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January 31, 1984
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Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R00040 ARTICLE AFFZA r OI SAGE _ WASHINGTON TIMES 31 January 1984 he scorecard shows `plusses' Sy Edward Neilan WASHINGTON TIMES STAFF Fifty major terrori st organiza- tions are now operating worldwide and all -of -them are.-for hire;.a gov- ernment source said yesterday. U.S: intelligence has . increased the number of agents combating these terrorists,-some of whom op- erate on a free-lance basis and oth=' ers who have organizational back- ing or operate under the tacit blessing of the Soviet Union. . .'The administration is endorsing an- international approach to fighting terrorism .similar -to worldwide measures against `pi- racy in centuries past. - A highly placed source,-speaking on the condition that names would be withheld and no one would be quoted directly,- gave this overview of -world intelligence issues: The defection or expulsion of 147 Soviet KGB agents in 20 countries around'-:the - -world - Iasi 'year amounted to a tremendous setback for Moscow. The effect has been so serious that Soviet emphasis"is be- ing. shifted from intelligence to counterintelligence. In addition to the KGB reversals, the Soviet Union and client states suffered setbacks or found their hands full in Nicaragua, Af- ghanistan and Cambodia. Other na- tions are experiencing more suc- cess in resisting Soviet-sponsored infiltration. Terrorism remains the one area where Soviet-backed operations are increasing and there is concern that the upcoming Olympic Games in Los Angeles will be eyed as a target by these groups. The main training grounds for the most active terrorist groups are Libya, South Yemen, Syria, Bul- garia and the Soviet Union. It is known that the Oct. 23 bomb- ing of the U.S. Marine headquarters in Beirut was carried out by a Shi'ite group of about 20 members. The mission was launched from a base camp in the Bekaa Valley.'The members of the group stopped off at a mosque in downtown-Beirut for blessing before carrying out the at- tack. The source said published re- .ports that as many as 500 American intelligence agents are aiding the 12,000 to 18,000 contra guerrillas fighting against the Marxist San- dinista regime in Nicaragua are er- roneous..The figure is closer to 20 and the results of their efforts were described as remarkable. Reports that the administration was downplaying an alleged Soviet Vf in the -1981 attempt to-.assas- sinate-Pope John Paul II also were denied. The source said the KGB was known to have been involved in murder-in the past and there were direct links between the alleged as- sassin Mehmet Ali Agca and Bul- garian Intelligence, which in turn works closely with the KGB. . There has been a gradual buildup in the CIA's Directorate of Oper- ations as part of the administra- tion's response to Soviet-backed terrorism and other clandestine op- erations. The directorate was reduced when the CIA was headed by Stans- field Turner in the administration of President Carter. President Rea- gan replaced Turner with William Casey. who served in the World War II Office of Strategic Services, the predecessor of the CIA. Mr.Casey was presidential cam- paign manager for Mr. Reagan. The source said U.S. intelligence operatives now combine ' both ap- proaches as in a recent reaction to a terrorist incident in Africa in which hostages taken by terrorists were freed unharmed. Described as "Star Wars in the bush;" the case was satisfactorily handled by teamwork among the lo- cal U.S. intelligence station chief, a pair of agents flown out from Wash- ington, plus information gleaned from sophisticated photography techniques that pinpointed loca- tions of guards. An analysis of the photographs was done in Washington and flown back to the site, where it was used to extract the hostages without in- jury'. STAT Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 A.Ri I r'LE A PEPRjroved For Release NEW 2WOYORK288 CIS -RDP91-00901 R0 ON PAGz 31 January 1981+ - - - campaign-related activities. /~ ? These and other legal precautions Now That It's -Offic ial, Vampai n are dart of what one White House aide I-said was "post-Watergate overkill" aimed at skirting abuses like the politi- Is a Cen tra l White House Co n tern cal scandals that helped drive Richard W By STEVEN R. WEISMAN SpeeW toTb? NewYorkTlmes WASHINGTON, Jan. 30 -- With President Reagan a declared candi- date for re-election, White House offi- cials report that the campaign has be- came a central fact of life in planning, scheduling, policy decisions and Presi- dential appearances. The officials said today.thatMr. Rea- gan would make perhaps two political trips s month before the .Republican National Convention-in Dallas, Aug. 20- 23. In addition, members 'and former members of the Cabinet will join with ,perhaps 20 Senators and Representa- i tives to serve as "surrogate" speakers at political events throughout the coun- try. "I'll be all over the place," :said Commerce Secretary Malcolm Bald. M. Nixon from the hite House 10 years ago. Some of the precautions ac- tually began in October, when the Rea- gan-Bush'84 Committee was formed.. Paul Laxalt of Nevada is officially the chairman of the Reagan-Bush '84 Com- mittee and Edward J. Rollins is the campaign director. Mr. Baker's pri- macy is symbolized by his holding every Tuesday of political strategy meetings attended by all the senior-ad- i visers at both the !campaign and the White House.. As the campaign permeates the White House, Mr. Baker and Fred F. .Fielding, the President's counsel, have directed that certain precautions be taken to keep government and political activities separate. For example: 19 Memorandums have been sent to staff members of the National Security Council and the Office of Policy Devel- opment to avoid participating in any rige. I campaign-related activities. These Some Won't Campaign staff members fall under the Hatch Act, -which bars certain Federal em={ Officials said certain rec a of : pioyees from engaging in politics. II bets would follow the precedent nt of 9Although Mr, Baker holds the being exempted from direct campaign-1 weekly meetings in his White House of- sog, except for general 'speeches de- lice, other Government offices have fending Administration policies. These been declared off-limits to political would be Secretary of State George P. events. Shultz, Defense Secretary Caspar W. 9The Reagan-Bush '84 Committee is I Weinberger, and William J. Casey, the paying for some Presidential activities Director of Central Intelligence. previously paid for by the Government, Also exempt would be Edwin Meese including the reception for campaign workers Sunday night and Ms. Rea. ad, the White House counselor, after he = gan's trip to Atlanta last weak. is confirmed as Attorney General. , 9 White House officials have been di- James A. Baker 3d, the White House chief of staff, is widely regarded as the chief, of the campaign?though Senator rected not to use Government can to travel to events at the campaign head- quarters. On Sunday, it was reported that Mr. Baker used a Government car to travel to a television studio for an in- terview, but drove his own car to a fund-raiser later. (Mr. Baker has designated his exec- utive assistant,: Margaret Tutwiler, to serve as the direct liaison representa- tive with the campaign. The Reagan- Bush campaign has installed and paid for a separate non-White House tele phone in her office for calls to discuss Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL Approved For Release c20t lh 18 -RDP91-00901R(0bi0 WASHINGTON REAGAN LOYALISTS LIVE IT UP BY NORMAN D. SANDLER N For most of the politicians and pundits, the suspense had ended weeks ago. But when President Reagan made his re-election bid official Sunday night, jubilation swept over hundreds of loyalists who had to hear the words from Reagan himself. The celebration was in full swing long before Reagan went on television from the Oval Office. For some, it did not end until long afterward. Lured by 10 bars, wide-screen televisions and entertainment by Lionel Hampton and his band, more than 1,000 Reagan loyalists marked the formal start of the campaign in rousing style in the ballroom of a hotel not far from the White House. There were hats, buttons and red, white and blue balloons. Banners suspended from railings sounded the Reagan campaign themes. "Let's finish the job,'' read one. "America is back, " declared another. Fortified by the hype and hoopla, the crowd burst into applause and cheers when Reagan's image appeared on a huge television screen at 10:55 p.m. EST, drowning out the first few words of the announcement they had come to hear. The cheering and chanting went on for a full 60 seconds after his image faded from the screen. As the crowd broke into song -- ''As Reagan and Bush go marching in ..." --~ one veteran campaign worker summed up the night's events... ''Not much of a surprise," he said, ''but a hell of a way to start a campaign. " The guests included veterans of past Reagan campaigns and converts like George Wittgraf, who four years ago helped engineer George Bush's victory over Reagan in the first-round Iowa caucuses. This year, Wittgraf is co-chairman of the Reagan campaign in Iowa. If anyone had any doubts about what Reagan would say, they hid them well, "I think Reagan just might announce tonight,'' said GOP strategist Stuart Spencer, who has been involved in the campaign for months. ''Confident? Sure I'm confident,'' said longtime Reagan associate Lyn Nofziger, sporting a Mickey Mouse tie. CIA Director William Casey, who managed Reagan's 1980 campaign, was there. So was Max Hugel, a campaign aide who resigned under fire early in the adminxsa ion as Casey's deputy for covert operations. Sen. Strom Thurmond, R-S.C., had a handshake for everyone. Asked about Reagan's Southern strategy, Thurmond replied, "It's gonna go real good.', Those most responsible for planning and carrying out the campaign sounded optimistic chords, but added a note of caution to keep the troops on guard. STA1 Approved For Release 2005/11/28: CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050ZVUED Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 We're expecting a close race and a tough race. These things have a tendency to tighten up,'' said White House chief of staff James Baker, who ran George Bush's 1980 campaign against Reagan for. the Republican nomination and will help direct this year's effort from the White House. Edward Rollins, who transferred from the White House to the campaign committee last October, exhorted the campaign workers to work hard. ''The campaign organization they have is going to be a hell of a lot better than the candidate they have,'' Rollins said. Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 Approved For Release 1/EI~~'-7000400050003-9 30 January 1984 WASHINGTON BY DANIEL.F. GILMORE The expulsion, defection or transfer of 147 Sovie countries around the globe during 1983 has clearly pu agency on the defensive, U.S. officials said Monday! . Aside from their KGB losses, they said, the Soviet suffered serious resistance and more forceful reactiorhb uy yUYCFrrnici1L w infiltration attempts. The officials also said Soviet agents face other problems around the world, notably in Afghanistan and Cambodia. At the same time, they said, U.S. intelligence has been increasing manpower to counter some 50 major, identifiable terrorist groups worldwide, many of them under Soviet control or operating with Moscow's tacit approval. The officials requested that their names, and the names of the government agencies for which they work, be withheld. They said the administration is moving toward a concerted international effort to combat terrorism and likened the approach to international efforts to halt piracy during the 16th and 17th centuries. The sources said the CIA's Directorate of Operations, which supervises agents abroad and clandestine operations, has been built up to s t rength following a cutback made under Stansfield Turner during the Carter admninistration. Turner was succeeded as CIA director by William Casey, a former chief of the World War II Office of Strategic Services that preceded the CIA, and former presidential campaign manager for Ronald Reagan. Turner was said to have been intrigued by technical gathering of intelligence. He cut back heavily on headquarters experts and analysts and relied heavily on machinery. Casey, however, Is known to prefer people to machines for close-in intelligence gathering and assessment. There is every sign Casey intends to stay on as chief of all U.S. intelligence agencies and continue his present policies if Reagan is re-elected. At the State Department, a spokesman confirmed that U.S. officials held two days of meetings last week with officials from the '' summit seven '' countries to discuss ''our continuing joint efforts on protection of diplomatic personnel' from terrorists. The State Department said the president will soon announce a legislative package that will outline the American role in cooperative measures to combat terrorism. The seven nations who meet annually at the economic summits are: Britain, Canada, France, Japan, Germany, Italy and the United States. On other matters, the officials disputed published charges that the administration is ''covering up'' alleged Soviet complicity in the 1981 attempt to assasinBlWpp4 @d.