agents called "chief whis- perers" to spread rumors in foreign lands. Saul Steinberg, famous for drawing New Yorker magazine cartoons, was an agency propaganda artist. aeQSS received intell' nee r,--r+s Qn ja an from contacts in the Vatican. It helped the British nm a "black" rac fo sta- tion that broadcast propaganda into Ger- many. This lavish station had a fountain in the control room and illuminated plas- tic furniture. The station transmitter was so powerful (with an effective power of 900, 000 watts) that when it was turned on, light bulbs in nearby homes blew up. Approved "You never know what's going to pop up in these boxes," says Taylor, chortling as he moves off in search of more papers. The newly released documents name the real names of many OSS agents and contain personal accounts of the war be- hind the lines - secrets that archivists say they have rarely seen before. Take, for example, the story of Lt. Comdr. J. B. Roberts. Near the end of the war, Commander Roberts was para- chuted behind Japanese lines, in China, to accomplish sabotage with Chinese Na- .tionalist guerrillas. The battery.of. Roberfs's radio was dead on arrival. He received only half the 500 pounds of TNT he had been promised. The explosives were wet when delivered, and of an infe- rior type used for blasting tree stumps. Still, Roberts and his Chinese aide, Chiu Wing, whose nickname was "the Madman," managed to blow up numer- ous enemy trains. "The Madman is turning into a leg- end," Roberts wrote in one of the weekly reports he somehow found time to file. "Men beg to go with him." In the months preceding D-Day, the OSS divided German-occupied France into spy "circuits," much as a manufac- turing company splits countries into salesmen's territories. The circuits were named by someone with a feel for lilting words: "Sacristan," "Satirist," Several days later, the castle where Amault was imprisoned was bombed by the Allies. "During the confusion," he said in his report, "I managed to escape and ran to the rivet; which was about two miles from there, and crossed it. Then I walked about 50 miles through the woods so as not to be seen by the German sol- diers searching the country " Another report tells of an agent who worked out of a Polish farmhouse. Some weeks after he arrived, the barn was com- mandeered by German troops. Unsus- pecting, the soldiers slept on a pile of hay that covered a secret radio. "The whole period was a serious strain on the agent's nerve," says the report. It is for historical detail such as this that writers and scholars flock to the Modern Military reading room, a small space with the atmosphere of an under- ground lunch counter. On an average day, says John Taylor, there are between 10 and 15 people riffling through military records at the archives, researching every- thing from PhD theses to screenplays. German POW camps, the proposed US invasion of Japan, and the Nuremberg war crimes trials are popular subjects, Taylor says. So is anything dealing with the OSS. William Casey before President Reagan made him chief of the CIA used "Wheelwright," "Gondolier." Agents to dr_pb~ and o rse. mince man" n -o - were dropped into each circuit, their job to was a German spy in Latin America dur- work with the French Resistance in that ing World War II came in to read his file. particular area. "I not only found his report, I found The newly released OSS material in. his photo," says Taylor. cludes a green folio, titled "W. Europe, John Taylor came to the National Ar- Vol. 3, Bk. 1, Secret War Diary," in which chives as a freshly minted graduate of the these agents describe what life was like in University of Arkansas. He found himself occupied France. Claude Arnault, a civil- wheeling around Army documents dating ian who worked for the OSS, was dropped back to the 1800s and was quickly into the "Wheelwright" circuit in late hooked. "I liked it, from Day 1. I was fas. summer 1944, and promptly captured. cinated by those records," he says.. " .. they had found a German flag, He has been dealing with military doc- German medals, grenades, a midget re- uments ever since. Along the way he has ceiver in my suitcase," Arnault re- counted, and the decided to shoot me at acquired a top-secret security clearance eight PM". However I was lucky because (archivists in his department must have the officer commanding the castle was aue) utho orand ked s s an nd with many well-known called away, and he told the guards to ad hist istorians. keep me until he returned. I decided it He helped Da tome ahn with his would be safer to escape." ~?td breng toon US cryptogra Phi; "The Codebreakers.1, Jam,, Approved For Release 2005/12/23: CIA-RDP91-00901R0 ARTICLE A EAP bT~ PAGE LUNACY / John Podhoretz WASHINGTON TIMES 28 August 1984 ? Good heveningtJii-.-a is .dine' (sort 01) Ni But most interesting about the SAM DONALDSON: Good novel is its portrait of evening,this is "Nightline" a I'm Sam Donaldson, filling United States under Soviet dom- in for Ted Koppel. Tonight ination. There are two Soviet and we are dealing with a conservative the Urters: the Nations in White New House, York, political thriller called "I, Martha the United n which is depicted as a nest of Adams;' from St. Martin's Press, Soviet espionage agents. Liberal 336 pages, $12.95 - and neither Americans desperately try to put the Soviets nor the American the best face they can on the new intellectual establishment are too political order. Most Americans happy about it. For more on the become collaborators as expert as story, we go to Anne Carrels in the French during the Second Moscow. World War. The Soviets round up MS. GARRELS: Sam, the Soviet press agency TASS today took the rare step of issuing a formal denunciation of an American novel. "TASS is authorized to state," said the press agency, "that we condemn in the harshest