HOUSE CHAIRMAN BALKS AT ADMINISTRATION INFORMATION BILLS

Document Type: 
Collection: 
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP91-00901R000400030002-2
Release Decision: 
RIPPUB
Original Classification: 
K
Document Page Count: 
111
Document Creation Date: 
December 19, 2016
Document Release Date: 
October 11, 2005
Sequence Number: 
2
Case Number: 
Publication Date: 
May 31, 1984
Content Type: 
TRANS
File: 
AttachmentSize
PDF icon CIA-RDP91-00901R000400030002-2.pdf9.91 MB
Body: 
Approved For Release 2005/141 Pb1-(%901 R 11 May 1984 HOUSE CHAIRMAN BALKS AT ADMINISTRATION INFORMATION BILLS BY DAVID GOELLER WASHINGTON A key congressman is taking a "show-me" approach to two bills representing the latest skirmish in the Reagan administration's battle to slow the flow of government information to the public. "Those who are- advocating change must prove their case," says Rep. Glenn English, D-Okla., chairman of the House Government Operations information subcommittee, which is considering the two bills to amend the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA). "The advocates of change have the responsibility to ... show that problems exist, give good strong reasons. ... I have not heard testimony that would justify significant change," English said in an interview. The FOIA bills, part of a three-year administration effort that has included a now-dormant proposal to make nearly half the federal workforce liable for lie detector tests, passed the Republican-controlled Senate only after opponents forced heavy rewriting. One measure would allow the CIA to declare even more of its aupe - files off-limits to citizen requests made under the The proposal has been so reworked tha even the American Civil Liberties Union has stopped opposing it. The other bill, drawing a chorus of,opposition from publishers, editors and public interest groups, seeks to make some 40 changes in the FOIA, which says Americans have a general right to demand and receive information from government. The measure would extend from 10 days to 30 days the deadline by which bureaucrats must acknowledge but not necessarily comply with an FOIA request. For the first time, people seeking information would be charged the cost of reviewing records, although fee waivers could be given to the news media and non-profit groups. Current law allows denial of FOIA requests if release of data would be an unwarranted invasion of personal privacy. The proposed change would allow withholding of information if an official believed release "could reasonably be expected" to intrude on privacy. The bill would also allow the Justice Department to shield more of its crime records and permit businesses, not federal officials, to decide what data supplied to the government will be subject to FOIA discovery. Mark Sheehan, a Justice Department spokesman, says the bill is necessary to recover the costs of processing tens of thousands of FOIA requests each year and to ensure that sensitive law enforcement information is protected. But critics contend the measure'is a step back from open government and that teFOIA should be strengthened, not weakened. SAT Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R00040t-2 Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R01 ARTICLE APPEAREA CHRISTIAN SCIENCE TIONITOR ON PAGE ~I 31 May 1984 CIA covert action at what price? By Stansfield Turner ONGRESS faces an imminent decision on C whether to continue funding the CIA's covert ac- tivities in Central America. Over and above the merits and demerits of the actions themselves, the Con- gress should consider the potential impact of these activi- ties on the CIA's future capabilities. I believe that con- tinuation of whf.t is going on in Central America could seriously damage the agency. There are two dangers: that Congress may tighten its controls over such activities unduly; and that the CIA, which has rebounded nicely after suffering great criti- cism following the Church committee's investigation of 1975-76, will be subjected to another buffeting. Public attitudes toward the CIA are today being col- ored by such reports as: ? A story in The Christian Science Monitor on May 8 charging that the CIA had helped organize, finance, and train Salvadorean intelligence units that engaged in "death squad" activities. ? A press release by Sen. Jesse Helms a few days later accusing the CIA of covertly contributing funds to the electoral campaign of Jose Napoleon Duarte for president of El Salvador. ? A May 19 Washington Post story asserting that the CIA attempted to circumvent congressional limitations on covert-action funding for Central America by asking the Saudi Arabians and Israelis to provide the money. Accurate or not, these reports revive the distorted im- age of the CIA as a "rogue elephant" which came out of the Church committee, The CIA should not have forgotten the serious dam- age that criticism did. Whatever endangers public sup- port for the CIA endangers the CIA. It .should also be of significant concern to the CIA when it and Congress have as sharp differences as they have had in this instance. For example: ? In December 1982 Congress and the CIA were so far apart that Congress passed an unclassified law re- stricting these supposedly secret activities. With this confirmation of supposedly covert operations, the CIA could hardly continue them with any hope of secrecy. ? Last April the administration was forced to all but confirm that the covert action had been expanded to the mining of Nicaragua's harbors. Sen. Barry Goldwater, chairman of the Senate's Select Committee on Intelli- gence, complained bitterly that he had not been ade- quately informed; CIA Director William Casey apologized. In this atmosphere Congress will likely legislate more and more stringent rules governing the CIA. It has been tightening its control over CIA covert activities since De- cember of '74. Then the Congress required, through the Hughes-Ryan Amendment," that the President notify it "in a timely manner" of all covert actions. The Congress was uneasy that "timely" might not be soon enough.. In 1980 it rewrote the law making it explicit that the Presi- dent would notify it before the CIA's commencing any covert action in all but the most exceptional circumstances. What the Congress has been saying to the President and the CIA for 10 years, then, is something like: "We are nervous about possible overuse of covert action. We want you to proceed cautiously, preferably in consulta- tion with us." The next move by Congress could be to require that the CIA obtain congressional approval for all covert ac- tions, without exception. Such a move could impair the CIA's capability to do covert actions. In my experience several covert actions were highly desirable for the coun- try, but could not have been undertaken if prior notifica- tion of the Congress had been required. That is not be- cause Congress is not trustworthy, but because it would be unfair to ask individuals to risk their lives when more than the absolute minimum number of people know what they are doing. Why has the administration accepted these several risks to our long-term intelligence capabilities?.Because it hopes this covert action will be so successful that ev- eryone will cheer and forget the acrimony it has engen- dered. That might have been the case in the World War II days of the OSS, but not today when the country has cre- ated a system of congressional committees on intelli- gence to act as surrogates for the public in overseeing in- telligence activities. It is a system that places restraints on the executive department's use of the intelligence ap- paratus, but in so doing brings intelligence as close to be- ing part of our normal democratic process of government as the inherent secrecy of intelligence permits. Stansfield Turner is former director of the Central Intelligence Agency. Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400030002-2 STAT CIA Director William J. Casey and his wife bought at least $1 million in stocks and bonds last year and sold a similar amount in the nine months before Casey established a blind trust for his holdings, according to his financial disclosure statement released Thursday. ASSOCIATED PRESS Approved For Release 200fg114 :1QWRDP91-0 M 1? CASEY TRADED STOCK BEFORE CREATING BLIND TRUST BY ROBERT PARRY WASHINGTON The report showed that Casey continued trading in stocks and securities right up to Oct. 7, when the bulk of his multimillion-dollar holdings were put in a blind trust beyond his control. In the two weeks before the trust was set up, Casey reported between $690,000 and $1.6 million in transactions. Prior to creation of the trust, Casey said day-to-day control of his stock portfolio was in the hands of his longtime investment adviser, Richard Cheswick, who has denied that Casey ever gave him information that helped in making investment decisions. Nevertheless, Casey aroused public and congressional criticism for keeping ultimate control over his holdings after he became CIA director in January 1981. His two predecessors at the CIA, as well as other senior Reagan administration officials with access to secret government financial data, created blind trusts for their holdings. Last year, facing a threat of congressional action to force him to create a blind trust, Casey relented and agreed to establish one. Still, the arrangement left Cheswick in charge of Casey investments worth at least $5 million and possibly more than $8 million. Exact amounts for holdings and transactions are impossible to determine from the disclosure form because the figures are given only within broad ranges and not in exact sums. According to the form released Thursday by the CIA, Casey and his wife sold between $1.2 million and $3.6 million worth of stocks and bonds in 1983, prior to the Oct. 7 creation of the trust, and bought between $1.1 million and $2.6 million worth of stock and securities. The Caseys also reported earning between $494,000 and $1.2 million in outside income from dividends, interest and capital gains on their investments. As a Cabinet-level official, Casey receives a salary of $69,800. During his three years as CIA director, Casey has come under frequent criticism for his financial dealings. In 1981, the Senate Intelligence Committee criticized Casey for failing to list holdings fully on the financial disclosure form he filed when he took office. Subsequently, the form filed in May 1982 and covering 1981 showed that Casey had sold more than $600,000 in oil stock as a glut developed in world oil markets. At the time he began selling the stock, the CIA had secretly revised an estimate, pushing back the date the Soviet Union was expected to begin importing oil. In the form submitted last year which covered 1982, Casey reported buying stock worth $1.9 million to $4.5 million while selling stock worth at least $1 million and possibly more than $2.1 million. Most of Casey's stock transactions occurred as the stock market began a mid-August rally. Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400030002-2 STAT UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL Approved For ReleaSt 2f 5/19M : CIA-RDP91-009018 CIA'S CASEY LISTS HIS ASSETS WASHINGTON 0 64 CIA Director William J. Casey, in a federal financial disclosure report made public Thursday, reported assets that could be worth as much as $14 million. The report, issued at CIA headquarters in nearby Langley, Va., revealed holdings or trading in more than 70 enterprises and stocks and bonds, up to Oct. 7, 1983, when they were placed in a special trust. Investments ranged from property and a health-and-sport club to airlines, pharmaceuticals, television and communications, energy and hotels. Casey also reported sales from January to October 1983 of investments whose value was difficult to estimate and of Treasury bonds totalling up to $1 million. Last year he sold shares in Wendy's international that could be valued up to $1 million. The 24-page disclosure report showed that Casey had investments of "over $250,00011 in each of eight enterprises ranging from Capital Cities Broadcasting, MCI Communications, Phillip Morris, Prentice-Hall and a 15 percent partnership interest in C & D Associates. The disclosure form does not reveal exact figures -- only ranges, the smallest of which is " $1,000 and under'' and the largest ''over $250,000." A cursory tally of issues bought, sold or retained indicated Casey's assets could have totalled as much as $14 million before last Oct. 7. Prior to establisment of the trust, the 71-year-old intelligence chief had been under congressional pressure and criticism for not following precedent and putting all of his holdings into a blind trust. Last July 19, Casey agreed to a trust to avoid criticism that his investments might be with firms with which the agency does.business or that he might benefit from ''insider'' information through intelligence facilities. Documents obtained under a Freedom of Information Act last November showed that Casey did have stocks in concerns with classified CIA contracts when he took office early in 1981. The documents also showed, however, that agency attorneys and government ethics officials found no conflict of interest. The FOI documents showed that Casey was unhappy with allegations that, after taking office, he disposed of more than $600,000 in oil holdings on the basis of CIA estimates of worldwide oil production. In a letter to the Senate Intelligence Committee last July, he denounced the allegations as ''grossly unfair and inaccurate.'' The ''qualified diversified trust' established for Casey's assets last October provides for screening of his investments by Deputy CIA Director John McMahon and agency counsel. A CIA spokesman said Casey's financial report still has to be reviewed by an agency ethics office, which has 60 days in which to express its views. STAT Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400030002-2 BOSTON GLOBE Approved For Release 2005/ 1I d - op ARTICLE APPEARED ON PAGE A -I $" U CGE6 filling El Salvador out of the hat ROBERT HEALY WA UINU,PUN - Alter Ills speech to the House last week. President-elect Jose Napoleon Duarte of El Sal- t vador crossed to the Senate for a meeting with Sen. Edward Kennedy and a handful of Democratic sena- tors, some of the severest critics of the Reagan Admin- istration's policies in Central America. Duarte asked the Administration officials who had iaccompanied him around Washington on his visit to remain outside the meeting. He faced these lions of the Senate with only his own aides present. One observer described the meeting this way: "They thought he should have a chance. They weren't sold and some thought he would be back to his old ways in a short time. He is not regarded as a strong man, but someone who is ultimately controlled by the military, and right now the military needs Duarte be- cause they need the United States." On Thursday, five former National Guardsmen in El Salvador were found guilty of the murder of four American churchwomen. It had been almost four years since their murders in December of 1980. 6n the same day, the House of Representatives, , controlled by the Democrats, approved a $62-million emergency military aid package for El Salvador and at the same time rejected President Reagan's request for $21 million to aid the rebels who are fighting the leftist 'Sandinista government in Nicaragua. Reagan had lost his proposal for Nicaragua aid, but he had won a stunning victory for his policies in El Salvador. He won it by pulling out all the stops In the election of Duarte. The Central Intelligence Agency, as in days past, got involved in El Salvador to win friends for Duarte. Reagan pulled it off against serious odds. The polls showed the nation is not with the president on Central AAmerica. In a recent ABC News-Washington Post poll, 'about 60 percent of those polled said they' believe that the president's handling of Central America is point- ing the United States more toward war than peace. The Catholic bishops have also opposed Reagan's poli- pies in Central America. Until a recent split to the House leadership, the ;Democrats were lined up almost solidly against the resident on his Central American policies. Charles Manati, chairman of the Democratic Na- tional Committee, on Friday said the key issue in the Fall presidential campaign would be leadership of the nation, Reagan's handling of the "war and peace" is- ~Sue and the increase in interest rates. Manatt said the financial crisis demonstrated by the "almost failure" of Continental Illinois, one of the 10 largest banks in the country, and the many farmer bankruptcies is a prpduct of rising inte_restrates. STAT But when reminded of the President's victory in the House'on El Salvador, Manatt said he had noticed that the feeling in the party toward El Salvador was V"mixed." Reagan, for all his difficulties in the polls on the ar and peace issue and for the potential problem of sing interest rates, always seems to be able to pull it t when he needs to. `i: The China trip has helped: there is more to come as be travels to Europe, and no one should underestimate the victory which the President has managed with great skill in El Salvador. He has avoided a disaster 'there, at least for the time being, and that is no small thing. . Where Reagan could be in trouble is in the "debate- gate" scandal. A House subcommittee has just found that there might be criminal violations in the theft of -President Carter's briefing papers by the Reagan cam- paign staff. and that this theft gave Reagan an unfair advantage over President Carter in their first debate. l Those who would equate this affair with Water- gate, as Manatt did. are mistaken. Richard Nixon was at the heart of the coverup conspiracy. Reagan does not Involve himself in these kinds of details. Where the President could be in difficulty is with William Casey, the Central Intelligence director. James Baker, chief of staff in the White House, said Casey gave him the Carter debate papers. Casey has been in hot water before on conflict of Interest. He is insensitive. It may be worse than that if there is anything to the House report. Where there are similarities between this scandal and Watergate is in the investigation by both the FBI ~and the Justice Department. Each, found no criminal .violation in the debate-papers affair. If a special pros- ecutor is appointed and finds wrongdoing, it will have, a`all the appearance of another Watergate coverup. Further, the President-acts as though Casey? inone o the most sensitive jobs in the nation, is acceptable so long as he is not convicted of a felony. The director fof Central Intelligence should be better than that... Reagan, then, has demonstrated great skill in man- aging the big issues such as El Salvador.' Time and again his opponents underestimate him. But the big problem may be William Casey, for whom he has demonstrated great loyalty. It could be costly. r Robert Healy is -chief of the Globe's Washington .Bureau.. Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400030002-2 APProved For R> s ,` : CIA-RDP91-00901R1 ARTICLE AFFFAF nN p A GE $ / 29 ldav 1984 Project Democracy Takes Wing Labor Council, Asian American Free By BEN A. FRANKLIN Ambassador Briggs was quoted as scar to .L NVW York 7 um Labor Institute and American 1.nsti- saying in the cable: "It would be em- WASHINGTON,' May 28 - Carl tute Through for Free these Labor Development. barrassing to the United States if the Gershman, a former aide to Deane J. labor's s emissaries tried, or eexxampple labor institute's use of endowment Kirkpatrick, the chief United States to organize South Vietnamese work- funds to support one side in Panama s delegate to the United Nations, is set- ers during the war there sought to elections became public knowledge. ting up shop here these days in a diffi- unionize farm workers in Grenada be- The Ambassador requests that this cult new job. 1:. fore the American-led invasion last .Project be discontionued before the He is head of the new National En- year and have been active in Brazil, U.S. Panama." Government is " furthercomps~rnised in dowment for Democracy, a federally Chile, -the Dominican Republic, -Mr. financed Gershman, reached in- New pete in nanced the foundation worldwide designed to struggle com for - Guyana and El Salvador. York today, said the Panamanian people's minds by financing "demo- Suspected of C.1-& Ties , issue "came up before I got the en- cratic institution-building" in foreign the connection has been dowment." He confirmed that about lands. The designated spenders of~~ $20,000 in Government funds had been this public money are the American domed' they were sometimes accused used by the labor institute in Panama Federation of Labor and Congress of for suspected of involvement with the to support the Barletta campaign, but Industrial Organizations, abor the Cham- :Central Intelligence Agency. In El said: "I am not sure it was Ned .:alvador in 1981, two American em- money, and in any case it ism un- ber of Commerce of the United 1 ees of the American Institute for y States, the Democratic National P oy j derstanding that this has all been Committee and the Republican Na- Free Labor Development who had worked out to everybody's satisfac- been accused of links with the C.I.A. tion - the Ambassador's, the State tio~ Committeewere shot to death in the coffee shop Department's and the institute's." Despite confrontational positions of the San Salvador Sheraton. here at home, the four groups are now But because it has gained long ex- The C.I.A. Obstacle bound together in a commitment to a perience in its programs abroad, the One of the obstacles that Mr. foreign mission: the encouragement labor movement is to get nearly a Gershman must overcome is the of American-style pluralistic soci- quarter of the democracy endow- C.I.A.'s reputed secret involvement eties abroad. They are also bound to- ment's largesse, or $13.8 million a in the past in a lot of what the Endow- gether, of course, by the Federal year. merit for Democracy hopes to do in money, about $62 million over the By comparison, the newly created the open: encouragement of political next two years, that ~ has already "international institute" of both the . Parties compatible with United States begun to flow from the offices of Democratic and Republican National interests, of vigorous labor unions "Ned," as Washington's acronym ' Committees each is to get $5 million a and democratic press and church mania has already named the new en- year, and the Chamber of Commerce groups and the publication of writings dowment. - gets $2.5 million for its new Center for by pro-Western dissidents. As one of But among the Congressional spon- International Private Enterprise. its first actions the Ned board voted to sors of this so-called Project Democ- The Democratic and Republican in- forbid any employment of C.I.A. per- racy - foremost among them Repro stitutes are modeled after the long-es- sonnel or covert C.I.A. agenda in its sentative Dante B. Fascell of Florida, tablished practice in several Euro- Programs. chairman of the House Foreign Af- peon countries, particularly West When Congress considered the fairs Committee - there is a strong _ Germany, where the main political creation of the National Endowment belief that private citizens, operating parties now divide about $150 million for Democracy last fall, the prospect in the open, can be more effective a year in government grants for over- of a C.I.A. presence so worried Sena- ,than secret agents in spreading the seas encouragement of democratic tor William Proxmire, Democrat of :seeds of democratic ideas. institutions and ideas: Wisconsin, that he persuaded the Sen- The notion of a Project Democracy ate to bar from Ned anyone who had first gained attention when President Criticism From Panama worked for the C.I.A. for the last 20 .Reagan mentioned it in a speech to Representative Hank Brown, Re- years. This, in'turn, so affronted Wil- -the British Parliament two years ago. publican of Colorado, a critic of the Liam J. Casey, the Director of Central ,As later presented in a proposal to democracy endowment concept, said Intelligence, that he negotiated a Congress, it would have been open- today that Ned-financed activities in co opeomifinal s adoption . Senator Proxmire, sated by the United States Information Central America had already drawn of the bill. Agency. But controversies surround- criticism from James E. Briggs, the "On behalf of the intelligence com- ing the U.S.I.A. director, Charles Z. Ambassador to Panama. munity, I have agreed with Senator Wick, inspired House Democrats, led Mr. Brown said he had obtained Proxmire that the National Endow- by Mr. Fascell, to the alternative of merit for Democracy will not be used an independent National Endowment ,from the U.S.I.A. a paraphrased copy, to conduct intelligence activities," for Democracy. of a cable that Ambassador Briggs Mr. Casey said at the time. "In addi- sent to Washington in April complain- tion, I have reached a general under- In the private sector's promotion of ' ing that the ' American Institute for standing that intelligence community American values abroad, until now Free Labor Development, one of the personnel shall not be permitted em- only the American labor movement, A.F.L.-C.I.O. affiliates, had been ployment by the National Endow- through the Free Trade Union Insti- given funds by Ned to cover the ex- ment for Democracy except as jointly tute it formed in 1978, has gone much penses of "activists" supporting the agreed in future negotiations with beyond rhetoric. Largely with money Presidential campaign of Nicolas Ar- Senator Proxmire." from the State Department's Agency dito Barletta. Mr. Barletta, the candi- -. for' International Development, the date backed by the Panamanian mill- {~4tlU~ A.F.J.-C.I.O. has run programs over- tary, narrowly defeated former seas under its African American Free President Arnulfo Arias Madrid in the May 6 election. STAT Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400030002-2 lz Approved For Release 2005/11/28: CIA-RDP91-009q 2 5 Senate[ Republicans Maneuver no means univer- senators to start out with the theory; by 'some B Helen Dewar --. biggest chunk of committed or semi- sally.held, is that a decision to go , wamungton Post Staff Writer committed supporters but also with with Lugar would mean dominance Bob and Pete, with a little help limited potential to cut into the of the Senate by the committee from Jim, are working on their good- broad middle of the party in the ' .chairmen, who already hold consid- government badges. Ted is giving Senate. erable power in the collegial leader pep talks and trying to keep his tem- The most ' prominent figure is ship style of Baker. per in check. Dick wants to make Dole, chairman of the Finance Com- So far, aside from an occasional sure that they can come back and do mittee, whose show r ansh:'p and leg- elbow to the ribs of a rival and a lot it again next year. islative skills rank among the best in of posturing, preening and jockeying, Much as they may act the part, the Senate. the five have held their campaigns in they're not a bunch of Boy Scouts in But some senators confess pri- check lest any infighting jeopardize pursuit of merit badges. vately to misgivings about the im- the Republicans' chances of retain- They're five of the leading Repub- pact of his presidential ambitions on ing control of the Senate. licans in the United States' Senate- how he might run the Republican So Dole and Domenici, as chair- Robert J. Dole of Kansas, Pete V. Party in the Senate and deal with men of two of the key fiscal commit- DDomenici of New Mexico, James A. the White House, even if it remains tees, have been parading their skills McClure of Idaho, Ted Stevens of in the hands of President Reagan, t as champions of deficit reduction, .Alaska and Richard G. Lugar of In- whom Dole has shown no shyness with occasional needling of Domenici diana-who are competing to be- about challenging. in the past. by Dole that has stretched but not come leader of their pack by doing Some also question whether Dole broken the no-combat rules. good deeds. could afford to risk a loss in light of McClure won some points on the With varying degrees of commit- his higher ambitions and wonder deficit-reduction scorecard recently, went, they plan to run in a secret- why he would even want the job, 'too, with a compromise to shift ballot election conducted among all which involves at least. as much funds from the synthetic fuels pro- Republican senators next December drudgery as glory and tends to make gram to other domestic accounts to choose a successor to the retiring its holder captive to the interests of that hastened passage of the Dole- party leader, Howard H. Baker Jr. others. Baker, they note, is leaving it Domenici deficit program. (R Tenn.). . to consider a run for the presidency. Stevens, whose red-hot temper is It will be an odd-man-out mara- Domenici, chairman of the Budget ; almost 'a Senate legend, has been thon that goes on until someone gets Committee, is well-liked but carries a majority. If the GOP retains con- the scars of his seemingly endless stepping in recently as a voice of trol of the Senate in the November budget battles Although seriously unity and conciliation in party coun- elections, the victfir will be majority interested in making the race, he has cils. leader; if not, minority leader. been somewhat hesitant about push- Lugar has perhaps been the most The contest is "polite, dignified, ing his own candidacy, which some diversified in his activities recently, understated and very low-key," said e--senators have interpreted as ambiv- even though he says he is not yet in Sen. Warren B. Rudman (R-N.H.). alence, the race officially because of his "Quite senatorial," said one of the -- - = - - - campaign chores. He has put togeth- contenders, meaning clubby, courtly Many figure Lugar as a potential or a fat kitty to.aid Republican can- and even a bit stuffy. t final-stretch compromise,' especially didates this fall, with aid as well for As of now, it's generally agreed ; if his stewardahi of the', Senate senators running in 1986.