#*R6aaie?2D05/11/28: CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 Approved For Release 2005/11/28: CIA-RDP91-00901R00 ARTICLE APPEARED ON PAGE____ WASHINGTON POST 30 January 1984 Od Odd tic Casey Says Hart's Criticism Of Finances Is `Demagoguery' CIA Director William J. Casey accused Sen. Gary Hart (6- Colo.) yesterday of "demagogu- ery" for criticizing Casey's finan- cial transactions while in office. Campaigning in Iowa--Satur- day for the Democratic presiden- tial nomination, Hart rebuked President Reagan for condoning what Hart called a. staggering amount of unethical and improp- er conduct on the part' of high- ranking officials. Hart criticized Casey, among others, for not putting his holdings in .a blind trust until mid-1983, when the Senate "threatened to pass a res- olution demanding that he do so." In a statement, Casey assailed Hart for "this bit of demagogu- ery." Casey said he had been complying with the Ethics in Government Act, which called for mandatory disclosure of fi- nancial -transactions, and termed it "rather shabby? for Hart" to find fault now with dealings that 'were duly reported under the law. Casey traded more than $3 million in stock in 1982 through an investment adviser. Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 S7A STAT Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000400050 ARTICLE AFPEABED ON PAGE WASHINGTON POST T0JE 00N [jy -./"/ 29 January 1984 art Takes President tO Task for Appointees' Unethical Conduct By George Lardner Jr. ne saia. -Ana once again, allegations of -nff;.5 1 In the toughest speech of his pres- idential. campaign, Sen. Gary Hart j (D-Colo.) accused the administration yesterday of a staggering record of unethical and improper conduct and sharply chastised President Reagan for condoning it. "Abuse of government has become a way of life in this administration, yet it seems to concern no one very much-including the president him- self," Hart said. "I think it should ... . "To date," he said, "almost 50 high-ranking officials of the Reagan administration have faced serious allegations involving criminal wrong- doing, unethical behavior or abuses of power and privilege ... To date, at least 25 high-ranking appointees have resigned, been fired or had their :nominations withdrawn in the wake of scandals involving their in- tegrity." Hart laid out his complaints be- fore the George Washington Debate Society in Cedar Rapids, Iowa. Aides said he intended to make them, a ..kind of conduct Hart had in mind. by pronouncements of -presidential confidence-and support:" Hart said it -was time that the president, "the :man ultimately re- sponsible for the -behavior of his ap- pointees," be called to account. "Ronald Reagan can blame Con- gress for his own runaway deficits. He can blame other nations for his own foreign policy failures. He can't blame anyone but himself for the the ethical problems of his- own people ....Such a persistent pattern of wrongdoing can only suggest that this president condones wrongdoing by subordinates, and in keeping many of these people in power long after scandal has undercut their ef- fectiveness, Ronald Reagan demon- strates not strength but weakness," Hart said. The speech contained no new al- legations or disclosures. Hart's press secretary, Kathy Bushkin, said it was intended as a catalogue of the. major tneme or nits campaign. "Too many Reagan officials seem to have been appointed not for their commitment to public service, but for their ability to feather their own nests," Hart said. "They view their jobs not as stewards of the public trust, but opportunities to feed at the public trough." Hart said the lessons of the Wa- tergate scandals that seemed so clear in 1974, the year he was first elected to the Senate, seem. to have been forgotten completely. "Once again, we are hearing about political hit lists, about secrecy oaths and lie detectors, about favoritismin high places, about illicit taping of official conversations and about lying by senior government officials," Among those he singled out: ? Attorney General William French Smith, who "participated in a tax shelter deemed impermissible by the Internal Revenue Service (and] received a $50,000 severance payment from a company on whose board he once served." ? Presidential counselor and At- torney General-designate Edwin Meese III, who "received a loan ar- ranged by an accountant who was subsequently appointed to the Post- al Service Board of Directors." ? CIA Director William J. Casey, who "resisted putting his holdings in a blind trust" until pressured by the Senate to do 'so last July, and "traded over $3 million in stock in 1982 while serving as CIA director." ? USIA Director Charles Z. Wick j who "secretly taped conversations with other government officials and then lied about it to reporters." ? Reagan's first Veterans Admin- istration chief, Robert P. Nimmo, who "spent $54,183 to redecorate his office, then sent the old furniture to his daughter, an official at the Com- merce Department." ? The secretary of the Navy, John F. Lehman Jr., who "maintained a connection with a firm despite his promise to divest himself of it com- pletely after taking office because of its work advising defense contrac-, tors." Beyond that, Hart said that gov- ernment was no longer the referee for competing claims, but was now on the side of private interests. "A lawyer for foreign nuclear util- ities was put in charge of nuclear exports," he said. "Toxic-waste offi- cials have been put in charge of tox- ic-waste cleanup. Defense contrac- tors supervise weapons procure- ment." Calling the issue fundamentally a moral matter, Hart contended that the administration's record amounted to a betrayal of the public .trust that could no longer be toler- ated. "This president has made his per- sonal strength one of the tests of this election," Hart said. "But true strength begins with the willingness to put the public good above person- al and political loyalty. And by this test, the president has failed .... Our public servants must be charged with a higher duty than merely stay- ing out of jail." Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL Approved For ReleasP520 lddt48 IOA-RDP91-00901 R0004 SAN FRANCISCO NEUTRALITY BY SUSAN GOLDFARB A federal appeals court Wednesday halted at least temporarily a judge's order that the attorney general investigate the president for supporting covert CIA activites in Nicaragua. The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals suspended U.S. District Judge Stanley Weigel.'s order to conduct a preliminary probe of President Reagan and his top advisors until it has a chance to consider the government's appeal. Rep. Ronald Dellums, D-Calif., and two individuals brought the suit against Reagan, Secretary of State George Shultz, CIA Director William Casey, Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger and other high-ranking officials, charging violation of the Neutrality Act. The act specifies the United States cannot provide aid-to overthrow a government with which it is not at war. The lawsuit claims the United States has been conducting military training of Nicaraguan exiles in Florida since 1980, even though Nicaragua is not a declared enemy. According to Dellums, the military training plan provided at least $19 million to finance covert paramilitary operations against the people of Nicaragua. He said the plan also trains armies of 10,000 to 15,000 Nicaraguan exiles in the U.S. and Honduras; conducts CIA intelligence activity and sends hundreds of. CIA agents and government officials to Honduras to assist in attempts to overthrow the Nicaraguan government. Under the Ethics in Government Act, citizens can bring the attorney general information they believe incriminates federal officials and he must conduct an investigation. Attorney General William French Smith had refused to probe the president. The penalty for violating the Neutrality Act is up to three years in federal prison and fines of up to $3,000. STAT Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 AppogVeTcl rI 2005/11/28: CIA 24 January 1984 Backed Meese F6r. Atto- rnev general By Lou Cannon and. David Hoffman Washington Post Sta!t Writers President Reagan named his long- time counselor, Edwin Meese III, as attorney general after Interior Sec- retary William P. Clark urged the appointment of Meese rather than White House chief of,staff James A: .Baker . III, administration officials said-yesterday. "There is no doubt, that [Clark] tipped the .scales," one official sup- portive of the Meese appointment said. However, sources close to Baker, while acknowledging that in the past he had expressed interest .in becom- ing attorney general, said he realized. as soon as Smith resigned that it was a foregone conclusion that Meese would replace' him. 'Any attorney always wants that job, but Baker had been asked by the-president to run the campaign and had made his commitment to him," an official close to Baker said. This official said he considered it likely that the chief of staff would be given a major Cabinet post if Reagan is reelected. However, Baker's sup- porters said he is more than content to see Meese, his chief remaining rival in the White House power structure, leave for a Cabinet post and give him undisputed, authority as the No. 1 presidential assistant. . "He will be the real chief of staff for the first time," one official-said. Clark's intervention on Meese's behalf was the latest episode in a long saga of staff infighting 'and manuevering iri the Reagan admin- istration. Conflict between Baker and Clark was a major reason why Clark gave up his post as national security af- fairs adviser last October and asked Reagan to appoint him interior sec- retary after James G. Watt resigned. When that happened. Baker and deputy chief of staff Michael K.. Deaver teamed up in an effort to_get the president to install Baker as na- tional security affairs adviser and .name Deaver to succeed Baker. But this was blocked by -Clark, 'who called on his old California all .Meese, a ense Secretary 7up-ar Weinberger and CIA 'Director Wil- liam J. Casey to persuade Reagan drop the idea. The president sided with Clark .and his allies, reportedly changing his :mind -after ..telling Baker. and Deaver .that their proposal had been -accepted. ' - -On Thursday it was Clark's turn to return the favor, and he did so withaut hesitation, according to of- 'ficials, who said he met with Meese before 'he saw the president privately and urged that the counselor be named attorney general. Neither Clark nor those who sup- ported the action could say yester- day whether the visit was necessary. - Some believe that Reagan would have' named Meese, a loyal aide since,1967, to the post no matter what anyone said. Others said that Baker also had a claim on the job and some interest in it 'and that Clark's support for Meese was im portant, perhaps decisive. But Baker's allies expressed : sat- isfaction with the outcome, saying it would make it easier for the chief of staff to coordinate political activities and run a smooth campaign.., - "Jim's campaign role in 1984 is vital 'to the reelection of the presi- dent," Deaver said. Meese's departure. is likely to leave a void for conservatives, who have turned to him as their chief conduit to the president after Clark left. Officials were. uncertain how that void would be filled, but some suggested that John A. (Jack) Svahn, director of the Office of Pol- icy Development, would inherit the role of dealing with conservatives in- side.and outside the administration. Another " possible candidate for this role is Faith Ryan Whittlesey, director of the Office of Public Li- aison. Whoever, performs this function, conservatives' are looking ahead to what they believe will be a second Reagan term. Many would like Clark to 'return to the White 'House as chief of staff,':and the ready access' he.has to the president, as demon- strated by his meeting in .Meese's be- half, is considered a sign that he could do so. Officials 'said -yesterday that no decision had been made about who in the White House staff will oversee the pplicy office run by Svahn, which had been under Meese. Offi- cials said presidential assistants Richard G. Darman and Craig Fuller would get enhanced duties. Also unsettled yesterday was who will inherit Meese's spacious West Wing office. Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 STAB i 1i 1 ase 2005/11 /28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 ROO0400050003-9 ON PAGE WASHINGTON POST 23 January 7'984 Smith Quits 'fop Justice Job, to. toNommate.Meese Rea gan The wealthy Houston lawyer, who __. ----- = might experience. But it has been no By David Hoffman was George Bush's campaign man- . secret in the White House since the Washington Post.Stat1 Writer ager in 1980, often has been a target first days of Reagan's term that Attorney General William French Smith submitted his of criticism from conservatives. Meese and Baker, both lawyers, have resignation to President Reagan last week, and Reagan Baker and his staff, which includes sharply different views of White has decided to nominate White House counselor Edwin Deaver and presidential assistant House tactics and strategy. Meese III to replace him; administration sources said Richard G. Darman, are expected to Baler has tended to take the yesterday. assume control of some of the policy- more pragmatic approach, and his . Smith told the president in 'a private Oval Office making and other functions that position gave him chief responsibil- meeting last Wednesday that he wanted to leave the ad- ,have been Meese's responsibility, ity for the major negotiations and ministration to return to his Los Angeles law firm, Gib- they added. son, Dunn.