pos- sible terms the Reagan- Kirkpatrick-Kri stol-inspired publication of the so-called novel `I, Martha Adams, by the so-called Pauline Glen Winslow, who is in reality a Zionist-racist CIA oper- ative." MR. DONALDSON: Thank you, Anne. "I, Martha Adams;" for those of you who have not read it, is set sometime in the early 1990s. Both President Reagan and Vice President Bush have been killed by an assassin's bomb, and the presidency has reverted to the Democratic Party, which signs twc arms control agreements that are extremely prejudicial to the best interests of the United States. Then, one day, the Soviets strike at American nuclear installations in the West, disabling American counterresponse,and the U.S. capitulates. Martha Adams, the heroine, is the wife of a nuclear- weapons designer who, unlike most of her countrymen, decides to fight the Soviets. She discovers plans for a secret missile that had been deployed by President Reagan without anyone's knowledge, and sets out to find it. every military leader in the coun- try and shoot them, and send all American politicians off to mental hospitals inside the Soviet Union. Only Martha Adams, along with a legendary Israeli Mossad agent, have the power to end the Soviet domination. MR. DONALDSON: Now, for a personal Soviet response, we have joining us our old buddy Vladimir Pozner, the American-born com- mentator for Radio Moscow. MR. POZNER: Hey, Sam, how's it shakin'? MR. DONALDSON: Not bad, Vla- dimir. How about you? MR. POZNER: Not too shabby, not too shabby. What you say me and you grab a couple brewskies after the show? MR. DONALDSON: Sounds good to me. Now what do you, as a Soviet citizen, think of "I, Martha Adams"? MR. POZNER: Well, Sam, I think we all enjoy a trashy novel every now and then. Here in the Soviet Union, for example, we gob ble them up, particularly the "Gyorgy's Adventures Inside the Murmansk Hydroelectric Power Dam" series. But we find it troubling, more than troubling, in fact, when we find out that a novel as clearly anti-Soviet as this one, a novel that portrays us falsely as aggressors and imperi- alists, is allowed to be published in your country when in fact an investigation by our own interna- tionally respected Institute of .USA and Canada has proved that this book was written by a CIA committee. MR. DONALDSON: I'd really like to know just what proof you have for this charge that "I, Martha Adams" was written by the CIA. MR. POZNER: Well, Sam, the proof of the pudding is in the eating, cer- tainly, as you know. How are the Dodgers doing? MR. DONALDSON: Not as well as the Cubs. Joining us now is Wil- liam Casey, director of the CIA. Mr. Casey, was this novel written by the CIA? MR. DONALDSON: Come on, Mr. Casey. After all, the internation- ally respected Institute for the USA and Canada insists that it is a CIA plot. MR. CASEY: For your informa- tion, the Institute is a KGB disin- formation operation. MR. DONALDSON: Well, that may be your opinion, MR. CASEY: You'll take TASS' word over mine? MR. DONALDSON: Mr. Casey, we are an independent news organiza- tion, taking no sides, with neither fear nor favor. MR. CASEY: That's just great, Sam. I thank you, the captive nations thank you, and the American people thank you. MR. DONALDSON: You're wel- come. For a right-wing view, join- ing us now is ABC commentator George Will. George, your thoughts. MR. WILL: Ted, the loose, baggy monster that is this novel is rid- dled with grammatical, syntacti- cal, and other stylistic errors, and demonstrates few of those qual- ities that Aristotle, for one, insisted were necessary to the foundation of a work of moral art. Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400020004-1 ARTICLE APPS }oved For RelVa& AM $V2D1 W4$ l$P7591-00901 R00040 ON PAGE 27 August 1984 Washington Five top Reagan administration offi- cials were exempted from political chores at the Republican convention. Left out, either because of their sensi- tive duties or at their own request: Secretary of State Shultz, Defense Secretary Weinberger, Attorney General Smith, CIA Director Casey, budget chief Stockman. Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400020004-1 AP~ed For Release 26lit1P1AW&91-Vgkk1 ARTICLE 91 A?oiict 1gRL b, The disappearing Republican liberals By S.J. Masty THE WASHINGTON TIMES For millions of "A-Team" fans, Mr. T was in rare form. They waited for him to throw someone through a saloon window as he railed at "the wishers, the wasters, the wanters and the weak" Indeed, he sounded like Mr. T, but looked older, balder and much too pale. Wait a minute, it wasn't Mr. T, it was Jerry Ford! Viewers stared, incredulous. Jerry Ford of "Whip Inflation Now," and the stealth golf- ball? He was flexing his biceps, roaring that Walter Mondale was "just peddling fear." Something fishy was going on. Mr. Mondale was a chump, pick- pocket, snake-oil vendor, second- story man, thimblerigger and general dink: Mr. F be tellin' you 'bout it, and if you didn' listen, you were gain' through that saloon win- dow, fool. Then the former duffer turned muscleman, who could never pay an untarnished compliment to the Lip- per, described him in tones usually reserved for a Vatican High Mass. As good as the speech was, one could hardly wait for him to jump in his van and rescue little girls from Sandinista kidnappers. This was highly disturbing to a few. Sen. Lowell Weicker, ?