-. there is no front-runner or even GOP's campaign ommittee keeps In recent weeks, he has also dominant set- of challengers,--and the party in control of the Senate by I- played statesman in helping to some senators expect the field to a margin approaching the current solve -a fight between the Senate Se, 55-to-45 split. IectCommittee on Intelligence arid, narrow before the race gets to the I Less ideological than McClure, CI1 Director G i iam J. Casey final push. less threatening than Dole, more en was political point man in chal- As the most conservative figure in even-tempered than Stevens and longing Democratic presidential can- the race, McClure, currently chair- t..better positioned than Domenici., he didate Walter F.: Mondale on the man of the Energy and Natural Re- cultivates the low-key, easy-going Chrysler bailout issue. sources Committee ~ been to s , A ~Sr a @f ~1~' bis I fi PA-0090' RQ( flE'~6' Md es. tart, WASHINGTON POST 29 May 1984 Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R00040 S .And How Many Deaths Will It Take TUt We Knb.w This Tim& The Friday before Memorial Day, as the tieing persecuted by the Sandinistas. cit "reared for the funeral of an un Y P P ~~~ 1 {llt'@ MT Some raiders were fellow M;ak;tna f].,to_ lmown from the Vietnam war, three peas- man said she asked one, "Why are you do- ants came to Capitol Hill with an account ins this to Your own people?" His response of the war we are now engaged in. was to push her aside. They shivered at the witness table of the ~ Kennedy has written CIA Director WE- ' liam J. Case to ask him to watcS Senate Foreign Relations Committee: their Her brother-in-law and two cousins were ee rave, Y iehtened witnesses. over e cheap, gaudy clothes were no match for the. kidnaped, i Senate's icy air conditioning. They were In all, five people 'were killed, 15 wound- What they described sounds like a state l .a so afraid of what will happen to them, when they go back to Nicaragua, for having given Congress a victims'-eve view of the "It would be better if they killed us all, administration officially inveighs against. The Democratic-controlled House has three "secret" hostilities we sponsor there. so we wouldn't suffer any more," Hammer times voted to end the "secret" war. But At 4:30 a.m on April 17, some 150 "consaid. the Republican-controlled Senate stands tras," anti-Sandinista guerrillas organized And how does she feel about the United firmly behind it- and supplied by us, stormed Sumubila, a States? The. question was asked by Sen. Sen. David F. Durenberger (R-Minn.) settlement of 3,000 people on the northern ward M. Kennedy (D-Mass.), who had once made an eloquent speech against ac- called the forum and found the witnesses tivity counter to our values, but he votes through the Center for Constitutional - for it in the Senate intelligence committee, down the health clinic, which is their sig- Rights, -a New York-based .human-rights So does that committee's vice chairman, nature outrage, and then began shooting organization. Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D-N.Y.), who into houses. They captured 39 young men, t x. He added that his committee voted $21 million for aid to the contras, the rebels who are fighting the Marxist-domi- Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400030002-2 ARTICLE AP wed For Release 2011 /11tM8JBCM-RDP91-00901R00 ON PAGE__ ' 7 May 198I After the humiliation in Lebanon, the United States might at least have allowed a decent interval to pass before again making itself foolish in the eyes of the world. Yet we were back at it again with the Nicaraguan mining fiasco, a mis- adventure from its clumsy conception through its abrupt demise. And again, the display of incompetence was bi- partisan, initiated by the Republican Administration and compounded by members of both parties in Congress. The C.I.A. apparently could not resist going beyond its role of providing assistance to anti-Sandinista rebel groups fighting in Nicaragua. It had to get its very own piece of the action, so it concocted schemes ' to involve itself directly in raiding a Nicaraguan port and then in laying mines in Nicaraguan harbors. The operations risked discovery, risked accusations that the United States was violating international law, risked arousing the indig- nation of countries whose shipping might be damaged. Yet the C.I.A. persuaded the President's national security adviser to walk its ideas into.the Oval Office for approval, and he walked right out again with Mr. Reagan's O.K. Congress's two intelligence oversight committees should have warned the Administration to drop its plans, but they didn't. Both were informed-in the case of the mining, the House's committee was told in January, the Senate's in A4arch-but if the members were listening to what they were being told, they did not focus on the implications of a direct C.I.A. operation. Senators Barry Goldwater and Daniel Patrick Moynihan protest that out of more than 130 pages of hearing transcript only two sentences referred to the mining, and did not mention the C.I.A.'s role. The Administration counters that its written submissions-as opposed to oral summaries-desaibed and justified the operation in detail. If the C.I.A. was hiding, the Senate was not seeking. After Murphy's Law ti^'as.fulfilled with its customary reliability in matters covert and American, Congress panicked-much as it did when the going got rough in Lebanon-and not only con- demned the mining operation by lopsided margins in both Houses but also threatened to cut off funding for aid to the contras entirely. That move, if actually carried through STAT when Congress returns from recess, would be at least as mindless as the mining itself. We do not support aid to the contras with any relish. And in many respects we do not support the-Reagan Administration's goals and methods in supplying aid. For example, the bulk of U.S. assistance goes to the rightist, Honduras-based Nicaraguan Democratic Force (F.D.N.), many of the field commanders of which were officers in Anastasio Somoza's brutal and justifiably detested Na- tional Guard. A far better prospect for winning the sup= port of Nicaragua's people is the Democratic Revolution- ary Alliance (ARDE) headed by the former anti-Somoza guerrilla leader Eden Pastora ("Comandante Cero"). Mr. Pastora's force has just captured a coastal town in south- ern Nicaragua, has been bolstered (according to news reports) by the defection of an entire battalion of Sandin- ista soldiers, and is planning to set up a government in exile. ARDE apparently does now receive C.I.A. help, but much less than the F.D.N. The Administration's purposes in aiding the guerrilla groups are also suspect. ARDE has proposed a plan where- by antigovernment military activity would cease if the Sandinistas agree to hold fair elections this November- that is, if opposition candidates are guaranteed security from Sandinista toughs and the right to have their views heard free from censorship, and if the election is interna- tionally supervised. The Reagan Administration has failed to endorse the ARDE proposal, leading to the suspicion that democracy in Nicaragua is not one of its primary goals. Indeed, there seems to be a split within the Admin- istration over Nicaragua much as there was in Lebanon. One group, said to include Secretary of State Shultz, be- lieves (sensibly, in our view) that aid to the contras should be designed to pressure Nicaragua into halting subversive activity against El Salvador and into entering serious peace negotiations with its neighbors. Another school of thought within the Administration-reportedly led by Secretary of Defense Weinberger and the C.I.A. director, William Casey-regards the very existence of a leftist Nicaragua as an intolerable menace to vital interests of the Continued Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400030002-2 NEWSDAY (NY) Approved For Release 200?/'281UA-RDP91-009( The Most Powerful Lier: . William Casey of the HEN Martin Van Buren got to be President - the first from New York State - you can imagine the elation in the Hudson Valley where he grew up. Clos- er to home, I recently met an elderly lady from Oyster Bay who vividly re- members the neighborhood's pride in its famous summer cottager, Theodore Roosevelt. We haven't had a locally born presi- dent, but there is a Long Islander right now at the very center of America's leadership. The CIA's William J. Ca- sey, who grew up in Elmhurst and Bell- more and has long resided in Roslyn Harbor, probably ranks higher in gov- ernment than any native, full-time Long Islander of the past. That should make him our celebrity of celebrities. Unfortunately, since Casey's special- ty is secret warfare, the public can't really judge how powerful he is. We can't even be certain whether to be proud of him, since the CIA's victories are mostly secret even if some of its failures aren't. Let's leave the latter judgment to the historians. On the first question, though - that of Bill Casey's stature in President Reagan's Cabinet - the evidence is fairly conclusive. After .Reagan himself, Casey may well be the single most powerful individual in Washington these days. You can measure this in several ways. One is by a process of elimina- tion. Has Ronald Reagan been taking the secretary of state's advice on the Middle East? The Council of Economic Advisers' advice on the deficit? The budget director's advice on defense spen The Congress's advice on anything?. Compare these negatives with Bill Casey's string of positives on increased funding for the CIA, global expansion of covert activities and the fixing of priorities in foreign policy. Another ap- proach is to note where the action is in Projecting American power abroad. By every appearance, Casey and his face- CIA finish the job, and no broad national consensus even to begin it. ,(It's said less spymasters are replacing the Joint t the Navy's highest brass wasn't even Chiefs of Staff and the Pentagon as the consulted before Nicaraguan harbors central actors where decisions of war were mined by the CIA - and this at a time of deep concern