& Crutcher, where Smith had become a mil- ? Smith is the sixth member of Rea- d Reawith Congress that marked Reagan's first three years, lionaire practicing corporate labor law before joining the gan's original Cabinet to leave, fol- including the early budget and tax administration, the sources said. lowing former secretary of state Al- cuts, the bipartisan Social Security Meese will not be replaced as White House counselor, exander M. Haig Jr., transportation compromise and the later tax in- a job that put him at Reagan's ? elbow during the first secretary Drew Lewis, interior see 'crease. His deputy, Deaver, who.held three years of the administration and often brought him retary James G. Watt, health and sway over Reagan's schedule and into conflict with Reagan's' other senior advisers, the human services secretary Richard S. appearances, was influential in de- sources said. Schweicker and energy secretary tiding how the president would tack- Meese's appointment will thus `leave White House James B. Edwards. le a major problem or issue. chief of staff James A. Baker III in undisputed control of Meese's departure will further. Meese, who had been responsible the presidential staff for the first time since the 1980 thin the ranks of Reagan's original for dealing with the legislature when election, when Reagan's top three advisers first divided senior staff. Recently, communica he was Reagan's chief of staff in" their responsibilities, officials said. tions director David R. Gergen and Sacramento, was in a much different. Reagan accepted Smith's resignation on Thursday and chief lobbyist Kenneth M. Duber- position at the White House. He was decided the same day to give the job to Meese, 52, a for- stein left the White House for jobs far less involved in day-to-day pol- der prosecutor and law professor who has worked for outside the administration, itics, and, according to his col- Reagan since he began his terms as California governor. Disclosure of Smith's. resignation leagues, he focused more on keeping Smith, 66, will announce his resignation today, the of- comes the week of Reagan's third the administration on Reagan's con- ficials said. They said Reagan told his top three advis- State of the Union address and a servative course. ers-Meese, Baker and deputy chief of staff Michael'K. week before 'the president is expect- . Inevitably, this produced second- Deaver-last Thursday of his decision to give Meese the ed to announce that he intends to guessing between the two sides of job, seek a second term. the White House, a tension between They said that it was not certain if Meese's nomina- Shortly after Reagan's 1980 elec- pragmatism and ideology that mir- tion as attorney general would be announced immediate- tion, Baker and Meese initialed a rored a larger conflict at work in the ly, but that the president had decided to make -the nom- written agreement that delineated Reagan presidency. ination, which requires Senate confirmation. their separate responsibilities along The original "Big Three" advisers Neither Meese nor Smith could be reached for com- with Deaver's. This "Big Three" tri- became four when William P. Clark mentyesterday. Asked about the shift as he returned to umvirate, with Meese in charge of became Reagan's national security the White House yesterday afternoon from Camp David, making policy and Baker in charge affairs adviser in January, 1982. Md., Reagan ma 3e a quip about the' ` of implementing it, proved to be a Until then, Meese had directed the one thing on my mind: the football tween them. game." Meese said in an interview last Baker, who previously had given month that the tensions were no dif- serious consideration to leaving the ferent from those two law partners White House to become major league baseball commissioner, will remain as chief of staff through this year's campaign, the officials said. activities of Reagan's first national security adviser, Richard V. Allen. Clark had direct access to the pres ident, however, and one of his first actions-was to see that control over matters dealing with foreign affairs was taken from Meese. Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000400050003-9 ft: '1'1l:LL AYt'1;A=.) NEW JORK TI1~ 5 ROOK DP91 901 ROU ON PAGE Z-Aroved For Release00AJ,: T R INTREPID'S LAST CASE By William Stevenson. 321 pp. New York: Villard Books/Random Rouse..$16.95. By James Bamford 0 N a warm September Thursday -in 1'945 a tired young man in baggy pants crisscrossed the city of Ottawa with his wife and 2-year-old son. All' day and the previous night he had been pound- ing the streets.searching for someone who would take an interest in a shopping bag of papers he carried. First he visited the night editor of TheOttawa Journal who glanced at the pile and said, "No thanks." Then he trudged over to the Ministry of Justice where a policeman told him to come back the next day. At 8 o'clock the following morning the young man again made his way to the Minis- try of Justice and asked to speak to the minis- ter. He was sent to the Parliament building and, after a two-hour wait, was told_the minis. ter was too busy to see him. Then it was. back to the Journal, once again to the Ministry, and finally to the Crown Attorney's office. Nobody seemed to care a whiff about his bag of papers. The young man was Igor Sezgeievitch Gouzenko, a slight, 24-year-old Russian at- tached to the cryptographic section of the I Soviet Embassy. And what he was hauling aro d h ' un t e c .anadian capital were several "'E "AL oArTEnKwr 6TEVEISON reams of the Soviet Union's deepest secrets - -Sir William Stephenson, code name including evidence that Moscow had pene- "Intrepid, "accepting the General Donovan trated the Manhattan Project and walked Award in September 1983. away with key pieces to the puzzle of the retary to the British High Commissioner, she atomic bomb. was apprehended and prosecuted. But Mr. Mackenzie King, the Canadian Prime 12Gouzenko was later to suggest there was a Minister, had been informed of the Russian- second Elli, a Soviet :mole high in British intel- and his bag of secrets within half an hour of ligence circles whose cover has never been Mr. Gouzenko's first aproach to the Ministry blown. of Justice, but delayed taking any action for Among those initially involved in the Gou- fear of offending the Soviet leader Joseph zenko affair in 1945 was.Sir William Stephen- Stalin. Mr. Gouzenko was "a political hot son who, under the wartime code name In-: potato, too hot to handle," King later wrote. trepid, was in charge of London's New York-'. Eventually persuaded otherwise, the Prime based British Security Coordination office. Minister granted permission for accepting The B.S.C. was responsible for all clandestine Mr. Gouzenko's appeal for political asylum. British activities in the Western Hemisphere For protection, the Gouzenko family was and for close liaison with the Federal Bureau hidden at Camp X a secret, wartime espio- of Investigation and the Office of ?trategic Wage training center bordering Lake Ontario. Services, the wartime undercover intelli-' There, during long interrogations, Mr. Gou- genre operation. zenko told of extensive Soviet penetration of Sir William and the B.S.C. were the sub=" the West and named a Russian agent in 'ec of William Stevenson's earlier best sell- Contizued Canada with the code name Elli. Later identi- fied as Kathleen Willsher, a confidential sea Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 STA ARTICLE AppF .oWoved For Release 5 VR8T RDP91-00901R00040005 ON PAGE _~..~ 21 January :198+ INAUGURAL ANNIVERSARY: President Reagan at the celebration yesterday of his three years in the White House. He told a gathering of workers, "We have Made a new beginning." Others, from right, are Edwin Meese 3d, counselor; William J. Casey, head of the C.I.A., and B111 Brock, trade representative Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 /s Opil-p-tion ? Commentary --- The Quiet American John L. Hess ing uiet :::-nerLean Award New York. BEG the privilege of nominat- Ni hire for the The award is of course named far the hero of Graham Greene's novel about ,ietnm the c cancut hi?h-minded liberal `CIA a ent t'no tneo to build a third force be. tween the French colonialists and the Communist-led Vietminh. You know how that came out. Mr. White, who is as high-mind- .ed as they come in the Foreign Service, was ambassador to El Sal- vador in 1979 and 1980. Like Sai- gon in the 1950s, it was a bad time. In El Salvador a coup turned sour, a land-reform led to bloody repression and death squads were butchering innocents, including the archbishop, four American church- women and two U.S. land-reform advisers. One of the first acts of President Reagan was to fire Ambassador White. When it was perceived that Mr. Reagan was engaging us in a People in Mr. White's world do savage little war, he retorted with -not agree. Last spring, Foreign Pol- rare truthfulness: "I didn't start the El Salvador icy quarterly gloomily published a thing. I inherited it. And the I 'Gallup poll that dramatized the previ.. :split between the public and lead- ous administration, they were ers of government, business, the doing what we're doing." -media and academe. The State Department certified The question was mushily repeatedly that the human rights .posed: Should we have an "active" situation was improving, until world role? That could mean Mr. President Reagan vetoed the law r teagan's wars, Mr. White's reform- 'requiring such perjury. 1st meddling, or support for the UN The murders continue at a rate Children's Fund. The leaders, of of 100 or more a week. Our states- bcourse, all said yes to activism. 'nien grumble about them, but con- Fully one-third of the public said tinue to pass the ammunition. In- no, 'deed, Henry Kissinger would step Note that this was a response of up the flow. instinct or, one might say, common "It is almost a rare thing to die a sense. Nothing in the media would natural death in this country," said encourage such an "isolationist" (I Approved For Release 200/QItLL-bP91-00901 R00040005 .prefer "non-interventionist") re- sponse. And if the question had .been properly put, the vote against meddling would be overwhelming. The public instinct is right. The Quiet .American may meddle with the hi hest motives, for human .nghts, land reform, cl-emo-cracy; other forces wi resist an , in te end, the guns will speak. Then the An rew oun s. the Cyrus Van es and the Robert Whites will get pushed aside by the Zbigniew rzezins -is, t e William Casevs and the Caspar Weinber- v rs who will sa"" that they didn't. start it, but the' will bloody we finish it. Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 Bishop Gregorio Rosa Chavez in a Christmas sermon. "It is almost a miracle." To his great credit, Mr. White has passionately denounced our complicity in this slaughter. He ap. peals for peace, democracy and jus- tice in El Salvador. But not for us to get out of there, for heaven's -sake. "In regard to Central America," he writes in the current Atlantic ?'Monthl ', "the world divides into three parts," which he defines as "those who exult in the Sandinista revolution," "the Reagan ideo- logues" and "those of us" who would promote "stable, democratic governments." Mr. White's world excludes most Americans. Few of us exult in the Sandinista revolution, few of us support murderous dictatorships .and, as Mr. White should be among 'the first to know, few of us support his benign meddling. Indeed, a New York Times/CBS poll found that only a tiny minority knew which side Mn. Reagan was on in Nicaragua and El Salvador. (Mr. Reagan himself got them crossed up once. He said the Salva- i dor guerrillas threatened our sup- ply line to Europe). The public's ignorance is not :,totally discreditable. It is natural to dune out news about distant trage- dies that, we can do nothing to re- Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R00040005 ARTICLE KFFZP_Rn1 n ` 6! ON PAGE-----_' WASHINGTON POST 19 January 1984 nolls to Replace Canceled Pal, earings on, nO "ebaw 3ers T ' h' f f tact James A Baker By Howard Kurtz Washington Post Stav Writer Rep. Donald J. Albosta (D-Mich.), saying he wants to avoid "partisan bickering and a media extravaganza," yesterday canceled long ;planned public hearings into how Ron- ald Reagan's 1980 campaign obtained doc- uments from the Carter White House. Instead of the hearings, which were to begin next week, Albosta said his staff would seek to obtain sworn depositions from key witnesses in an effort to resolve conflicting accounts of how the Carter documents were obtained. Rather than question witnesses publicly during a presidential election year, Albosta said his Post Office and Civil Service sub- committee "should now attempt to conclude the investigative phase of its work without the potentially circus atmosphere of public hearings." Albosta said the sworn depositions, to be compiled by his staff based on earlier inter- views that were not under oath, will be cru- cial in resolving discrepancies in the inves- tigation. "It appears that not, all of the un- sworn -statements to the subcommittee and the FBI have been truthful," he said. White House counsel Fred F. Fielding as- sured him this week that President Reagan will encourage members of his administra- tion and campaign to sign the sworn state- ments if asked, A]bosta said. Rep. Daniel B. Crane (R-Ill.), the panel's ranking minority member, welcomed Al- vvntte House c e. o s bosta's decision. He said the seven-month- III, CIA Director William J. Casey and po- old probe