-Conn., ran from camera to camera com- plaining. Weirdos had taken over, he howled. They were against tax hikes and free abortions with green stamps. Sen. Chuck Mathias, R-Md., sounded the same. Why was he in the party? "As long as I can do something useful as a Republican, I'll be a Republican," he explained. It was unsatisfactory, with so much work to do. For example, Mr. Kemp's tires needed rotating and it was branding time at Bunker Hunt's ranch. At a nearby theater, liberal Republicans rallied their troops with a play where a bumbling Mr. Reagan toys with jelly beans. He laments imminent nuclear war, say- ing, "Nancy's not going to like this one hit. She had her heart set on a little Santa Barbara jaunt" It wasn't working. Nobody cared. Something was going wrong. Moderates held their breath as Mr. F finished to numbing applause. It would be better now. They had a matched set of Doles to damp things down. Sen. Bob Dole. R-Kan., won lib- i eral hearts on election night 1982, when he said Republican losses crippled the White House. Now, President Reagan would be coming to him to get things done. Disloyalty, as the greeting card says, means never having to say you're soggy. Suddenly, eyes bulged and throats constricted. President Rea- gan "restored dignity to his office," said Mr. Dole. "For the first time since President Dwight Eisen- hower, the country we love is at peace with itself" They knew it had to be a plot. It looked like Sen. Dole, but it sounded like Jimmy Cagney in "Yankee Doodle Dandy." They gritted their teeth and waited, but there was neither a drop of disloy- alty nor a smudge of bitterness, just smiling people and the general miasma of Chanel No. S. Transportation Secretary Elizabeth Dole was no better. Ron- ald Reagan "backed up his words with deeds," she explained. He "doesn't just praise hard work, he provides it." No harping on ERA, no demanding SBA loans for women's aerobics classes, just Valentines Day. Somehow, it just didn't seem like Mrs. Dole. Then it dawned on them. They realized precisely what Pres- ident Reagan, ,A Director Bill Casey and RNC Chief F"rank Fah- ien7iopf were up to, and it was chilling. In the basement of. the Repub- lican National Committee, mad sci- entists were turning moderates into mindless conservative automatons. They got the Doles, replacing their loveable, mushy cerebellums with two parts Milton Friedman's "Free to Choose;" three parts 1984 GOP platform; three parts Reagan speeches; one part John Wayne movies; and a dash of Professor Friedrich Hayek. They might never be the same again. They imagined poor Gerald Ford strapped to a steel table as doctors prepared an injec- tion of Gatorade. It was just like the 1970s cinema classic, "The Stepford Wives," where housewives were turned into robots by their husbands. There was only one problem. The wives were more pleasant, less given to whining and abysmal self- ishness by the end of the movie. What's more, they seemed happier too. As the evening concluded, the liberals took a head count. Call the restaurant, one commanded, and book a table for six. oops, make that five, oops, four. Where were they disappearing to? It was eerie. Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400020004-1 Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R0Q~dD 1-=. I ? F WASHINGTON POST ~~jj ~rN F-~ H _f 17 August 1984 I WAS JUST THINKING AIB T THE NICARAGUAN HARSH-09,10,-- IT MLt't1TT 8E CASEY AGAIN" Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400020004-1 ARTICLE APPEARED ON PAGE pproved For Release 2005ftBN:GCA-'600901 RO 16 August 1984 Fears for El Salvador's aid STAT s behind Reagan Famble, By Roger Fontaine THE WASHINGTON TIMES The Reagan administration, by making Central American policy a "prime issue." in a battle to win more aid, gambled against the political wisdom that it should avoid controversial policy debate in an election year. Behind the gamble, according to administration sources, was the widespread fear that the leftist guerrillas in El Salvador would start a Tet-style offensive soon, in an attempt to convince the American public that the war there was unwinnable. The immediate danger in El Sal- vador reinforced the broader con- viction in the administration that the effort there is vital to American security and must be pursued with- out letup. The decision on a high-visibility effort was taken by President Rea- gan last month, officials said, with overall direction of the effort, par- ticularLv as it related to the Con- gress, given to national security adviser.Robert C. McFarlane. The 'State Department, accord- ing to White House officials, ini- tially opposed a strategy it deemed high-risk and likely to fail. Administration sources reported that the strategy was worked out in an informal but high-level White House situation room meeting headed by Mr. McFarlane July 20 - the day after the closing of the Democratic convention. NTNNIS ANALYSIS Those attending, including Ambassador Jeane J. Kirkpatrick, CIA Director William Casey and en. FO n esse}; c airman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, are all known for their belief that Central America must be a high priority concern of the administration. The first hint of a new strategy came three days later, when Vice President George Bush announced in a published interview that Cen- tral America would be made into a Republican campaign "prime issue." "The Democrats have been work- ing on an erroneous premise about what has been going on in Central America," Mr. Bush said at the time, indicating the Democrats were oblivious to the nature of the threat. White House say Mr. Bush's interview was a "trial bal- loon" which worked and served as the opening salvo of a public cam- paign to win support for the president's policies in an election year. Officials have long expressed concern about an autumn guerrilla offensive. and most remain con- vinced it is coming, most likely next month. "Everybody expects it,' said --one official. In light of that immediate threat, the first stage of the administra- tion's go-for-broke strategy tar- geted additional military aid for El Salvador. and led to the following actions being taken: ? A stepped-up effort at releas- ing information supporting the administration's case on Central America. Within a period of