lest others' and Peace are made. Through no particular fault of ' eiaanger our snips in the Per- their services rind the themselves virtually The view of,these military profes- ry weapon, ems will sthat ubmit only to economics d useless the nuclear warhead, l by common agreement incapable of political measures, not military ones winning wars, able only - maybe SO here we have a President who be- to deter the. e lieves in action, a Pentagon that has But our conventional forces are hob- bled, too: Since Vietnam, it has been a canon of Pentagon planners (a loose canon, the- hawks might say) to avoid military involvement unless as- sured the full support of the Ameri- can public. That support is seldom forthcoming. And in any case neither the American public nor our allies will invest in the kind of convention- al forces it would take to balance the Soviets. Some of the President's advisers ridi- cule the new caution as "Vietnamiza- tion." Actually, it's a rule of generalship as old as war itself; in the 4th Century BC, the Chinese strategist Sun Tzu demanded to know if "the peo, ple [are] in harmony with their lead- ers" as the first of his "five fundamental factors" in calculating the odds of victory. So the Joint Chiefs of Staff refused to -endorse military landings in Lebanon; they possessed neither the resources nor public support to carry the oper- ation to success. The landings were or- dered anyway. Today significant elements of the military establishment oppose Rea- gan's commitments in Central Amer- ica, too. Once more there is the per- learned to be supercautious, and a se- cret warrior who says he can get done whatever it is the President wants, if not one way, then another. Little wonder Bill Casey has the President's -ear, and little wonder Congress exploded the way it did a couple of weeks ago over the Nicara- guan mining. Radical change is over- taking both the form and substance of warmaking. The change is perhaps inevitable, dictated by external events, but that makes it no less trau- matic for a free society. And the ar- chitect is William 'J. Casey. In a speech a year ago at Georgetown University, Casey came pretty close to saying publicly that secret war has al- ready become more important than the familiar kind for which our govern- ment was structured and our public educated. 't'he media does extensive reporting and analysis on the Soviet missile and conventional military threat which we spend hundreds of billions of dollars to counter," he said. 'ut the big story' out there is the possibly more lethal frroceess of creeping imperialism by subversion and insurgency . . ." The question, I guess, is whether creeping war is really the answer to creeping imperi- alism. ^ Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400030002-2 STAT APTI.,LE r,P roved For Reled' W260417 $ tIA-RDP91-009 ON PAGE 6 may 1954 Japanese Investment; Debate mounts over factory ventures in U.S. By WINSTON WILLIAMS i L CHICAGO AST fall , President Reagan issued a policy statement on foreign in- vestment in the United States. In generous terms, he declared that such investment is always welcome, as long as it is based purely on economic con- siderations. Maybe so, but when it ? comes to Japan, , that view is not shared-by everyone in the Administration. Last Ynon'fh, to ac , lam J. Casev, chairmantne Central Intelligence Agenc~'denounced-3apan's big stake in American computer companies as "Trojan horses.", a said over-depend- ence on Japanese technolcould tin- derminehis countrv__' "acensetting skills in the U.- Mr. Casey's remark was one. of.. the more dramatic in a ..new debate over commerce with Japan, While the big issue'-of_former years was how tolieal with mushrooming Ja~anesgt ts, the more troubling concern emereine today is the long-term ecancmis_im- pct of the increasing Japanese owner- ship share in perican-factories. This new aspect of the Japanese presence in the United States is being welcomed - even wooed - by many Americans. as a source of needed capi- tal and valuable technology. But as the Japanese expand into join: ventures with Americans in basic -industries such as steel and autos, their economic presence has taken on a double edge. The worries vary from group to group. For labor leaders, the para- mount question is whether the Japa- nese investment will save jobs - and, if so, whether they will be union jobs. The business community is primarily concerned about the immediate threat posed by Japanese competition for do- mestic sales. That issue came to the New WOrry fore last month with Nip- pon Kokan's new invest- ment in National Steel 7 an investment that is likely to make National a more ? competitive sup- plier of steel to United States auto makers. Economists, for their part, have a more long 'term worry: that United States industry will be. deprived of capital if the Japanese take home the profits from their Amer- ican operations, some. thing they have not yet done in - significant amounts. But for all the words of worry, there have been as many or more wel- coming the new Japa- nese investment strat- egy. "It's funny how many companies cling to the notion that the Japa- nese do what they do with mirrors, that they just are not fair," says Thomas M. Hout, vice president of the Boston Consulting Group. "When you get the Japa- nese bringing in new pro- duction and manage- ment techniques, it makes the chal- lenge more tangible. American indus- try will have to shed its lethargy." Japanese investment in Americar business is not new, of course. It ha:, been trickling to American shores for more than a decade. Indeed, Matsushi ta's Quasar television plant in subur ban Chicago is celebrating its 10th anniversary this year, as is the Join l manufacturing venture between Alu . max and its Japanese partners, Mitsui and Nippon Steel. And Sony's chair- man, Akio.Morita, will arrive in San Diego this week to greet the five mil- lionth television set to roll off the com- pany's 12-year-old assembly line there. But what is new about Japanese in- vestment here is its size: In recent months aggressive Japanese comps-' vies - frustrated by stagnant markets at home, and eager to find a way around the import controls that have stifled their American sales - have been pouring yen into American busi- nesses. half of National Intergroup's only the most recent manifestation of the trend that last year pushed Japa- nese investment in the United States up 20 percent from 1982's level - to $10.5 billion. Other sizable recent deals have included Toyota's $230 mil- lion joint venture with General Motors to make subcompact cars at an idle G.M. plant in California and Fuji Bank's $425 million purchase of Walter E. Heller, a Chicago-based financial services firm that special- izes in loans to small and mid-size businesses. The $10.5 billion stake in American business makes Japan the fourth- largest foreign investor in this coun- try, just behind Canada in the value of total holdings, but only half the size of the. Netherlands and Britain. Never- theless, the Japanese are far ahead of the $8 billion that Americans have in- vested in Japanese business. The turning point came in 1981, when Japan's American investments reached $7 billion. The Japanese are following a simi- lar strategy in other countries, and if the trend continues Japanese invest- ment abroad will multiply from $32 billion in 1980 to $150 bi lion by 1990 - Approved For Release 2005/11/28: CIA-RDP91-0090"6400030002-2 STAT r Ti CLE APPEA -Approved For Relea a 2005/11/29: CIA-RDP91-00901 000400030002-2 Las P2-,G=ES TII?S IR TAT S ON PACE 1,Sec. IV 6 May 1984 'rhe CIA Is ari ineffective i mrd t orce `By Thomas Powers soum ROYALTON, VT. Tow what was that all about? In March, six different vessels, including the Russian oil tanker Lugansk, struck mines seeded along the approaches to Nicaraguan harbors. Dam- age was light. Protests followed from 'Britain and France, among others. The contras; fighting to overthrow the Sandin- ista ;regime in Nicaragua from bases in Costt Rica and Honduras, claimed credit for the mining. But everyone knows that the contras are financed by the Central Intelligence Agency, and everyone knows-or _surely ought to know by now-that Operational Rule No. 1 for the CIA in ventures of this sort is control. There -is not a micron of daylight between the contras and the CIA. The tail does not wag the dog. That is a given. No one had-or should have had-to tell the Senate Intelligence Committee that the mining. was a CIA operation from start to finish, just as no one should have had to tell the committee there is no daylight be- tween the CIA and the White House. If the CIA is doing something, the President wants it done. That is another given. So why the big flap in April, settled only after the CIA's director, William J. Casey, apologized to the Senate Intelligence Com- mittee for not having kept it "fully and currently informed" as required by law? There are two answers to this ques- tion-one narrow, one broad, both inter- esting. The narrow answer is that Casey had something to apologize for. The CIA had tried to slip one by the senators-the significant fact that the mining operation was not only conceived and directed but actually carried out by the CIA, using its own paramilitary officers on a "mother - -i} " outside Nicaragua's 12-mile limit nd specially trained commando teams. of "Latin Americans"-so far unidentified- v, ho placed the mines. The contras played only a walk-on role, dutifully "claiming credit" as directed by their case officers. This is not a distinction without a (ifference. The operation marked a signifi- cant step toward "Americanizing" the war a.nd the CIA deliberately fudged the point its briefings because it knew the senators would balk. The Administration wants to win the war in Central America, with Americans if necessary. The Con- gress wants to stay out. The fiction of an arm's-length relationship to the contras represents a working compromise between the White House and Capitol Hill, Hence Senate Intelligence Committee Chairman Barry Goldwater's famous "pissed off" letter to Casey when he learned the agency (and of course the Administration) had tried to put one over on him. - But it's the broad answer that really ought to-interest us in this episode, because it helps to explain why U.S. Presidents have called so often upon their CIA's covert operators since the agency was established in 1947, why the agency-feel- ing heat from the White House-tends to be so impatient for results in the field and why the CIA is failing in Central America as it has so often in the past. The CIA was set up to prevent a repetition, of Pearl I l arbor, by providing a central location for p~ ocessing intelligence from all sources. "gat within a year or two it had taken on t ., o.additional jobs: intelligence collection through its own assets and covert opera- tion's. It was the latter that captured the j.