has cost. "hundreds of thousands of litical consultant Paul Corbin are among taxpayer dollars," and complained that Al those expected to be asked to sign. deposi- bosta has refused to detail the cost. Albosta tions. They have been central figures in the said the costs were a matter of public record. controversy over how the Reagan campaign Steve Hemphill, the committee's R.epub- obtained President Carter's debate briefing lican counsel, said, "We've said all along that. book shortly before the crucial Oct. 28, 1980, this subcommittee does not need to conduct. televised debate between Reagan and Carter. an investigation that is often criminal in na Baker has said he received the Carter I ture in trying to find a culprit." briefing book from Casey, but Casey has said As for the allegation that witnesses have he never saw the material. A Republican made false statements, Hemphill said, "I'm aware of no evidence of any crimes. We're congressional aide has told the FBI that Cor- dealing with people's memories that, are.four bin once claimed to have given the briefing years old. It's possible to. have a lapse in book to Casey, but Corbin reportedly has memory and still be telling the truth." denied making such a claim. Albosta dismissed suggestions that he postponed the hearings indefinitely because of a lack of progress. He said the probe 'has borne considerable fruit, as will be demon- strated when the subcommittee's findings are released," probably in March. Albosta said the probe is necessary to de- velop legislation to curtail future campaign abuses. He added in an interview that he has ruled out asking key witnesses to take poly- graph tests, a possibility the panel had been considering. Albosta said public hearings "would have . been almost a three-ring circus because it's an election year. 1 would have been accused of partisan politics and all kinds of things, no matter how much I tried to avoid it" Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 Approved For Release 211' :~kigp1(~01 18 January 1984 e of Insider Authoes that Executive Order 12065, then -in effect, Section 1-607 said "Classification may not Ectvxhudence be restored to a document already declassified and released to the public under manuscript to the CIA- A month later the th;c order and mint nrArrt thy-- PuM Ralph W. McGehee Publications Review Board (PRB) notified responded in essence that that was tough. me that it'bad identified 397 classified hems., -.The PRB-had ruled that 3 -could not The Central 'Intelligence Agency's pre- i in the text varying in length from one. word ,.discuss any training -oor the training site at i publication review requirement is an issue of . to several pages. Over the :next ..:weeks 1 -Camp Peary even :though such topics had -=.-amount importance. A similar kind of . worked with a representative of the PRB to been declassified. and well publicized. More censorship is also threatened by President -prove that -those :-deleted passages did. not oddly, the PRB ruled that details of the Reagan's March, 1983 executive order which contain classified information. I sourced my personality test - it gives recruits were places hundreds of thousands of government claims primarily to information appearing in classified. Yet a proprietary company had employees under identical constraints. the cleared writings of other agency authors. copyrighted and published the test. Also, Supreme Court decisions and liberal in- We agreed on a number of revisions, and 1 Jack Anderson's column had carried, in over terpretations of the executive order could rewrote the text accordingly. Dismayed that 1,000 newspapers, those same details that the extend life-long prepublication review I had defeated its claims of secrecy, the PRB CIA was claiming were classified. constraints over an additional several million reversed earlier decisions and began I appealed those and other decisions to government employees and employees of classifying information that only a short Admiral Inman, then the deputy director of firms doing classified government work. time before it had judged to be not classified. I the CIA. He recognized the total illegality of M is is a major threat to our constitutionally This forced me to again prove many of those the Board's -decisions and ruled in my-favor guaranteed right of free speech and forbodes claims false and to rewrite the text. Finally, I in every single instance. the . approach of 1984 and the national overcame all objections; and for the first The CIA, however, was determined to security state. . time I had a manuscript, truncated-as it was, prevent publication of my expose. It ruled I am - a retired CIA officer who tamed to.shop around to publishers. that the entire second chapter, was classified. numerous awards and medals including the The search for a publisher was a long time-: I contacted The Washington Post and the prestigious career intelligence medal. During consuming effort. Many publishers admitted subsequent public exposure forced the CIA my last ten years with the CIA I protected its I had a viable manuscript but all said it to relent. If the story had not Tun it would false information on Vietnam. The needed better focus and rewriting. None but have been the end of my book. Embarrassed 'iciencies that created the Vietnam War a small ideologically motivated publisher by the Post's article, the PRB assigned a permeate CIA operations and 1 felt an !-would risk the time and :uncertainty of representative to again work with me over imperative to tell this to the American people battling the CIA's review process. the classified items, and I again rewrote and k:.id wrote a book about my experiences. The Sheridan Square Publications agreed to resubmitted the manuscript. Finally in mid- book did not attempt to reveal the identities I publish -the manuscript only if I would 1982, after more than five years of struggle, of my associates or other classified in-. rewrite it as an autobiography. As an aid, I I had a cleared manuscript. formation. prepared a 50 page outline and sent it to the From my experiences I conclude that the I had opted for early retirement in .1977 PRB.. In the transmitting letter,. I advised; CIA, reacting as any bureaucracy, uses and immediately began research for a book. "'that I:only wanted the out ine.for discussionsprepublication review and spurious claims of I feared possible CIA retribution if it with_;an -editor following- -which ..I. -would] national -security to prevent the American discovered I was writing an expose and rewrite and resubmit the manuscript. The people from learning of its illegal and attempted to keep my activities secret from PRB refused to deal with an.outline. (Yet,a embarrassing operations. It attempts to deny my friends and family members not living at few weeks later the CIA learned that I was to the `,ymeri -_ people .:..information _carL home. My fears were justified as the CIA give a speech to the Association of Asian essenfial to the good of the nation and to our soon discovered what I was doing and placed Studies and sent me a registered letter ad- democratic processes. The CIA's efforts me under close, intimidating, multiple types -vising that I must submit the speech for demonstrate what we can expect from other of surveillance, a surveillance that continues review even if only in outline form.) After I agencies given the same authority under to this day. - had submitted three chapters, the PRB President Reagan's executive order. I was confused about how to' proceed. I demanded that I complete -the entire rewrite The national security state regards truth as could not contact a publisher for anything I before it would release any material. I then its greatest enemy and cries national security might tell him might violate prepublication had to rewrite the remaining text without the, to destory our freedoms. I fervently hope review restrictions. I decided to work alone opportunity of consulting my editor. - - ' - that something can be done to prevent this without benefit of a contract or Led by William Casey, the CIA in early guidance from happening. from an editor. This was a mistake that cost 1982 decided regardless of the legalities to Ralph W. McGehee is a former CL4 agent. two years of misguided effort. stop my book. It attempted to do this by He is the author of Deadly Deceits: My 25 On Feb. 26, 1980, following three years of reclassifying everything of substance that Years in the CIA. This article is adapted from research and writing, I submitted a was in my first chapter. When I pointed out testimony he gave in the House of Representatives in hearings on 1984: Civil Liberties and the National Security State. Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R4*6;4bt1*50V"6%y was submitted to the PRB for clearance. Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000#00050003-9 ARTICLE AFFLOM Gig IF AGE Al - / WASHINGTON POST tieagan Set 110 BuUd "a $,)ace Post Manned Station Would Orbit Earth, Do Multiple Duty By Philip J. Hilts and David Hoffman \aash, ington Post staff writers President Reagan is expected to announce next week, in his State of the Union message, plans to build a manned space station to orbit the Earth with permanent, rotating crews of astronauts, according to VW hite House officials. NASA, which has been lobbying strongly for the space station, presented the agency's plans to the .president on the same day he spoke to, astronauts in the Spacelab orbit- ing in the space shuttle last month. NASA Administrator . James N. Beggs has sought the space station as a science laboratory, astronomical observatory, space manufacturing center, servicing facility for space- craft and an assembly site for larger orbiting structures. .: it `could represent a fundamen- `ially new and versatile capability to support activities in space over the next 30 years," he has told Congress. But the estimated $8 billion to $20 billion cost of the station that would be orbited in 1991 or 1992 has triggered intense opposition in the administration and among some sci- entists. The Department of Defense, the CIA and the space science board of the National Academy of Sciences either oppose construction of the `station or are neutral. The presi- dent's Office of Management and Budget has strongly opposed the project, according to administration Officials. 18 January 1984 Defense Secretary Caspar W. Weinberger and CIA Director i 'i,- liam J. Case'.' have opposed any major commitment to space station funding because they fear it could draw money from their own space programs, officials said. Military and intelligence agencies are concerned that they would have to share the space station with civil- ian agencies such as NASA and sometimes with the astronauts of other countries. The Pentagon would prefer to operate on its own in space. ..Officials on both sides of the ar- gument say that, from the point of view of space hardware development, a 7nanned space station is the next logical step. Other major steps to follow, such as establishing a base on the moon or sending a man to Mars, are usually seen as taking off from a space station rather than from Earth. t.A recent study by the Office of Technology Assessment, the techni- cal arm of Congress, provided anoth- er motive for building the station. That report said that the Soviet Union is embarked on an ambitious space station program, and the So- viets are slowly but methodically pulling ahead of the United States in creating a permanent human pres- ence in space. The report pointed out that the United, States lacks such a national pace. Beggs said znr funding for the space station could amount to .$100 million in the fiscal 1985 bud- get, but the funding would increase rapidly over the subsequent few years. The space station would be made of a series of linked modules carried into space by the shuttle. It would house up to eight men and women at a time. During the budget battles in the administration, when NASA turned to others for support, it found little enthusiasm in some agencies. When the National Academy of Sciences space science board was asked whether basic research in sci- ence would "require or be enhanced by the space station," said Thomas M. Donahue, chairman of the space board, the answer was no. Though scientists could use the Donahue said, on scientific grounds alone "I don't think you could ever really justify $20 billion for a space station." "Just like the Apollo (manned moon landing] program, it could go ahead for reasons other than science. That was not driven by scientific reasons. The purpose of Apollo was to establish the preeminence of or the U.S. in a visible technological enterprise. It was a response to a challenge from the Soviet Union," he said. He added: "Of course, the chal- lenge now is not so great, and we're putting up something in 1991 that is pretty close to what the Soviets al- ready have up there," The space station could also dam- age space science programs, as the space shuttle has, he said. "The shuttle has seriously dam- aged the space science program," Donahue said. The reason is not the shuttle, but that "it has been delayed so long. Meanwhile, other means [of conducting experiments in space) have been phased out. Space science has been waiting. Money was spent keeping teams at NASA and in in- dustry marching in .place. Money was going to this, rather than" space science such as planetary missions and the exploration of Halley's comet when-it comes by. Robert Laudise, of ATT's Bell Laboratories and a member of the space science board, said, "The con- clusion of the materials scientists (in industry) is - don't build a space platform on our account. The exper- iments, you could do cheaper in other ways, and many you could do on Earth." Laudise said that materials sci- ence-such as growing crystals.