two weeks, an official Green Book was released giving the most compre- hensive details to date of the Nica- raguan military buildup and subversion of its neighbors. That was followed by the disclo- sure of information linking the San- dinistas to drug running, which in turn was amplified by orchestrated Senate hearings on the same sub- ject. At the same time, the administra- tion made available Gen. Paul Gorman. head of the U.S. Southern Command, and Thomas Pickering, U.S. ambassador to El Salvador, for top-secret "Codeword" congres- sional briefings. It then released 95 percent of the material to the public - material including films of arms smuggling into El Salvador from Nicaraguan shrimp boats. According to one White House source. "Gorman did a remarkably good job," a view shared by a num- ber of other administration offi- cials. ? A high-intensity lobbying effort by the administration, led by Mr. McFarlane, resulted in key leg- islative victories for President Rea- gan's funding requests for El Salvador for fiscal years 1984 and 1985, even though the current fiscal year ends in less than two months. That effort has produced a total S186 million in military assistance for that country this year - a record. This came when a $70 mil- lion supplemental appropriation was added to the S126 million that had already been appropriated. According to administration offi- cials, the new money above all buys mobility in the form of more heli- copters and trucks, which are expected to keep the guerrillas on the run for the rest of the summer and fall. It also relieves the concerns of Salvadoran field commanders about ammunition shortages. Such worries, officials point out, resulted in the past in a passive defense. Now, with the return of Congress after the Republican convention, the administration will turn to win- ning full funding of the $8 billion, multi-year economic-development program recommended by the Kis- singer Commission - known as the Jackson Plan for the late Sen. Henry Jackson, D-Wash. White House officials have promised another all-out effort. In Central America, the adminis- tration is also conducting high- visibility operations, despite concern that they may spur contro- versy in a election year. Recent decisions include: ? Resumption of regular recon- naissance flights over El Salvador in anticipation of the fall offensive. Eleven Mohawk OV-1 aircraft, whose radar can pinpoint troop movements in the dark and relay details to Salvadoran field com- manders, will fly for the next six months as they did last February through April. ? Continuation of a policy of pressuring the Sandinista govern- ment by naval shows of strength. This month, the recently commis- Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901O@04QQO2O 1a is heading a five-vessel task force that will patrol 50 miles off the Honduran enact near the (:,,1f r 1 ,,,moo ARTICLE ON PAGE d For Release 200 $/ ? CI 19 14 August 1984 T MARGIOTTA FINDING OUT WHO HIS FRIENDS ARE FORMER Nassau Republican leader Joseph Mar- giotta walked out of the Nassau County Jail yester- day looking more like a conquering hero than a convicted felon. Wearing a large smile, Margiotta said he was "delighted to be home with my family and my wife and that's all I have to say." By ROBERT WEDDLE Margiotta, who has CHRIS OLIVER lost 30 pounds, said he'd try to keep his weight A spokeswoman for the down to 193. CIA director, who main- The ex-political boss tains a residence in walked alone from the cy- nearby posh Roslyn Har- clone fence at the East bor, said she would not Meadow, L.I., facility to reveal whether Casey is his wife, Dorothy, waiting going "for policy and re- in a gray Cadillac. curity reasons." Margiotta, 56, was pa- And a spokesman for roled after serving 14 Margiotta successor months of a two-year John Mondello, chairman term for running a of the Nassau County Re- $800,000 municipal insur- publican Committee, ance fee kickback racket. said: He has spent the past "The chairman is at- two months in a work-re- tending, but we don't lease cottage - after know anything else about doing a year in Allen- it," said David Levy. "We town, Pa., federal prison. will neither confirm or He had commuted to deny who else is invited his political office in or who is going. If we nearby Uniondale, spend- knew, we wouldn't tell ing weeknights in the cot- you" tage and weekends at his Unfortunately Reagan Brookville home on Long aide Lyn Nofziger won't Island's Gold Coast. be able to attend. He's in He'll be welcomed to- Dallas this week, night at the luxurious preparing to get the Swan Club in Glenwood President reelected. Landing by 150 ' old The most positive re friends as guests of res- sponse came from for- for- Shapirto. owner Stanley mer Gov. Wilson: Shapiro. But trying to figure "Of course I plan to at- out who is going to the tend. That's a stupid ex-con's bash is tougher -question. I would relish than being invited. ? the opportunity to see The invitation list in- once again my long time eludes such big names friend Joe Margiotta." as Richard Nixon, CIA Other guests include Director William Casey, all top state legislative former Gov. Malcolm leaders of both parties. Wilson and Reagan Ad They'll toast the re- turn ministration strategist of Margiotta - one Lyn Nofziger. of the state's most "No, no. The [former] powerful figures for 15 President is definitely not going," said. Nixon years. spokesman John Taylor. They'll talk about his "I don't know what he'll new consulting career in be doing, but he is not his former Uniondale going." law office building. Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400020004-1 UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL Approved For Release 2005A12J3t C DP91-00901R000400 fDd~~ MARGIOTTA BY HENRY G. LOGEMAN EAST MEADOW, NY Former Nassau County Republican Chairman Joseph Margiotta will be freed Monday after serving 14 months of a two-year prison term for extortion and mail fraud. The 57-year-old Margiotta, at one time the most powerful political boss in the state, will be on parole for good behavior for the remaining 10 months of his federal sentence. It is not clear what time Margiotta will be released Monday but on Tuesday, night', he will be guest of honor at a cocktail party to celebrate his release. The party will be held at the exclusive Swan Club, in Glenwood Landing. Among those invited are former president Richard Nixon, Lyn Nofziger, a political strategist for President Reagan and CIA Director William Casey of Roslyn Harbor. Not invited, however, is Sen. Alfonse D'Amato, to whom Margiotta served as mentor during the younger senator's rise in politics. Margiotta believed D'Amato gave him only minimal support during his federal trial. Others sure to attend are County Excutive Francis Purcell and Joseph Mondello, Margiotta's hand-picked choice to succeed him as county chairman. Margiotta served one year in Pennsylvania's Allenwood Federal Prison Camp and was allowed to serve the remaining two months in a work-release program in the Nassau County Jail in East Meadow. Under the program, Margiotta has established a business as a political and public relations consultant working from his former insurance office in i1n i ondale. But Margiotta's political future is clouded. Under state law, as a convicted fellon he cannot resume his job as party chairman. And because of the conviction, some party leaders are reluctant to give Margiotta any role in party affairs fearing adverse public reaction. Throughout Margiotta's personal ordeal he steadfastly maintained his innocence. Following one mistrial, a second federal court jury found him guilty of forcing a county insurance agent to hand over $700,000 of his commissions to him. Margiotta then doled out these funds to party faithful who did little or no insurance work. Margiotta testified the fee-splitting was accepted and entirely legal political patronage. Margiotta has been disbarred from the practice of law and is at least temporarily suspended from conducting insurance business because of the convicition. Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400020004-1 .Approved For Release 2005/12/23: CIA-RDP91-00901 R00 ARTICL; APPEABED ON J%GE--_4_-)__... U.S. Officials Backed Off 7sakos flan, By Howard Kurtz !{When Sena Mark 0. 'Hatfield (R Ore.) agreed to help Greek finan-` cier Basil A. Tsakos with plans to bird a trans-African oil pipeline, he joined a long list of former govern-' ment officials and corporate exec- i utives who were involved in the $12 billion project. - Among those who were associ-% ated with Tsakos' pipeline venture were former Navy secretary'J. Wil- liam Middendorf, former Arms Con- trol and Disarmament Agency di- rector George M. Seignious III, for- mer Republican National Commit- tee member Carl J. Shipley, former' intelligence agent Joseph Rosen- baum, former Navy deputy under- secretary Robert Ferneau and for- mer assistant secretary of State Willis Armstrong, as well as senior executives from Rockwell Interna- tional and Morrison-Knudson Co. All of them left the venture, how=' ever, at least in part because of questions raised, about Tsakos' fi nancing sources and business meth ods. Some of those questions are now at the heart of investigations by the justice Department and Sen- ate Ethics Committee into . the Or- egon senator's relationship with Tsakos. Tsakos, 70, an excitable 'man with thick glasses who carries his files around in a suitcase secured with a padlocked chain, was confi- dent that he could sell the plan when he opened an office at the Wa- tergate Hotel three years ago. The 2,200-mile pipeline, he told visitors, would carry 4 million barrels a day (WASHINGTON POST 10 August 1984' ofr Saudi Arabian oil to the United States and Europe, cut costs and travel time, create jobs in Africa and -bypass the . tense shipping routes of the Persian Gulf. - But to make his ambitious plan fly, Tsakos'had to have support in- side. the Reagan administration. In classic Washington fashion, he as- sembled a group of prominent Re- publicans who might open the right doors. TTHis associates' met with-CIA Di- rector . i iam? .. asey, who, ac- coring to` a spokesman, was inter- estedin the -national security imp Y cations o t e protect: einious and Armstrong, -two officials from the Nixon' 'and Ford administrations, briefed Assistant Secretary of State Chester Crocker on the idea. Hat- field, meanwhile, discussed the plan with Defense Secretary Caspar W. Weinberger and arranged for Tsakos to sit down with Energy Secretary Donald P. Hodel. While the pipeline does not neec formal government approval, Hat field and other supporters say the African nations along the route- Sudan, the Central African Republic and Cameroon-were seeking as- surances that U.S. authorities would not oppose it. Former associates,also say it was clear that Tsakos eventually would need government financial help, perhaps through the Export-Import Bank, and that U.S. diplomats would have a role in negotiations with Africa. "Our government agencies were interested in this project and they were willing to lend their help to it," said Shipley, a Washington lawyer who resigned as president of Tsakos' Trans-African ? Pipeline Corp. "I was just a hired gun ... to lend an aura of Americanism to it. If it succeeded, I would have received substantial fees." Once he and the others pulled out, Shipley said, "It was absurd, childish and infantile to think that [Tsakos] could walk this project through the government." By early this year, all the firm's original American directors had re- signed. "These guys all dove for cover," said William Hundley, Ro- bailed out." ey a Hatfield has remained the