-nagination of Presidents and their advis- e rs. Secretary of Defense Caspar W. Wein- berger recently claimed that there is no corner of the world so remote, no nation so insignificant, that it does not represent a vial interest of the United States. This is a broad claim, but not a new one. American policy has been global in scope at least since the 1948 Berlin blockade, and the CIA offered American Presidents a tool for backing up U.S. interests with bite-some- thing between a diplomatic note of protest and sending in the Marines. Accordingly, in addition to many other tasks, the CIA was directed to support and sometimes COnblived STAT Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-0090.1 R000400030002-2 roved For ReleasbbO/:(/2&*EIA-RDP91-00901 Central American Worries Some tough battles with Congress loom in the next few weeks over Mr. Reagan's requests for funds for the t MX missile and the production of chemical warfare weapons. Both are in trouble because of doubts on Capitol Hill about the Administration's strategy of building up the American arsenal as an incentive for Moscow to ne- gotiate. But the foreign polity area that the White House ~~ 1~ e Presideftt fears most is Central America. Mr. Reagan's aides are wrestling with the question of how much to inject the Flies President into the coming dispute over milt ance to El Salvador and to the 'Y assist- Their concern has been shy, in Nicaragua. 4 ain trati ed bL.hat AdyF sa are fresh int ence its that a ma or k- D u an-s nso em a nsive` is in E1 Salvo thi o ^ r s s11 tznn for the height of {-` the .erican election cam i na I3e talk in th Adi vemn- istration has xurned to fears that El Salvador could go 01- '"down the-drain, as a White House aide pat it last week unless military aid is drastically increased, and soon. In ~"` the glow of Mr. Reagati's triumph in China, the question at the' White b l m- S House is whether he should e chaag the sub- 1 j ect 4o quickly. "My own feeling is that I'd rather get it out/of the way now; -said a : Presidential aide. "That's preferable to having the situation blowup, presenting the By STEVEN R. WEISMAN . President with a real crisis In October," Caution would dictate not pushing El Salvador back' WASHINGTON to the top of the agenda,.and James A. Baker 3d;-the AVORING the rave reviews of his trip to China,', White House chief of staff who is knost~ for his caution, is president Reagan retreated from stage for said to believe that in the past Mr. keagan's cries of rest Camp David, His top from the had g for a : alarm over Central America have drawn as much opposi. lusuy.They immediately began plans n tlon as support. But White House aides also said that Rob- on re- an next opelu ur the imme election a road show in for tch for the. ert C. McFarlane, the national security adviser, was phere of optimism and wariness. The President, several said, f rr aodrie ooblame theme are be if El a lvdor is aides say, is performing so well politically that it is eerie. set back for lack of military support, if El Sat Salvador is starting with a pos- In spite of a bitter stalemate with the Soviet Union, a loss sible television address thiweek. of American influence in the Middle East, immense con- troversy over. Central America and a worrisome surge in White House aides are h' st that the results of the interest rates, his approval ratings keep climbing.. . Salvador ection t ay 1 Ater their .But the White House aides say the main reasons for Mr. Rea- concede that tt,eir se ling a fort is _Arder because b. gan's popularity are the economic expansion and the J).d ps hec : C~st~ar . Weinberger and William J Lwev President's continuing ability to project an image of lead i e DC ecto* of Central s -ybea use of his l te _ t 'tol ership .and statesmanship.On the agenda of a White credibility on Ce Cov n w Mr, Case W bemuse an of his state gout e COth- vert t?ar zri~~ir an_ ham; ",rein-gu. content of television cam ai cause house political strategy meeting last Thursday was the berger be of his hard line oa -military *p gn spots to be aired starting (Pentagon budget cutting, page 3.) The White pe House, May 21. Not surprisingly, they are to emphasize general meanwhile, of firmness of resolve and confidence in America into the , finances cof Whit be use cou elo by the iM ese under Mr. Reagan. Commercials with footage from the d' Mr. Rof hine House counselor Edwin Meese China trip concluded last week and the meeting with. But Administration nominee for Attorney they aeeap Pope John Paul II in Alaska are to come later in the year., vitality of Mr. Ragan tir. Reagan's re-election siiy hey are pleased J. R the Rs re rectocampaign. The White House's instincts are to be cautious. The with time has long past for bold budget initiatives. The caution' gether Edward d what olinof lls, the solid campaign organization, has there is will be vindicated if," as expected, Congress to be a solid organvatia, and there is "down ngress enacts a i talk of surpassing the early projection of enrolling more payment on the deficit consisting of modest ! than two million new voters to counter the Democratic spending cuts and tax increases. According to White House officials, the President is also said to be planning a registration Houses banking on a season oaf pageantry. The cautious strategy on nuclear arms talks with the Soviet Presidential cavalcade is embarking June 1 on a trip to. Union. "Arms control is on the shelf until the Russians the Reagan ancestral home in Ireland, an economic sum_ decide to take it off," said a Presidential aide. "Either mit in London and a celebration of the4Oth anniversary of way, it's not a political problem for Reagan." DD h ay on t e beaches of Nod Ski -rmany.peang of the China trip, Michael K. Deaver, the White House's chief image-maker, said last week, "We've really got our work cut out for us to top this one in Europe." STAT Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400030002-2 1~ ` ICI~E ~' yet Approved For ReleasUT25/TTMW,13CIA-RDP91-009011000400030002-2 ON Pb.(zE._._. 5 May 1 98l 9lil?llllllT the Bonker measure passed by a voice x ore last shI g ton year. The Garn-Heinz bill, on the other cane, would. tighten controls over trade that would asist the Communist bloc, transferring enforceme it from Commerce to Customs and giving the Dep,mment of Defense far greater authority over what high- tech items should be sold to Western companies which, in turn, might be eager to illegally divert such goods behind the Iron Curtain. What is astonishing is just how much the Soviets are getting because of various Administration ef- forts to promote - or failures to contain - East-West trade. In a remarkable, but little noted speech before the Commonwealth -'tub in California on April 3, CIA Director William Casey painted a scarifying picture of how the So- viets were obtaining Western technology to build up their awesome military system. The following is a small excerpt from his speech: "'During the fate 1970s, the Soviets got about 30,000 samples of Western production, equip- ment, weapons and military components, a.,d over 4(X),000 technical documents.. both class.ifie.d and unclassified. The majority was of U.S. origin, with an increasing share of our technology obtained through Western Europe and Japan. "This truly impressive take was acqui ed by both legal and illegal means, including esp,onage_ We estimate that during this period, the k,GB and its military equivalent, the GRU, end their surro- gates among the East European intelligen e ser- vices, illegally stole about -10 per cent if the technology., most significant to Soviet n ilitarv Casey'sEye-Opener flow The Soviets fret Our Technology Senate and House conferees are still struggling over which version of the Export Administration Act should pass: the House version, authored by Rep. Don Bonker (D.-Wash.), one of the most liberal lawmakers in Congress, or the legislation largely co-authored by Senators Jake Garn (R. Utah) and John Heinz (R.