-,for computer chips or making new `al- loys=would be fascinating in space, but probably not worth the huge cost because it is unlikely to lead to any real manufacturing in space for decades. "I personally think Is manned space station) is a fine idea," he said, but it cannot be justified scientific- ally, only on political and psycholog- ical grounds, he added. He said the nation needs to feel on top of the Approved For Releas~ec1d05t~~r~/~f8 it CIXeRDW61'0901 R00040005000;9'TIJVU Approved For ReleaseAgg ft 1FA1HJ: DP91-00901R0004000 18 January 1984 -~,[ M- "'ASEZ IGTON Briefing Papers BY DAV GOMLER ID A House subcommittee chairman, his investigation apparently stalled, announced on Wednesday the indefinite postponement of public hearings into how Carter administration documents reached Ronald Reagan's 1980 campaign organization. "Because of the Issues and the persons involved, there is potential for public hearings to degenerate into partisan bickering and a media extravaganza,' said Rep. Donald J. Albosta, D-Mich., who had planned to start hearings Jan. 26. While Albosta talked of his desire to avoid that "potentially circu s atmospher," a source familiar with the; investigation said it simply had come up dry In an attempt to identify anyone In the Carter White House who may have passed documents, including campaign debate materials, to the Reagan camp. Albosta ,said the investigation still would try to obtain written statements under oath from unidentified Individuals in an effort to clear up "serious unresolved conflicts" in statements made to House Investigators and FBI agents, who conducted a separate probe. But essentially the House investigation "all fell apart," said the source, who spoke only on condition he not be identified. "I'm aware of no evidence of any crimes being committed." Among the unanswered questions in the case is who slipped the Carter materials to the opposition, and at who's, If anyone's, request. The White House has long acknowledged that Reagan's campaign received documents prepared to ready Carter for a pivotal debate against Reagan a week before the 1980 election. James M. Baker III, the White House chief of staff, has said that he received copies of the briefing papers from the campaign director, William Casey. Casey, now CIA director, has said that he does not recall ever seeing the briefing papers during the campaign. Last November, Albosta said classified documents had been found in Reagan campaign files by Investigators working for his human resources subcommittee of the Post Office and Civil Service Committee. But the source who discussed the case on Wednesday said he knows of no classified documents, beyond several State Department papers dealing with Iran that reached the Reagan campaign from at least two people Rep. George Hansen, R-Idaho, and an attorney representing some of the U.S. Embassy personnel taken hostage in Iran. The contents of these documents were not secret by the time the campaign received them. Excerpts previously appeared In French and U.S. newspapers, and Hansen inserted them into the Congressional Record several months before personally giving Reagan copies of -the documents. Asked about theosouu ce Ffeleaspe 1qy ( b9~b~l$-ghat "the postponement op?earings has nothing to do with the amount or quality of ,information discovered by the subcommittee." Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R0004000 ARTICLE ,F.PFI~RZD ON PAGE ~~ WASHINGTON POST RLS GH 17 January 1984 PackeaI With Bti? Jacqueline Trescott The well-heeled supporters of Ronald Reagan, who last night were enjoying a raw bar and each other's company, didn't need a pep talk or a cheerleader's yell, but. W. Clement Stone came up with a couple any- way. The first was based on the mul- timillionaire's philosophy of positive mental attitude. "How is your PMA?" Stone asked the 100 onlook- ers. coaching them to answer with "terrc." They did, and he had them repeat. it. "How do you feel? I feel healthy. I feel happy. I feel terrific," he again exhorted. When the crowd had re- peated that slogan three times, Stone said, "Let's talk about the campaign.' The '84 campaign requires money, and last night's gathering was for the frontrunners of Republican .contrib- utefs-the members of The 'Presi- dent's Committee, a part of the Cit- izens for. the Republic. The political action committee was founded by Ronald Reagan in 1977 with leftover campaign coffers of $1 million, and Stone, a Chicago insurance execu- tive, is the chairman of the select group. The members, who each gave up to $5,000 for the GOP cause, are in town for two days of meetings, a. White House tour and a closed-door reception tonight with President and Mrs. Reagan. Last night the commit- tee members and their spouses met at the Capital Hilton to talk infor- mally with Cabinet and Cabinet-lev- el appointees. Many of the guests, who included E).zabeth Dole of Transportation, Donald Hodel of Energy, John Block of Agriculture, James Miller of the Federal Trade Commission, Thomas Pauken of ACTION and Gerald Car- men of the General Services Admin- istration, were asked to sign a red- leather, gold-embossed photo album timism plans to give $25,000 to several Re- publican funds; $5,000 is the federal limit, that may be given to each fund. Lee Donald Taicher, the president of Caressa Inc., a shoe company, was donating for the first time. "I'm so impressed with the job he is doing I wanted to contribute to the experi- Robert Liebeskind, a radio nvi_cf from Plantation, Fla., said - one of Reagan's strengths is that "he has brought pride back to being an American." Sunday's televised debate among the Democratic contenders, many in the crowd felt, had only helped the president's cause. "I think it was very encouraging for the president. The competition isn't that tough," said Donald Devine, the director of the Office of Personnel Manage- ment. "That was something every voter in America should see," said Lyn Nofziger, the general chairman of Citizens for the Republic and cur. rently on leave two days a week to work on the Reagan-Bush reelection effort. "It showed the strength. of Ronald Reagan." First Reagan Admini@t0ir Ye&Eor Release 2&5~1%~Ep'ra(Ar I '~ "I ~6A (330 t 14003~91tchayan contributor received a copy. Edwin Meese, counselor to the president, was signing for Annette and James West, a real estate con- tractor from Pittsburgh, and tried to play down reports that he might be switching jobs. "I have heard those stories for three years and I don't pay them any attention," he said, smiling. Generally, the administration of-' ficials and the party's financial back- ers talked about how well the GOP would do in November, even though the president isn't expected to an- nounce until Jan. 29. This PAC, however, doesn't spend money on presidential elections. "We are out there to find the supporting cast," said Curtis Mack, the execu- tive director. The group, said Mack, has spent "about $1.4 million eve:- the last three election cycles. This year, as in the past, 80 percent of the people we support are nonincum- bents." John Henry Dudley, a retired businessman and banker from Los Angeles, said he didn't have any doubts the president will win. "The president says `you can't knock suc- cess,' " said Dudley, acknowledging that Reagan used the phrase most recently to compliment Jesse Jack- son on his Syrian mission. Dudley STAT Approved For Release lIM5CIAWDRM QOSTAI.R000400050 16 January 1984 E -H WASHINGTON REAGAN'S IMAGE HELPS SHIELD HIM FROM CONTROVERSY BY HELEN THOMAS President Reagan's image as " an honest, straight-forward man " has helped shield him from a number of controversies that have forced more appointees out of government than at any time since Watergate, aides say. Part of Reagan's ability to avoid personal involvement while appointees are falling by the wayside is because when he was elected people wanted to see him succeed," said David Gergen, departing communications director. ''They don't hold him personally responsible because they like him.'' Gergen also acknowledged there are "definite attempts " to protect Reagan when controversy emerges. ''There are a lot of lieutenants to give blood, but only one five-star general, " Gergen added. ' 'When there is a bruising battle, someone else should be out in front.' The list of presidential appointees who quit under fire in the last 12 months includes Interior Secretary James Watt; Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Anne Burford, plus a raft of other EPA officials; Lynn Helms, who resigned as head of the federal Aviation Administration when past business practices were questioned, and Paul Thayer, deputy secretary of defense, who left the No. 2 Pentagon post to defend himself on stock manipulation charges. Richard Allen, Reagan's national security adviser, departed earlier amid controversy. Others who have survived allegations of wrongdoing and stayed on the job include Labor Secretary Raymond Donovan, whose business associations were under investigation, and CIA Director William Casey, who f ailed to fulfill full financial disclosure Fequirements. White House spokesman Larry Speakes said Reagan ''comes across as an honest, straightforward man'' and the public does not link him to allegations against his appointees. He said the only time he thinks the White House was hurt was when the daily airing of the charges against Allen and Mrs. Burford ''went on so long.'' The "longer it drags on,'' Speakes said, the more it can touch the presidency. "I think it's an important asset for him (Reagan) to be above the fray,'' Gergen said, adding that Reagan's predecessor, Jimmy Carter, ''was too much involved in everything.'' Gergen also believes the March 1981 attempt on Reagan's life'gave him an ''additional aura." Reagan's own sense of privacy also "has kept him in good shape,'' and that is ''part of his staying power,'' Gergen said. JrrEVUED Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 a Once in a while, when news stories get under his skin - particularly if they involve a friend -- Reagan drops his guard. He made it clear he thinks both Mrs. Burford and Watt got a ''bum rap.'' Speaking of Mrs. Burford's critics, Reagan said, ''Frankly, I wonder how they manage to look at themselves in the mirror in the morning.'' More recently, Reagan rose to the defense of U.S. Information Agency Director Charles Wick, a close friend from Hollywood days, who acknowledged taping conversations other officials, including White House chief of staff James Baker. Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R 00400050003-9 -,77 E APPEARED ltyv; Y ORJ TIDES BCY;, REVIEb: 1.0E ,+ . 15 January 1934 did. Agca Act Alone? $Y~'"'az THE MOT TO KILL THE POPE By Paul B. Henze. 216 pp. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. $14.95. THE TIME OF THE ASSASSINS By Claire Sterling.. A William Abrahams Book / 264.pp. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. >;14.95.' N May 13, 1981, Mehmet All Agra, an escaped murderer from Turkey, raised a pistol above n is head in the piazza in front of St. Peter's Basilica in Vatican City and shot and wounded Pop` John P?gu1 II.-Captured at the scene by Italian po- lice, be freely admitted firing the shots and was tried and sentenced to Life imprisonment. Mr. Agca had previously confessed to the political assassination of a well-known newspaper editor in Istanbul and in Febru- ary 1979 be had threatened in a letter to kill Pope John Paul II. whom he accused of being "the Commander of the Crusades" against Islam. So, investigating agencies and the media quickly concluded that he acted as a lone fanatic when he shot the Pope. Now two well-documented books strongly dispute this .conclusion. Paul .Henze's -"Plot to Kill the Pope" and Claire Sterling's "Time of the Assassins" are both based on extraordinary investigations into Balkan in- trigues. They both relentlessly trace the assassin's trail to Rome, beginning with his dramatic escape from prison in Turkey in November 1979, and following his passage through Iran,. Bulgaria and Germany. They give similar descriptions of the final arrangements for the assassination, saying that Mr. Agca was picked up st 's P.M. that day by a Bulgarian intelligence officer and ed.