most prominent supporter. Hatfield and Tsakos have maintained that these was no connection between the wn. ator's support for the pipeline pro- ject and $40,000 in payments from Tsakos to Hatfield's wife, Antt;- nette, for what both men desci`_:c as real estate services, - To - get started, Tsakos 3 $250,000 to Rosenbaum, a fricxxl o Casey, and sought financing from: Financial General Iianl+s~,-, , which Shipley represented_ Consultant Keith Narma t. Tsakos' former project directc4r, said a key elemer:t with Sv.e bn fell into place last iDecember, %4)Ca Hatfield sent Tsakos a :matter-sup porting the project. Hatfield also.. discussed it with 'Sudanese Presi- dent Jaafar Nimeri and hosted a din-: ner for Sudan's energy rrrini_.ter, That letter, and the meeti. fi with Nimeri, was the first initi,itivt of a senior member of the U.S.. po- litical establishment pleading an be' half of the project," Norman said. "You can imagine the significance of , that." Sudanese Ambassador Omar Eissa said his country studied two years before signing a right-of-way agreement. "We're concerned about creating a lot of commercial activity for Africa," he said. "We're not interested in who's behind the project. The merits of the project can speak for themselves." Tsakos charged in two lawsuits that Rosenbaum and others tried to defraud him and steal his plan by se- cretly forming a rival firm with a similar name. One suit was dropped and the other settled. "We denied every one of his co- ckamamie allegations," Hundley said. Hundley and Shipley said Tsakos knew that the men were- setting up the second firm under an agreement that the venture had to be controlled by Americans. They said they also were troubled by al- legations that Tsakos had a criminal record and has been involved in arms sales, both .,of which Tsakos denies. Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400020004-1 I Appr2 /12/23 CIA-RDP91-00901 R ON PAGE WASHINGTON POST Michael Dobbs 10 August 1984 The Pope [arid the Bulgarians: A Reply PARIS-The author of Tuesday's "Taking sides of the case and have given prominence to Sterling focuses on some details ttiat would Exception" col mn, Claire Sterling, has devoted Prosecutor Albano's contention that his case not affect the sweep of myarticles even if trey considerable time and effort to proving that the stands up despite some apparent flaws, Ster- were incorrect. In fact,.they are not. For exam- attempted assassination of Pope John Paul 11 _ ling sets up a straw man argument. My articles - pie, Sterling challenges my statement that was masterminded by the Bulgarian Secret examined the nature of the evidence without Judge Domenico Sica was the first -Italian $ce on behalf of the Kremlin. She has elabo- taking a position on whether the prosecutor magistrate to interrogate Agca. But he -was, rated on this thesis in an article for The Read- has proved his case against the accused Bulgar- - and -did so-less than six hours after the assassi- - ers' Digest, in a book entitled "The Time of the ians or not. That is the-proper role of a journal- nation attempt at 11 p.m. on May 13, 1981. Assassins," and as a consultant for NBC News. - ist, and it is the role Of the Italian courts to de- Sica told me this himself, and'it is confirmed in Most recently, on June 10, 1984, Sterling tic ideon the case itself.- published a 5,900-word account- in The- New - The 'argument that Mehmet All Agca, the %a photocopy of the formal interrogation repo York Times describing a secret report by Ital- -pope's would-be assassin; could have gotten at m MY Possession. ian'.state prosecutor Antonio Albano which t iea'st some of the, details about his alleged Bul- ".; She is mistaken- *hen-she says that all .deg,. asked -for the indictment and trial of three for- garian'accomplices from the mass media- tails provided= by_Agca about- Antonov's aid'; mer Bulgarian officials in Rome accused of in-.- ---"the Bulgarian argument," -Sterling calls it- Aivazov's apartments. have been "subsequent. volvemerit in the conspiracy- does not derive from Sofia. Among the sources verified." Neither 'is it true that "practicall3r- During the course of- my own inquiries in for this assertion is Agca himself, who told Ital- everything Agca: tried to take back .had beeit Rome into- Albano's report,` I. discovered a:; ian magistrates on June 28, 1983, that his de- substantiated already." series of omissions, factual errors and-misquo- - scription-of the apartment of Bulgarian- airlines Sterling writes that-apart from a clainT tations in the summary provided by .Sterling to clerk Sergei 1. Antonov was based on reports in about carrying arms and explosives=Agca has The New York Times. I refrained - from point- the Italian press to which he had access while not taken back "a word" about plotting -with ': ing out these mistakes--or- even mentioning in prison -' the three main Bulgarian suspects and a fo Sterling by ? name-as I felt no useful u cr P rpoSe Agca's contention was described by Albano Bulgarian, Ivan Tomev Dontchev, to kill Wale; `- was served by being drawn into a public shout- in his report as "amazing but in fact probable," sa? But according to Prosecutor Albano's re;?