-Pa.). The Bonker bill, as HUMAN EVENTS has previously reported, radically weakens restrictions aimed at preventing liigh-technology items from winding up in Communist bloc countries. "The KGB is happy, but I am autgry," said U.S. Com- missioner of Customs, William Von Raab, when equipment and weapons programs. -The Soviets had our plans to the before it flew. --The Soviet trucks which rolled into A e,han- istan came from a plant outfitted with $1.5 'illion of modern American and European machin:-r' . "-The precise gyros and bearings in their latest generation of ICBMs were designed by us. --The radar in their AWACS is ours. -Their space shuttle is a virtual copy of or,rs_ -And the list goes on and on. Continued Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400030002-2 STAT Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400030002-2 "Just how do the Soviets get so much of our technology? "First of all, they comb through our-open literature, buy through legal trade channels, religiously attend our scientific and technological conferences, and send students over here to study. Between 1970 and 1976, the Soviets purchased some $20 billion of Western equipment and machinery, some of which had potential military applications. In addition to exploiting all open, legal channels, they use espionage. "There are now several thousand Soviet bloc collection officers at work primarily in the United States, Western Europe, and Japan. And as. I stated before, your firms here in Silicon Valley are at the very top of their list. The Soviets especially pinpoint and target small, highly, innovative com- panies in the computer and microelectronics field, not only because they are at the leading edge of the technologies that Moscow is most in' need of, but also because such. firms' security procedures are usually inadequate to protect against penetration by a determined, hostile intelligence service. "They also use sophisticated international diver- sion operations. We have identified some 300 firms operating froni'more than 30 countries engaged in such diversion schemes. And there are probably many more that remain unidentified. Most diver- sions occur by way of Western Europe, which is why we have made such a strong effort to enlist the help of our European allies in combating illegal trade activities. "U.S. microelectronics production technology is the single most significant industrial technology acquired by the Soviets since the end of World War II. Silicon Valley and your firms are the 12 primary target of Soviet and East European Intel- ligence Services. In the late 1970s alone, Moscow. acquired several thousands of pieces of Western microelectronics equipment worth hundreds of millions of dollars in all of the major processing and production. areas: "-Wafer preparation, "-Circuit mask processing, "-Device fabrication, and "-Assembly and test equipment, which they are most in need of. "With these.gains, the Soviets have systematic- ally built a modern microelectronics industry. For example, the. Zelenograd ' Science Center, the Soviet equivalent of 'Silicon Valley, was equipped, literally from scratch, with Western technology.- All monolithic integrated ciruits are copies of U.S. designs. They even copied the imperfections contained in some of the U.S. samples! "The West must organize to protect its military, industrial, commercial, and scientific commu- nities, keeping two objectives clearly in view. First, the West must seek to maintain its technolog;cal lead time over the Soviets in vital design and manu- facturing, know-how. Second, manufacturing, in- spection, and, most importantly, automatic test equipment, which can alleviate acute Soviet defici- encies in military-related manufacturing areas, must be strictly controlled." The hemorrhaging of our technology to the Soviet Union may be difficult to stem, but it is cer- tain to continue-and, indeed worsen-if the Con- gress ends up embracing anything like the Bonker measure. Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400030002-2 --~/' 4 May 1984 Letters to the Editor Soviet-Cuban gains in Central America (presumably Nicaragua, particularly) than 'about reports that his agency has supervised the mining of Nicaraguan harbors. He makes the point that the rebels seeking to overthrow the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua, who only number "perhaps 15,000 men with rifles scattered around the open, unpopulated parts of the country..." are likely to fail. "They can't go ' into the cities," he says, "which the government is protecting with tanks and 75,000 men in the army, the militia and the security forces." I wonder if Mr. Casey forgets, or merely ignores, the fact that the recent Salvadoran governments which we have been vigorously and at great cost supporting have been responsible for driving out of their own country. all or most of the 800,000-odd citizens who have al- ready fled El Salvador and settled in Mexico, other Central American countries, the U. S. (about 500,000) and Canada. lieves the American public is more concerned about the wave of immi- gration that would follow new Central America It appears to me that the ex- treme right wing governments that Editor: Central Intelligence we usually support often create far Agency director William J. Casey's larger waves of immigration than logic escapes me. He says he W,4 some governments of the left. If the anti-government forces in Nicaragua can muster only 15,000 men who are willing and able to fight, as against 75,000 who fight for the government,. maybe we should rethink which group is more legitimate by virtue of which real- ly owns the hearts and minds of the people. As with Vietnam, Chile and elsewhere, I suppose we shall nev- er learn to, stay out of other coun- tries' elections and civil wars .(or at least to pick the right side if we must be foolish and intervene). We usually always listen to the hawks who cry out slogans such as "possible - Communist takeover" and "domino theory" and the like! Why are we so easily led down the "garden path?" Irwin H. Desser. Baltimore. Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400030002-2 STAT Y ON SAGE e4 - 4 lfa& I of coed For Release 2QQ5/~Y? ? DP91-0 !1z, ~!'. 1.L.I~:~.IJ REAGAN MAY PRESS FOR SALVADOR AID Aides Expect the President to Give TV Address and Put Blame on Congress By STEVEN R. WEISMAN speciiltDTWNewYorkTtma_...`._.,? WASHINGTON, May 3 White House officials, alarmed about the military situation in El Salvador, ex-, pert President Reagan to give.a tele- vised address this month charging that, Congress will be to blame if the Salva- doran Government is not given the military aid he says it needs. "It's extremely important that the President lay it out for the American people so they know what's involved," a senior White House official said today. 'Me people should know that if El Salvador goes down the tube, it'll be the result of the failure of appropria- tions by Congress." Tne soi:.rce of concern among White House aides was said to be. recent intel-, figence reports that a ma`ot r Cuban- s cored gilerri la offensive is being Manned in Ell Salvador this fail, timed for h~etnt of the American elect2on aamuati. McFarlane Said to Be Worried A White House official said Robert C. McFarlane, the President's nationalI security adviser, had become ex- tremely concerned that El Salvador could go "down the drain" unless there was a drastic increase in military aid. He said Mr. McFarlane had been pressing since before Mr. Reagan left for China last month for a speech to a joint session of Congress appealing for his military aid package, which is fac- ing major difficulty in both the House and the Senate. Earlier this yeadr, Mi .. Reagan asked for $93 million in military assitance to El Salvador.. The Republican-con- trolled Senate approved only $63 mil- lion. After the House wtnild not approve any money before its Easter recess, the Administration channeled $32 million to El Salvador under the President's emergency powers. White House aides suggested the Three officials said both James A.' Central America situation was the big- Baker 3d, the White House chief of gent difficulty Mr. Reagan faces now staff, and Michael K. Deaver, the thathe is back from what China. deputy chief of staff, had opposed hav- The President, exhausted from thel ing a speech to a joint session of Con- trip and a one,-day stopover in Fair-1 gress. But one official said Mr. Bakery banks, Alaska, to see Pope John Paul, favored some kind of a televised ad-; II, flew to the Presidential retreat at -dress, perhaps from the Oval Office. Camp David, Md., for the weekend. Several officials said Mr. McFarlane ! White House aides said he would prob was supported in his concern by Secre.- ably receive a recommendation on the terry of State George P. Shultz, Defense format of the speech this weekend. d Secretary Caspar W. Weinberger an Wiliam J. Casev Director of Central ~nteiligence. . `Need to Show It in May' The White House is understood to be debating waether Mr. Reashould go c to congress an as for the on inarz ai ii1 on n tare asstggI ance, given the latest intelligence re- nts of the situation in El Salvador. The amount Mr. Reagan plans to re- quest is said to be unresolved. Some Frustration Reported Several White House aides said there had n some tivrorig tsp. members of the President's staff oven A White House official said; ,"The na- tale performance o both Mr, H c&y ard tional security community believes ?Mr. Weinberger ' or aid in that we need to show commitment, and we need to show it in May `because of y said both officialc had lost c~ed- the problem that is coming in Septem. ibiiity beca?ce aj ~, it d ~lin.g w;th her and October." - members of Congress on various issues Another official, however, said Mr.' = f,~ase`v because of his statements Baker and Mr. Deaver, the leading about covert assistaag- t c ? strategists at the White House for Mr. Nicaragua and Mr. Weinberger be- Reagan's -re-election campaign, were cause of his fights over the military concerned that a major push on Central budget. America could cost the President pout-! Key officials said the degree to which ical support. Mr. Reagan pushes for a military aid "Right now, we get heavy negatives package to El Salvador is likely to be a on our Central America policy," a .test of Mr. McFarlane's influence in White House aide said, alluding to pub- , the White House. Mr. McFarlane was lic-opinion polls. "But it's not very high: named national security adviser last in the public's consciousness. The con-1 October, succeeding William P. Clark, cern is that if we make a big deal out of who was named Interior Secretary. . it, we won't change anyone's mind and Mr. Clark was known in the White we'll just invite people to dump on us." House for taking a hard line on aid to He added, "The staff is at odds over Central America, and he fought Mr. 1 what's the payoff for a big push by the Baker and Mr. Deaver on this and President." - other issues. 1 i ' "Bill Cl ark was somebody whould Preserving Democracy co Another official, however, said Mr. go in to the Oval Office, close the door and say to the Pm idpnt that ho 1. A t., a ree at majo g - " ` i do this," a White House aide said. "Itt drive on behalf of the military aid pack-II remains to be seen if Bud is able toll age was in order. He said Mr. Baker 1 " felt that Central America was an un-. have that sort of clout avoidable political issue and that it could be won if the President put it in terms of "the issue of preserving democracy.".