-line official named Sergei Antonov who was ac- companied by two Bulgarian diplomats. They handed him a gun and drove him to St. Peter's Square to shoot the Pope. Both authors reach the same conclusion - the papal assassination had been organized and controlled by the Bulgarian secret service on behalf of the Soviet Union's security agency, the K.G.B., and Mr. Agca merely served as a paid gunman. These books also proceed from a .common origin, the Reader's Digest. Mr. Henze, who was the Central Intel- ligence Agency station chief in Turkey from 1974 to 1977, was hired in the summer of 1981 by the Reader's Digest to investigate Mr. Agca's un to irrey and connections to Bulgaria. After Mr. Henze had com- pleted his original investigation, Mrs. Sterling was re- tained by the Reader's Digest to prepare a magazine ar- ticle about Mr. Agca. She then conducted her own in- quiry, drawing on high-level sources in Italian intelli- gence she had used-for her last book, "Tae Terror Net- work." Her article, published in September 19821, re- opened a debate in the media about whether Mr. Agca i really did act alone. Mr. Henze continued to fuel the controversy by selling his research on the Bulgarian connection to other news organizations, including NBC (which broadcast its own White Paper on the plot in September 196:) and News- week. He made it available later to The New York Times fora fee., He also wrote articles under his own name in The Christian Science Monitor and Encounter. Both Mr. Henze and Mrs. Sterling then expanded their investigations into these two books. In her autobio- graphical account, Mrs. Sterling focuses on press and government reactions to her disclosures about the as- sassination attempt. Mr. Henze writes about the wider geopolitical context and motivation of the assassination attempt. Although evidence, unlike acts of faith, is contingent on external circumstances, Mrs. Sterling and Mr.' .Henze both.hold their evidence to be incontrovertible. Mrs. Sterling insists that the "logic [is] inescapable," that Mr. Agca had "come to Rome as a professional hit man, hired by a Bulgarian spy ring," and Mr. Henze places the existence of the plot "beyond debate." Al- though they both rely on the Turkish journalist Ugur Mumcu's investigation into the Bulgarian connection and repeatedly cite him as a source, they do not even contend with the very different answer he arrives at based or, very much the same evidence. Mr. Mumcu concludes in his book, "Agra Dosyasi," that Mr. Agca attempted the assassination not on behalf of the Bulgar- ians or the K.G.B. but for a neofascist Turkish terrorist organization called "The Grey Wolves" (whose mem- bers literally howl like a wolf pack). Mrs. Sterling does not even mention his conclusion, or his book about Mr, Agca, while Mr. Henze pre-emptively dismisses the book on the grounds that Mr. Mumcu is a "leftist." Mrs. Sterling and Mr. Henze base their theory that the Bulgarians arranged the assassination attempt on three main findings. First, they show that Mr. Agca re- ceived considerable assistance from Turkish fugitives for many months after he escaped from the Turkish prison where he had been confined in 1979 - including money, a faked passport, hideouts, contacts and the weapon to use against the Pope. Then they establish that the immediate source of this support was a group of Turkish arms smugglers based in Bulgaria. Finally, they demonstrate that these Turkish smugglers bad close liaisons with the Bulgarian secret service. To be sure, they support these findings with convinc- ing arguments and evidence. Even if these three layers of conspiratorial connections are fully accepted, how- CONTIh'U Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 Approved For Release 2005/11/28: CIA-RDP91-00901R0 ON PAGE - WASHINGTON POST 14 January 1984 Chief of Staff Baker Affirms Intention Not to Serve in a Second Reagan Term By Lou Cannon v.'as:angton Post Scat} Writer White House chief of staff James A. Baker III, telling a home-state newspaper what he long has been saying to his friends, has declared that he doesn't intend to stay in his job if President Reagan is reelected. . "I think the president would be better served by someone else in this job in a second term," Baker said in an interview with the Fort ' Worth Star-Telegram. Baker's comment reflected what other White House officials consider the open secret that he wants out of a job he once said he intended to hold for only two years. Last month Baker considered an exploratory proposal by a group of baseball own- ers that he become major league baseball commissioner, replacing Bowie Kuhn. Yesterday, in the wake of the Star-Telegram_stor ,Baker's friends and associates reiterated that he would be more than willing to stay with the administration for a second term, but not in his present post. He has pomplained about the long hours and the demanding nature of the job? Both Biker and White Hour counselor Edwin Meese III are con- sidered prospective replacements for Attorney General- William French Smith, if he should step down in a second term. Baker is a14n knoAm to be interested in becoming secretary of state, defense or treasury. or CIA director if William J. Casey should leave that post. White House spokesman Larry Speakes, asked about the reports yesterday, observed that both Baker and deputy chief of staff Michael K. Deaver had talked repeatedly about leaving during the last 1'/z years and that neither had left- "They both serve at the pleasure of the president, and I think Baker will be here as long as as the pres- ident wishes him to be here," Speakes said. Both Baker and Deaver have been targets of administration conserva- tives, whose opposition surfaced at a critical time last October, when Wil- liam P. Clark replaced James G. Watt as secretary of the interior. Baker and Deaver had worked out a plan, which President Reagan re- portedly had accepted, that would have moved Baker into Clark's old job of national security affairs advis- er and made Deaver the chief of staff. But Clark and Meese, joined by Casey and Secretary of Defense Cas- par W. Weinberger, opposed the proposal and persuaded "Reagan to change his mind. Officials said that both Baker and Deaver were disap- pointed but agreed to stay on through the 1984 elections. Since then, two high-ranking White House officials, both of them close :#b Baker, have left the admin- istration. Kenneth M. Duberstein, assistant to the president for legis- lative relations, took a private lob- bying job, and communications di- rector David R. Gergen resigned to write and lecture at the Institute of Politics at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government. Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 Approved. For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R0004 ARTICLE APPEAREr ON PAGE 17. WASHINGTON POST 12 January 1984 FEDERAL TRIANGLE Nicaragua Aid Probe Resisted The Justice Department said yesterday that it will ap- peal a federal judge's order that it investigate whether the Reagan administration is illegally providing-covert aid to overthrow the Nicaraguan government. U.S. District Court Judge Stanley Weigel in San Fran- .cisco ordered the department to investigate President Rea- gan, Secretary of State George P. Shultz, CIA Direc- tor William J. Casey, De- fense Secretary Caspar W. Weinberger and other high- ranking officials. The government had ar- gued that the Neutrality Act, which says the United States cannot provide aid to over- throw a government with which it is not at war, does not apply to actions author- ized by the president. . The suit, filed by Rep. Ronald V. Dellums (D- Calif.), a Nicaraguan citizen and a Florida woman who lives near paramilitary camps where Nicaraguan exiles have been trained since 1980, contended that the act does apply. The judge also. refused to delay the investigation until the government has a chance to appeal his ruling. . Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R100400050003-9 ARTICLE APPZtiREJ ON PAGE_1_ aJF1.1. 111 VI I V1' anuary 1984 ~~~ 12 lJnde Sam Tries to Get Synfue~ Industrv to BloOm, in the Desert By -Milton R. Benjamin Washington Post Statt Writer DAGGETT, Calif-In the midst of the and Mojave Desert, the U.S. Synthetic Fuels Corp. is attempting to make the synfuels industry bloom by sprinkling $120 million in price supports on the Cool Water coal- gasification plant. The project is no mirage. The 25- story plant, being built by a consor- tium that includes some of the na- tion's largest and most profitable companies, should be generating electricity by fall from coal con- verted into synthetic natural gas. But, like a desert wisp, an elusive question rides the dry Mojave wind: How did Cool Water, a demon- stration project far smaller than the commercial synfuuels plants that the Synthetic Fuels Corp. is supposed to aid. become the only project blessed to date with taxpayers' money? The answer lies partly in the al- tered energy economics of today's global oil glut.; partly in the short, unhappy life of the government- funded Synthetic Fuels Corp., and partly in the legitimate desire of pri- vate industry to take advantage of available government largess. For the same reasons and in much the same way, the Great Plains coal- gasification plant, which is also being built by a consortium of large com- panies near Beulah, N.D., belatedly is trying on a far larger scale to get the Synthetic Fuels Corp. to ensure .its profitability. But, despite the controversy sur- rounding the bid by Great Plains, the, Synthetic Fuels Corp.'s decision to aid the Cool Water project--less than one=20th the size of the North Dakota plant-raises-questions some critics find equally troubling. The Cool Water project was born in 1978. The Electric Power Re- search Institute-alarmed by soaring fuel costs faced by American utili- ties-teamed with Texaco Inc. and Southern California Edison in plan- ning an innovative facility that would produce synthetic gas and burn it to generate electricity. Texaco had developed a coal-ga- sification process that promised to be more efficient than the German Lurgi process, which will be used at Great Plains. And the Cool Water project represented an opportunity to test the gasification process on the largest scale to date. Texaco agreed to put up $45 million. General Electric Co., which has developed much of the instrumen- tation and equipment, and Bechtel Power Corp., the prime engineering contractor, were brought in as equity partners. They each agreed to put up $30 million. All three huge firms clearly hoped that the experience they would gain from their investment in Cool Water would give them a ? competitive leg up in designing, constructing and operating other plants of this kind.' Southern California Edison, 'a huge utility in the nation's most'en- vironment-conscious state, was in- terested in a plant that could use coal and yet emit virtually none of the sulfur or nitrogen oxides viewed as a leading contributor to acid rain. The utility was in for $25 million.. . A consortium of utilities and' man- ufacturing companies from Japan, which also relies heavily on coal, came in for $30 million. Also, the Electric Power Research Institute put~up $95 million. While Cool Water was viewed as a demonstration project that would operate for 71/2 years, the soaring oil prices of 1979 and 1980 led the part- ners to believe that they might have the best of all worlds: a research en- deavor that did not lose money. "The economic studies that were run indicated that part way through Approved For Release 2005/11/28 `. CIA RDP91-009OI( Q VM%. Casey. the 7 i/2 years we wows cross me iine and become economically compet. itive with oil. and gas," said program manager Wayne M. Clark. But then came a. leveling in oil prices. Suddenly, the economics of Cool Water looked less attractive. So the consortium turned to the 'Synthetic Fuels Corp. for aid. The problem, however, was that the corporation, endowed with $15 billion by Congress to encourage de- velopment of a "commercial" synfu-' els industry, legally was not sup- posed to help research and demon- stration projects. In 1981 the Synthetic Fuels Corp. told Cool Water that it was ineligible for aid because it was not a commer- cial synfuels plant. What's more, many staffers reportedly - believed that Cool Water's well-financed sponsors would proceed with the re-' search effort without federal assist- ance. Then came the global oil glut and falling oil prices. Many of the early synfuels dreams that the Synthetic Fuels Corp. had envisioned financ- ing-the huge Hampshire project near Gillette, Wyo., and the even' larger Breckinridge project in Ken- tucky-began to fall by the wayside, By late 1982, three years after the Synthetic Fuels Corp. had been set up with $15 billion to give away, it had begun to appear that the corpo- - ration faced the ' embarrassment of launching, as its first project, a con- troversial scheme to produce . meth- anol from a peat bog in North Car- olina. Not only were eyebrows raised about the peat, which many viewed as a dubious synfuels resource com- pared with the nation's vast reserves of oil shale and coal, - but. there was talk about the North Carolina pro- ject's sponsorship, which included Approved For Release 2005/11/28: CIA-RDP91.0090~ ARTICLE APPEARED OIL PAGE N'EW YORK TIMES 11 January 1984 Judge Rules on Nicaragua Rebels SAN FRANCISCO, Jan. 10 -- A Fed- eral judge here has refused to reverse a ruling directing Attorney General Wil- liam French Smith to study charges that the Reagan Administration's sup- port of Ni guan insurgents violates the NeutraltAct The judge, Stanley A. Weigel, who had handed down his original ruling on Nov. 3, denied a Justice Department request for a reversal. He rejected the argument that the executive branch was not subject to the 1794 act, which makes it a criminal offense to furnish money or prepare for a military -enter- prise against a country with which the United States is at peace. tin Washington, John Russell,. a spokesman for the Justice Depart- ment, said the Government would seek a stay. of the ruling from the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals in San Francisco and would also file an ap- peal of the judge's decision.) Judge Weigel had asked the Attorney General for an inquiry in response to a lawsuit filed July 8 by the Center for Constitutional Rights in New York and the National Lawyers Guild in San Francisco on behalf of Representative Ronald V. Dellums, a California Demo- crat, and two private citizens. Concern Over Undeclared War Nicaraguan exiles in attacking and seelan fo overthrow a icaral~uan Government from training cl~ In six sta__ tes 3 rv bases u Hon uras in violati poi t-Fe Neuta T ty Act. The plaintiffs said that the Ethics in Government Act of 1978 required the .Attorney General to investigate charges on receiving specific and cred- ible information that a Federal official' had violated the -law. Agreeing, Judge Weigel ordered the Attorney General on Nov. 3 to conduct such an investiga. tion within 90 days or appoint a special counsel to do so as provided by the Ethics in Government Act. In asking for a reversal, the Govern- ment argued that the Neutrality Act was meant to apply to the adventurism of private citizens and not to the execu- tive branch in making foreign-policy decisions. Judge Weigel rejected the argument, holding that history and judicial precedent "demonstrate the reasonableness of the view that the act applies to all persons, including the President." If, on investigation, information pro- vided the Attorney General were to show violations of the Neutrality Act, Judge Weigel said today, "there is a danger that, unless the violations be terminated, the nation may be involved in a war not declared by Congress." in the lawsuit, the plaintiffs said th providecl information to Attorney Gen- eral Smith on a 271 cha in President amen and members of his stration wi apprvvmg-a coy- ert_.