` ing match at a time when the bulk of the evi- In her Times article, Sterling does not mention - -port,-Agca has denied that he even knew. dence about the case is still protected by Italian this acknowledgment, and indeed omits any Dontchev. He has also denied visiting the laws on judicial secrecy. specific scene of. the would-be assassination with tQ- This effort to avoid a reference to the June 28 retraction in . journalistic argument which Agca denied earlier statements about -"Bulgarians. " ahout a still secret report has now been visiting Antonov's apartment, meeting his wife In pursuing this story I was paying impliot thwarted by Sterling herself, who accuses me or knowing that he was employed in the Bul- tribute to Sterling for breaking new ground l! of "numerous omissions or misstatements" in ' garian airline office in Rome. revealing details of the prosecutor's' report be - - - In -her column Tuesday, Sterling accuses fore anyone else. It gives me no pleasure fn my article in The Washington Post on July 22. I me of failing to note Albano's comment that have to :respond to her attack b have provided my editors with a point-by-point by Pointing out rebuttal of the June 28 retraction was "unconvincing and that this achievement has been tarnished by-I Sterling's criticisms, none of which I lack of concern for accuracy and balance, andand the same accept,wnd lam happy to do will also me f avail- indeed a contrast with objective evidence." an apparent refusal to accept as legitimate cop But the report makes clear that, when he uses clusions that may differ from her own. nificant errnrc Oil. in due c-route a list of si g mi N Y k Ti and o ssions in her ew or mes account. the June 28 testimony at all but to a later oc- The writer is The Post's Paris corres o;ui= For reasons of space, I will deal here with just casion on which Agca retracted details about a ent. a few of the more significant distortions in her plot to kill Solidarity leader Lech Walesa. (The - LL.-attack on me. portion of the report covering this sequence is First, I would like to draw attention to a in fact available for inspection, since it was literary device-used by Sterling: her tendency published by the Italian Catholic weekly II to conclude that anybody who questions her Sabato.) - - -- thesis''that the. assassination attempt has al-----.-More -to- the point is why Sterling, who , ready been shown to be a Soviet bloc conspir- claims to be in possession of the full text of the acy is accepting "Bulgarian arguments." For- tunately, I -aril in good company here: in her prosecutor's -report, should have failed to tell her readers of a retraction by Agca that Albano book (page 197 of the hardback edition), she -- writes in his report- "modifies in a 'certainly,- says that CIA chief William Casey and former penetrating manner the basic fabric of the evi- national security adviser William Clark were dente ... and poses new problems to the in- taking a stand that "hardly differed from" the vestigators." Not onlyT.does Sterling, take. a Bulgarian press spokesman's: phrase out of context, she also simply ignores By failing to acknowledge that the two arti- statements by the. prosecutor which do not des I have written on this subject have gone to support her argument. some lengths to give readers an idea of both i Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400020004-1 STAT Approved For Release 611'5k J-Vl :' RQl DD9OI't9O 6 August 1984 Third, we 'IA Perforim. Vital aaziong the Task Need Su ort ry the yei they successful in destabilizing came i Ni America is confronted with an undeclared war by . the forces of international Com- munism and radical Arab-states.- Terrorism has reached a stage where the distinction between war and peace is; often. obscured. The Soviet Union's KGB is waging constant-battle against us, using techniques of . { propaganda, disinformation and other so- called "active measures," such as stealing or otherwise improperly acquiring' our .best; technology. all see . increasing dissatisfaction people _of ..,Communists nations. supporting guerrilla action and nto. control in Ethiopia,- Angola, caragua and, of course, Cuba and Vietnam. More. recently, -however, they've .been encountering substantial unrest. People in ' those; countries are .. less willing to; take Communist oppression lying down. They are i rore aware of what the Communist. bosses are really up?to. Ft The people are progressively' more fed up with the rigidity. and ` ineffectiveness of ;.,l bureaucratic Communist controls and their The-'KGB is destabilizing weak.: govern- ments undermining trade and international economies and providing weapons and training to insurgents who seek to overthrow Atifie same li tary power that can be. an overwhelming mi used to intimidate others and force ,political gains. Thus we in the Central Intelligence Agency,,1 have our work cut out for. us : What do we .have;] going in our favor?-,.., Jy _. 44 ,First,-the benefit of strong support from the a$ministration and. Congress for:: our rp,building program'. We. have . had con siderable increases in budget and other resources. The increases have allowed us to acquire advanced technical systems that Dave brought us new information-gathering Acpabilities. Second, we have been, able to employ top,! 'systems analysts to' ` handle` the flow of new information. In hiring them, we aren't'looking i W ft t i t f d d ' f i ' r en s an re a er pa r o s, t r sp es. e ctnnnortPrc - i nnle ? ` who understand the All this -is overlaid on intense demographic problems. A large ; and -rapidly growing'', percentage of non-Slavic Soviet peoples does .. not' fully: identify . with; the. Soviet state or the- ruling elite ~, ._. Meanwhile, `the CIA-is achieving gratifying results. in such areas as our campaign to curb .industrial espionage iauvugut t1Ara VptrdLWUns, etrnerlca nas, .: often wound up, contributing indirectly to the ,.Sovietbuildup - the accuracy and precision: of Soviet weapons - which, in effect, has us ? .competing with our-. own technology. This has forced us to make 'those budget-busting ap- propriations to come up with more adequate But w n u e ow f lly recognize the problem; and we inthe:CIA are-doing a much better counter-espionage job. Last year, well over dOd Soviet. agents were arrested or kicked out =_ or defected - arond the world.. Most of I them, had : `been engaged in stealin , . .: g technology, w endless jifference between human-treedom "1 The CIA's task of fighting