- STAT Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400030002-2 Y Oh' PAGE L-/p l+ May 1984 ARTICLE APPS roved For Release M?JW~? : 1-RDP91-00901R09 congress failed to check CIA in study past, says WASHINGTON (AP) - Con- after William J. Casey, the CIA di- gress made "virtually no effort" to rector, acknowledged last week check on the Central Intelligence that he had not adequately briefed Agency's activities in Southeast the panel about the agency's super- Asia during the years that led to vision of the mining of Nicaraguan U.S. ? involvement in the Vietnam - ports. War, a congressional report said The study, prepared for the For- yesterday. eign Relations Committee by Li- The Senate Forei R I ti n e b g a ons Committee's issuance of the study coincided with a meeting of the Senate Intelligence Committee to tighten its monitoring of the CIA in Central America and elsewhere. The report also came amid ris- ing concern in Congress that the Reagan administration's policies for combating communism in Cen- tral America could lead to a Viet- nam-style war in the region. The Intelligence Committee called yesterday's closed meeting rary of Congress researchers , highlighted both similarities and differences between congressional oversight of the CIA now and in the 1950s. I "Although the agency's role in Indochina was and continued there- after to be very active, there was virtually no effort made by Con- gress during this time to examine what the agency was doing or the consequences of its activities, or to exercise any control over those ac- tivities," the report said. STAT Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400030002-2 DTI~t~ 'ap oved For Release,, 5&.J#A?r q#jRPJP1-09~170 ON PACE F / 4 May 19B4 J II Duarte Victory Could Help Reagan Effort to Salvage Central America Aid Plan By DAVID ROGERS Staff Reporter of THE WALL ST'REE:T JOURNAL WASHINGTON - Jose Napoleon Duarte's likely victory Sunday in El Salva- dor's presidential election poses a double- edged sword for President Reagan in his own war at home with Congress over mili- t.ary aid to Central America. Mr. Duarte's moderate, democratic im- age is a crucial asset for the Reagan ad- ministration in its struggle to win addi- tional aid for El Salvador. Yet Air. Duarte's flexibility toward negotiations and his credibility among liberals and moderates in the U.S. Congress also serves as a reminder of what critics contend is missing in Mr. Reagan's policies in the re- gion. "Duarte has met and talked on policy issues with more members of Congress than Ronald Reagan," says-Re-p.- James Leach (R., Iowa). "The President has shaken more hands, but Duarte has really been around." And even as Air. Reagan seems on the verge of winning new aid forEl Sahador, mistrust of the Central Intelligence Agency's cover war in Nicaragua has hadh undercut support for that separate operation. The president has never been weer or, that second front. The Demo- cratic--controlled House seems prepared to force a confrontation, and Air. Reagan is pitted against a House Intelligence Com- mittee that commands unusual personal and institutional ties within the chamber. Mindful of this, senior Republicans are urging the President to use the Salvador elections-and a Duarte victory-as an' op- portunity to insert himself more directly in the debate by delivering a major address on Central America. "Bring out the map and just get down to the dang fundamentals," says House Mi- nority Leader Robert Michel (R., Ill.). Air. Reagar's close friend. Sen. Paul Laxalt (R., Nev.), has made the same point in pri- vate talks with the president. "I think he has to get out and explain the policy," says Mr.' Laxalt. "We politicians think that what we say is so profound that, once the bet] rings, it rings forever. The interest span is short out there." Recent debate has been clouded by the internal politics of congressional appropri- ations committees. The effects of the Sal- vadoran elections may start to become ap- parent next week when the House leader- ship is expected to bring the 1985 foreign. aid authorization bill to the floor. This will provide an opportunity for votes on El Sal- vador aid. And though this bill itself may never clear Congress, the debate will help determine later action on spending legisla- tion. The House Appropriations Committee Senate before the first round of Salvadoran elections, the number was cut to $61.8 mil- 1 lion. Now, when the president has a chance t to get more money, he finds the debate has been defined in terms of only a third of his .-original request. voted Wednesday to ignore a Senate- ; passed bill providing 561.8 million in mili- tary aid for the Salvadoran regime. But if Mr. Duarte is elected, Democrats are con- fident of winning approval for these funds. Mr. Duarte's effectiveness in El Salvador has been mixed, but to the U.S. Congress he remains one of the best-known Central American leaders and a man capable of coming to the Capitol and building constit- uencies for his country. The debate seems certain to focus less on the level of aid and more on what condi- tions will be attached, with critics contend- ing that conditions are needed to strengthen Duarte's ability to carry out a land redistribution program and end hu- man-rights abuses. The administration's real frustration is that, in its rush to win quick approval of some increased funding, it allowed the amount to be whittled down substantially from what Air. Reagan first requested. Af- ter asking for $178 million, the State De- partment came in for a down payment of $92.8 million in March. To buy peace in the e. prospects are bleaker on funding for the CIA-backed war in Nicaragua._The disclosure re in last mmionnth of the agency's di ing - oa icaraguan har- bors hurt ilie-aamintsfration adIy- hY while CIA Director9Tlia asey has patched up differences with influential sen- ators; h_ e and the entire operation are viewed with more sus icion. ^iF ea rs ~;o a n a enate won't re- peat itself," sans Sen. Daniel Inouve (D_ Ha_waiii, who played a key role in securing both the El Salvador money and $21 mil- lion for the CIA operation "It won't be v the same margin."' e House voted twice last year to cut off funds for Nicaraguan rebels, and ap- pears determined to enforce a $24 million ceiling for the current fiscal year ending Sept. 30. The CIA can't legally spend above this level, and the issue Dortends a con- frontation between Congress and thei)resi- dent. " "The available funding may be stretched out until next month, but unless some com- promise is reached U.S. support for the Nicaraguan operation \will have to be ended: Air. Casey, in closed-door congres- sional testimony yesterday, indicated that contingency plans haven't been made for ending U.S. assistance; but the remaining aid is estimate at less t an 1 mt ton, ac cording to intelligence sour s; It is a striking contrast ron, El Salva- dor. where congressional opposition always has been more vocal than real, because of fear of being blamed for a Communist takeover. In Nicaragua, the mining and CIA-supervised attacks on oil-storage tan Ts an a a vadoran suer rtllradio sta- tion cast the U.S. as the aggressor. a much less comfortable role for Congress. Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400030002-2 Approved For Release 20 1W8 QUA F 400030002-2 4 May 1984 ALEXANDER SAYS ADMINISTRATION LIED TO CONGRESS BY JEFF NECESSARY LITTLE ROCK, ARK. CIA director William F. Casey and other administration officials have lied; STAT to Congress about American policy in Central America, Rep. Bill Alexander, D-ArK., said Friday. Alexander, a Democratic leader in the House, recently returned from a congressional tour of Central America. He said Casey should be removed from the top spot in the intelligence agency. The administration has not revealed its plan to Congress," Alexander said in a Little Rock news conference. ''In fact, Bill Casey and other members of the administration have lied to Congress about what the policy is. Bill Casey should be replaced.'' Alexander, who toured the region last week along with Georgia Democrat Wyche Fowler and Ohio Republican Ralph Regula, said President Reagan has not stated a clear policy for the region and has bungled his efforts at '"gunboat diplomacy " through military force. Alexander suggested a five-part program to bring stability to the region: An immediate " stand down' ' of all armies. Installation of a peace keeping force. The end of all arms shipments from the outside. -- A summit meeting of Western Hemisphere nations to discuss the existing problems and work on solutions. " if our policy is to overthrow the Sandinista government in Nicaragua, " Alexander said. ' 'we are fighting the wrong enemy. The enemy is not communism. The enemy is poverty, hunger and years of oppression. What is needed in Central America is a comprehensive policy to deal with those problems that foment discontent and cause people to take arms against their government. " "The Central American leaders say, 'Do not escalate the war in Central America, the congressman said. ' 'Military policy has failed in Central America. Alexander said his discussions with Edgar Chamorro, a leader of the U.S.-backed Nicaraguan Democratic Force revealed that the CIS, alorto wig previously revealed covert operations on land and sea, has a secret air force that is bombing Nicaraguan targets using Salvadoran pilots " The CIA is managing a war that's too big to hide and too hot to handle, " Alexander said, adding his belief that the intelligence agency was put in charge of tn;e Central American operation because the Pentagon wouldn't touch it. Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R00040W64-2 ApprovdAfkaLR ;PN PAGE By Joanne Omang and Don'Oberdorfer - w~nt ,acst~r whc e~ Rep 'William F. Goodhng{R, P&), amem her of the House untelligenceCOmniitte _e, yes ' td:wed foh eray-r te -resignation "of CIA h - rector' Wtllram = Casey{