__g_an o e tral 1 Agency to finance and tike part with Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 Approved for Release 2005/11/28: CIA-RDP91-00901R00 ARTICLE APUARED 1067 YORK 'L'IMES ON PAGE - 10 January 1984 Transcripts Said to Show Wick Taped Journalists. By JANE PERLEZ which Mr. Fascell's subcommittee has Spedal to The New York Tlmes jurisdiction, the aide said. and .0 es$ TT1 at2 WASHINGTON, Jan. 9 - The direc- Other transcripts included conversa-' overnmen t . nent G ith i taons w prom " it d St t f h U I f i e a es on r o t e n n ormat to Agency, Charles Z. Wick, today gave and media people," a member of one of ten always to inform his callers of the two Congressional panels 81 tran- scripts and four tape recordings of his telephone conversations as well as notes from 83 conversations. The transcripts included conversa- tions Mr. Wick had with the acting chairman of one of the committees, and with two television journalists, Walter Cronkite and Sander Vanocur, a committee member who saw the tran- scripts said. At the same time, Mr. Wick acknowl- edged in a written statement that he had given "misinformation" about his practice of tape recording telephone calls without always informing the other party. In his statement, Mr. Wick's first comment on his secretly taped tele- phone conversations since he denied the practice, then acknowledged it two weeks ago, he said that "my anxiety and faulty recollection" had resulted in the "early contusion." The transcripts were delivered today to the House Foreign Affairs Commit- tee and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in two black binders by the agency's general counsel, Thomas E. Harvey, and Mr. Wick visited both panels today. The information agency, which runs the Voice of America, dis- seminates information about the United States abroad. 'A Very Dumb Thing' In comments after visiting the Sen- ate panel, Mr. Wick said: "I did1a very main anonymous, said after viewing them. A committee aide said staff mem- bers, after an initial review, had con- cluded that "most" of the transcripts, notes and tapes were made without permission from the other party. . Mr. Harvey asked the House com- mittee to classify the transcripts and .tapes as "executive session material," which then could not be released pub- licly until the U.S.I.A. agreed, a com- mittee staff member said. The request, contained in a letter that Mr. Harvey wanted the committee) staff to sign, was refused, the aide said. He said none of the material was classi- fied on national security grounds. Access to Material Limited I But in respect to Mr. Wick's "right to privacy," the committee was allowing only a few staff aides and members of the committee to review the material until it was determined what was in it, the committee aide said. Mr. Wick, who met with the-Ho -we committee staff for two hours, was taping. -? Among those Mr. Wick is known tor. have secretly recorded are the White.- House chief of staff, James A. Baker- 3d; Walter Raymond, a member of the. National Security Council; Kenneth L Adelman, director of the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency; and two' members of his staff, Casper Weinber ger Jr., and John Hedges. whp have... since leftthe staff. Reagan, Mrs. eagan or am Ca cy. tlw Director "C ra n I enceythe aide said. Mr. ` ' enied m; #he ai ed ever m any u~tfie tdenrReagan strongly backed Mr. Wick last Friday, saying he could' understand bow Mr. Wick had forgot- dumb thing. Now I can see that. In his statement be said he now un- derstood that "taping of others without their consent is unfair, invades their privacy and can lead to other, more dangerous practices." He asserted that he had used "recording equipment in the way others use written notes." Mr. Vanocur, a correspondent for ABC News, and Mr. Cronkite, the for- mer CBS News anchor, were taped by Mr. Wick, according to a person who saw the transcripts. The transcripts included a conversa- tion. Mr. Wick held with the acting chairman of the House committee, Representative Dante P. Fascell, a committee aide said. The discussion, in February last year, before Mr. Fascell, a Florida Democrat, became acting chairman, ~ involved the agent!"s budget over TAT Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 STAT Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000400C ARTICLE APPEA88D PAQE?~..1~??---? ON 1 '. C / NEW YORK WY 9 January 1984 Casey Tips His Nephew CONSERVATIVE REPUBLICAN Larry Casey is hoping that some political intelligence will help him win Long Is- land's 3rd Congressional District seat this year. The insider's input has come from his uncle Bill-C.I.A. Director William Casey. The super-spook, who comes from Roslyn Harbor, ran for the seat himself in 1966, with teenage Larry on his campaign team. Casey lost the primary, but that doesn't worry his nephew, who recently told New York, "Bill's given me private advice, and that's been helpful." The 34-year-old lawyer, chief of staff for Con- gressman George Wortley, of Syracuse, said he would decide this month whether to challenge Robert Mrazek, the Democrat who won the district from John Le Boutillier in 1982. That elec- tion was "a rejection of Le Boutillier, not an endorse- ment of Mrazek," young Ca- sey contended. Casey: Getting good advice. Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 K Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000400 ARTICLE APPEARED ON PAGE of Visit Poses Questions In debate Case By Howard Kurtz Washington Post Staff Writer A political consultant, who has been questioned about whether he gave President Carter's debate . briefing book to Ronald Reagan's then-campaign manager, William J. Casey, visited Casey at Rea- gan headquarters three days before the 1980 pres- idential debate, according to sources familiar with the investigation. Paul Corbin, a consultant whose Democratic ties go back to the Kennedy administration, signed in at 'Reagan campaign headquarters on Oct. 25, 1980, three days before Reagan met Car- ter in the televised debate that was widely re- garded as a turning point in the campaign, sources said. They said Corbin wrote in the office log that he was there to see Casey, now CIA director. The visit came one day after the Reagan-Bush Committee wrote a check to Corbin for $1,500 for what Federal Election Commission records de- scribe only as a "field trip." Investigators are try- ing to determine whether Corbin was paid on Oct. 24 or went to the headquarters the next day to pick up the check. The Reagan committee also paid Corbin $1,360 on Nov. 3 for "professional services and phone," according to the FEC. United Press International reported yesterday 'that it had obtained a copy of the Reagan cam- paign's reception desk logs and that they show Corbin signing in to see Casey at 9:35 a.m. on Oct. 25, 1980, and departing 10 minutes later. A House Post Office and Civil Service subcom- mittee, chaired by Rep. Donald J. Albosta (D- Mich.), is looking into the timing of Corbin's visit and whether it might be related to the.question of WASHINGTON POST 9 January 1984 MR- how the Reagan campaign obtained documents and information from the Carter White House. The panel is to begin hearings Jan. 26. Republican congressional aide Tim Wyngaard has told the FBI that Corbin claimed last spring that he had given Carter's briefing papers to Casey before the 1980 presidential debate, The Washington Post reported recently. Corbin has declined to comment on the matter, but associates of his have said he .denies ever ob- taining the Carter briefing papers or making such -a claim,to Wyngaard. Corbin's attorney, Herbert J. Miller, declined to comment yesterday. Casey has strongly denied that he received the Carter papers from Corbin or anyone else, calling such suggestions "totally false." Casey has said that confusion may have arisen because Corbin did give him a six-page memo from a New York lawyer outlining possible statements Reagan` might .make in the debate with Carter. Casey also has said he is a friend of Corbin's and authorized the campaign to pay Corbin for routine political work in Florida. CIA spokesman George Lauder paid yesterday that Casey is, cooperating with the investigation and will have no further comment. Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 visitor, S-#a4na-__ ti+Kinted) tsitor'x si9nac>re v"kted 'Staff fpnsof- n Tis;~ in - out Z el 41 -?A.V 9--3S t,416 1 .~ ats.~s> ~cL.uwti+(.~C.l e~ Xr/fr ~~ `~.? SK/~t r3 rl.- rare;? `. r]'f.C.J 7 .; United Press International Visitors log from the Reagan campaign headquarters lists Corbin's visit to Casey as the 12th entry for Oct. 25,1980. /d' 2sC Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000400050 ARTICLE APPEARED. NEW YOHY,. 1t5 p M ON PAGE 9 January !9B4 [F t L ,.Briefing-Book Figure Called on Casey in '80 WASHINGTON, Jan. 8 (UPI) - I Three days before Ronald Reagan met President Carter in a crucial debate in 1980, a political consultant who has been questioned about how Mr. Car- ter's debate briefing book was passed to the Republican team visited the of- fice of the Reagan campaign chief, Wil- liam J. Casey, it was learned today. ',Copies of reception desk logs from Reagan campaign headquarters show .that Paul Corbin, the consultant, signed in at 9:35 A.M. Oct. 25, 1980, and listed his destination as "Casey. Mr. Corbin departed 10 minutes later. A Republican Congressional aide, Tim Wyngaard, told the Federal Bu- reau of Investigation recently that Mr. Corbin,. a political maverick, boasted last spring that he gave the Carter de- bate briefing book to Mr. Casey. Mr. Corbin has denied doing so. Investigators for a House Post Office and Civil Service subcommittee look- ing into the passing of Carter White House papers to the Reagan campaign are interested by the tinting of the Cor- bin visit and have questioned both Mr. Casey and Mr. Corbin about it. Mr. Casey, now the Director of Cen- tral Intelligence, did not return calls on the matter. A spokesman, Dale Peter- am, said Mr. Casey was "cooperating with the F.B.I. and Congressional in- vestigations and has no comment at this time." Mr. Corbin was not available for comment. Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000400050003-9 Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000400050003 ARTICLE AFP~' ON PAGE WASHINGTON TIh?1ES 9 ,January 1984 FRE -DI. Reagan's s~~ ort of Wick cools disP imute over taping By Jeremiah O'Leary WASHINGTON TIMES STAFF Just as U.S. Information Agency Director Charles Z. Wick's candle seemed in danger of flickering out in one of Washington's peri- odic media hurricanes, he got the only vote that counts in the White House - from Pres- ident Ronald Reagan, his long-time friend. Mr. Reagan has seen enough of these fire- storms in the past three years - Alexander Haig, Richard V. Allen. Anne Burford, Paul T a eFi~"` r tl iai77 'as~ey an I Tormer eputy at (9`IA Max Hugel Labor Secretary Ravmond Donovan Interior Sec etarv James Watt, Joseph Canzerij Kenneth Adelman and mgr - to know that some- times the victims are reduced to ash. It may be that the president also remembers the watchword of the late Rep. Sol Bloom that, "One, with God, is a majority." President Reagan acted decisively over the weekend to declare that Mr. Wick is se- cure in his job at USIA despite the clamor over his foolish practice of surreptitiously taping some of his phone calls. including two calls to the White House chief of staff, James A. Baker III. Clad in a Marlboro Country lumberjacket as he was embarking for a weekend at Camp David, Mr. Reagan strode over to the waiting press and settled the question of Mr. Wick's future, if not. the con- troversy. He acted after counselor Edwin Meese III had said, "As far as I am concerned, I would consider it (taping calls) unethical in my own case. The president himself does not record telephone conversations and I think that Wick and others do not either any more." Mr. Meese appeared to be seconding an earlier statement by Mr. Baker in which he de- scribed the practice as "not good ethics." Taping phone calls and conversations has been on a par with wife-beating or cheating at cards in this town ever since the disclo- sure of Oval Office taping helped drive the final nail into former President Richard M. Nixon's coffin. The late President John F. Kennedy did it, too, but he was long dead before the'press and