the undeclared' aid totalitarianism and who are willing to put war is an unceasing one. For the nation's themselves on the line for the things we in sake, it is imperative that we have the un- America believe in derstanding' and support of our fellow Approved For Release 2005/12/23: CIA-RD VF OO04000?OOOiI-1 ,,. -William J. Casey,' Byliner News Service ARTICLE APPEARED ON PAGApgjjb d For Release 20051 I CIA-RDP91-00901R0 0400020004-1 4 August 1984 DISPATCHES. KAI BIRD AND MAX HOLLAND L U NICARAGUA: Not-So-Comic Capers Unusual documentary evidence that belies Director of Central Intelligence William Casey's assurances that the . Reagan Administration is not trying to overthrow the San- dinista government has just emerged. Now circulating in Nicaragua is "The Freedom Fighter's Manual," an il- lustrated pamphlet in the style of a comic book. It en- courages . citizens to join in the "final battle against the usurpers of the authentic Sandinista revolution.... There - is an essential economic infrastructure that any government needs to' function,. which can easily be disabled and .even paralyzed without the use of armaments." The'~styie of the. sixteen-page booklet reminds one nostalgically, of a 1950s U.S. government - handout on civil defense, but this one is filled with suggestions on how to sabotage the Nicaraguan economy. Pouring sand into car . engines, spilling tacks on highways and clogging up toilets with sponges are strongly recommended. Not all the tech- niques are. strictly in the realm of sabotage. One serves of illustrations shows how to make a Molotov cocktail; another depicts breaking the windows of the local police sta- tion with a slingshot. Presumably with the fainthearted in mind, the manual also endorses reporting late for work. A peasant found the pamphlet stuffed in the door of a house in the town of Ocotal, near the Honduran border, shortly after a June I attack by members of the Nicaraguan - --- ------- Democratic Force, the contra group most heavily dependent on C.I.A. financing. Eventually the pamphlet reached Betsy Cohn, director of the Central American Historical Institute at Georgetown University. She passed it on to Robert Parry of the Associated Press for confirmation of its author- ship, - - ----- ---- aware he had sources within the American intelligence community_ Despite the predictable official denial, Parry's sources told him the booklet was indeed prepared by -- -- ---- ------ the C.I.A. for. distribution by the Nicaraguan contras. Although it .has received major play in Baltimore, Miami and Minneapolis newspapers, the story has received scant notice in.The New York Times. It took a scholar to make the next observation. Cohn says she became curious when she noticed that some of the Spanish used in the pamphlet-for example, the words for faucet and tire-is not typically Nicaraguan. With the huge increase in the agency's budget, one would think that the least Casey could do is produce a culturally sensitive comic book. - Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400020004-1 Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901 000400020004-1 FAIRFAX JOURNAL 2 August 1984 secrecy obsession the CIA, and folly Analysis By JEREMY CAMPBELL THE American obsession with secrecy has reached such heights of folly it is now very likely that the CIA will be sued by its own former director for preventing him from publishing excerpts from his own public speeches. Admiral Stanfield Turner, head of the CIA under Presi- dent Jimmy Carter, has spent the past year trying to make his new book, "Secrecy in Democracy," innocuous enough to satisfy the CIA Review Board, which must approve works by members or ex-members of the agency before publication. In spite of heroic acts of self-censorship on his part, the Board is still not satisfied. Turner, no longer bothering to hide his disgust, calls the whole process "absurd." At one point Turner accepted the judgment of the board that. a section of the book, dealing with his experiences at the CIA, divulged classified information. He set to and com- pletely rewrote the section, quoting only from his own pub- licly given speeches. To his amazement, permission was still denied, even though other officials have said almost exactly the same, ei- ther in-speeches or in published writings. Of two further matters the CIA is trying to make him cen- sor, Turner says: "You would laugh out. loud if I told you what they are." Turner is now considering a lawsuit if he continues to be thwarted. This is richly ironic because Turner, a careful and far from exciting writer on the subject of intelligence and defense affairs, once enthusiastically supported the idea of pre-publication review for books by CIA officials. He was responsible for the prosecution of Frank Snepp, a former CIA agent who published a book - "Decent Inter- val," a critical study of the U.S. intelligence role in Vietnam -without prior review. Snepp was ordered to surrender all his royalties from the book to the government. The Turner case highlights an aspect of the rising mania for secrecy in Washington. It shows that the Reagan admin- istration is so determined to suppress leaks of information that it does not mind making a fool of itself in the process. This could cause political troubles for the White House. It is known, for example, that the Pentagon is planning to expand the use of random lie detector tests, in which offi- cials at the Defense Department would periodically be re- quired to "reaffirm their continued loyalty to the government." At present such tests are voluntary, but refusing to take one can compromise a civil servant's chances of promotion. Jeremy Campbell is Washington correspondent for the Standard of London. Distributed by the Scripps-Howard News Service. Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400020004-1