public knew of it. Mr. Reagan gave Mr. Wick his unequivocal vote of confidence in the nick of time with the press slavering for the transcripts of some 200 Wick conversations being deliv- ered today to the House Foreign Affairs Committee by USIA. The Senate Foreign Re- lations Committee also will get a set. All this guarantees leakage on the scale of the Johnstown flood before the. cock crows thrice. The president said, "I don't think that Charles Wick is a dishonorable man in any way. The nature of the things that he was recording -and I can understand his forget- ting sometimes when he was talking to peo- ple, particularly that he knew - but the pur- pose of that was different than it is from someone that is trying to keep a record on other people's conversations. What he was actually trying to do was to be able to imme- diately transcribe so that he could provide the suggestions that were being discussed to the people who would have to implement them. "Let me just say this: He has done a splendid job. I think the Voice of America, the whole United States Information Agency, is far superior to anything that has ever been and he's going to continue there:' Mr. Wick's most serious offense in Wash- ington terms may have been that he did not level with The New York Times when he was asked about any phone tapings. That was dumb. The New York Times already had been given some of the transcripts and promptly waved them to Mr. Wick and its readers. In fact, what Mr. Wick did is a violation of federal regulations, according to the Gen- eral Services Administration, and at least two of the calls to Mr. Baker may prove to be a felony according to a Florida state law. The practice is not prohibited in the District of Columbia. The USIA's counsel, Jonathan W. Sloat, advised his boss in a 1981 memo that taping calls is improper if the other party on the line is not made aware of the recording. Mr. Sloat submitted his resignation last month. But beyond all that, unless there are bombshells vet unknown i xhe rranccriPtc bound for Cant ftol Hill. Mr. Wick has survived this dip in the piranha pool So have Messrs. Casey, Donovan and Adelman. Mr. Wick's style and flamboyance do not. appeal to everyone. But for all intents and purposes, ZIr. Reagan seems to have tilted the scales for his old pal and the Wick-hunt is not now likely to end up with the USIA director burning at the stake. Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL Approved For Release 820 j1j/ 8 i 4-RDP91-00901 RO WASHINGTON CONSULTANT VISITED CASEY'S OFFICE THREE DAYS BEFORE DEBATE BY GREGORY GORDON T Three days before Ronald Reagan met President Carter in a?crucial 1980 debate, a political consultant who has been questioned about how Carter's debate briefing book was passed to the GOP team visited the office of Reagan campaign chief William Casey, it was learned Sunday. Copies of reception desk logs from Reagan's campaign headquarters, obtained by United Press International, reveal consultant Paul Corbin signed in at 9:35 a. m. on Oct. 25, 1980, and listed his destination as '' Casey. " Corbin departed 10 minutes later. A Republican congressional aide, Tim Wyngaard, told the FBI recently that Corbin, a political maverick who performed some work for the 1980 campaign as well, boasted last spring that he gave the Carter debate briefing book to Casey. Corbin has denied doing so. Investigators for a House Post Office and Civil Service subcommittee looking into the passing of Carter White House papers to the Reagan campaign are intrigued by the timing of Corbin's visit and have questioned both Casey and Corbin about it. A former Carter White House clerical aide has said he photocopied a dozen to 15 copies of the thick, domestic section of the Carter briefing book on Oct. 23. But congressional investigators have been unable to prove any transfer of Carter documents occurred during Corbin's trip to the Reagan offices in suburban Virginia. Casey and a lawyer for Corbin have declined comment on the matter. ''It's been my position that we have nothing to explain, and consequently I have no comment'' on Corbin's visit, said Herbert J. Miller, Corbin's Washington attorney. Miller previously has asserted his client has done nothing wrong. Casey, now the CIA director, declined to return calls from UPI. A spokesman, Dale Peterson, said Casey is ''cooperating with the FBI and congressional investigations and has no comment at this time.'' Corbin was not available for comment. Federal Election Commission records show Corbin was paid $2,.860 by the Reagan campaign for work in Florida in the fall of 1980. According to the records, the Reagan camp issued the first check - $1,500 for a "field trip'' --- on Oct. 24, 1980, the day before Corbin went to Casey's office. The second check, for $1,360, was dated Nov. 3, 1980. White House chief of staff James Baker, who headed Reagan's debate strategy preparation, has said he recalls receiving a copy of the briefing book from Casey. STAI Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 Z. Casey has denied ever seeing the briefing book, insisting he ''wouldn't touch it with a 10-foot pole. '' The Washington Post recently quoted sources close to Casey as saying his 'conscience is clear'' and that he is willing to submit to a polygraph examination to prove his innocence in the briefing papers mystery. Rep. Donald Albosta, D-Mich., chairman of the House subcommittee, has acknowledged the panel considers the Casey-Corbin connection one of the ''important leads'' in its inquiry and that he has not ruled out exercising the panel's authority to administer lie detector tests. Congressional sources, however, said the use of polygraphs would be precedent-setting, and such plans probably would be quashed by resistance from Judiciary Committee Chairman Peter Rodino, 0-N.J., and other members. Albosta has scheduled the long-delayed start of hearings climaxing his subcommittee investigation for Jan. 26, but has declined to disclose witnesses who would be asked to testify under oath and warned of the penalties for perjury. Possible witnesses would include Baker, who has cooperated with the subcommittee; Casey, who has said he does not recall seeing the briefing papers; and Corbin, who sources have described as uncooperative. Asked if Corbin would be a willing witness at the hearings, Miller, his attorney, said he has ''not been notified'' Corbin's testimony would be requested and declined further comment. In a story in its December issue, Nashville Magazine quoted Corbin as saying he was hired by the 1980 Reagan campaign to organize the east coast of Florida and that he reported to Casey and Baker fewer than six times each. The magazine cuoted Corbin as saying he was paid only $1,800 in reimbursed expenses. Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9 Approved For Release 232~aNCbF1~~00 6 January 1984 PAUL DUKE: Good evening .... with reporters Charles McDowell of the Richmond Times Dispatch, Lee May of the Los Angeles Times, and Hedrick Smith of the New York Times. DUKE: And something special -- a story of the plot to kill the pope, and how the United States is conspiring to cover up the plot. This from Claire Sterling, a free-lance journalist stationed in Rome. STAT DUKE: Let's pay, let's pay attention now to Claire Sterling who is a renowned American journalist who has lived abroad for many years and is a recognized authority on terrorism. Claire, among other things, you have advanced the theory that there is no cuestion that there was a plot to kill the pope three years ago, that there is.no .question there was a Bulgarian connection, that through that there was a Soviet involvement, and now you're saying that there's a massive cover-up on the part of American intelligence authorities and other Western democracies. I think, first of all, we'd like to ask you basically what, what do we know about the plot against the pope? STERLING: Well, we know that this hit man, this Turkish hit man, had a pure right-wing terrorist image, part of it authentic, part of it cultivated, and that he was taken out of prison for where he was on trial for another murder to which he had confessed in Turkey. He was taken out of prison by right-wingers who happen to also work for a Turkish arms mafia based in Sofia, sponsored by, controlled by, and supervised by the Bulgarian secret services. This is documented knowledge: that the Turkish mafia operating out of Sofia brought him to Sofia, got his false passport; supplied him with money, sent him on his way to Rome, using then in Europe other right-wing gray wolf terrorists operating in Europe, who happened also to be couriers working for the Turkish mafia pushing heroin. So that they were employees of the Turish mafia which was, in turn, controlled, still is controlled by--and this is documented, I repeat--by the Bulgarian secret service, so that we also know the plot is established. I mean, it is impossible that this man was a loner. Not only impossible, it's been ruled out by Italian courts. He was not a loner. He was not crazy. He was perfectly sane. He was a professional hit man. This man, this was decided at the beginning by the Italian courts. DUKE: So it was all carefully planned to kill the pope? So if we know all this, why hasn't it been broadcast all over the world? STERLING: Well, I ask you, you know, but it's not just the pope. This is, this is the culmination of many years of, of a cult of disbelief for one thing on the part liberals in the West who cannot bring themselves to believe that the Soviet Union is capable of at least as black deeds as the United States. And this in turn has been encouraged by the kind of word that's been handed out to the press by members of the U.S. intelligence community primarily, although it's true of all the West, who have, who have been denying the Bulgarian connection because, I think, they... First of all, the president wanted to have a summit meeting with, with Andropov, who was head of the KGB when this hit was ordered and is now the head of the Soviet Union, and because the whole theory of detente is, if you say out loud what you know about the underside of Soviet policy, you destory or threaten detente or what is left of it. And therefore, silence, as far as the public is concerned, the public should not know, must not know. hCDOR'ELL: Claire, Ronald Reagan is president of the United States; a man named Bill ST Casey is head of the CIA--the most conservative anti-Soviet political figures we've AT Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000490050003-9 ~~- Approved For Release 26 / 9 IA-RDP91-00901 R000400050 ARTICLE APPEb" HARVARD KENNEDY SCHOOL OF GOVERNMI ON PAGED Spring 1984 The Ethical Dimension of Covert Action By Anne C. Rudolph Never before has the United States engaged in such prolific and costly covert operations. Under the Reagan adminis- tration and CIA Director William Casey, the mission and morale of the Agency's clandestine services has been rejuve- nated after the decimation suffered un- der the Carter Presidency. A Newsweek report last fall stated that the House Intelligence Committee is informed of 12 to 14 covert operations, seven or eight of them considered major, as compared to two or three covert operations under- taken during the Carter years (here "major" is defined as any covert opera- tion costing between $5 million and $7 million).' With the resurgence in activity comes serious questions regarding the prudence, efficacy, and propriety of American intelligence operations. Yet, most of the questions in the public debate concerning covert opera- tions revolve around purely pragmatic considerations regarding the degree to which covert operative capability en- hances our national security interests. Policy makers who favor a U.S. role in the manipulation of events hesitate to recommend a covert campaign because of the risk of exposure and the political drawbacks of a leaked operation. In a survey on intelligence and covert operations administered to career intel- ligence professionals, over two-thirds of those surveyed regarded covert opera- tions as essential to diplomacy, but with the caveat that such activity be under- taken only as a last resort before war.' Many stated the marginal benefits may not be worth the costs involved. They argued the costs occur when covert activity pre-empts a policy-making role or injures U.S. integrity abroad. Considering the outcome of a covert action is necessary to the decision to engage in such an operation, but such thinking does little to assist the policy maker in reasoning and justifying the intention to initiate covert action. These purely consequentialist considerations escape thoughtful motives for operations and offend liberal democratic principles when secrecy impairs accountability. The calamities incurred due to a foreign policy divorced from ethical reasoning may be the most avoidable threat to our national security. Abandoning all covert activity, as the Church Committee recommended in 1975, would be imprudent. There are just causes for the U.S. to retain some covert operative capability. But the in- crease in scope and intensity of activi- ties commands attention to the ethics of intelligence operations. The utility of moral reasoning to the policy maker is vital to process competing moral claims that confound clear and consistent rea- soning in the debates over covert actions. Claims based on U.S. responsibility beyond its own borders challenge prin- ciples of self-determination in the de- cision to intervene in another country. But the statesman need not be doomed to moral dilemmas, nor must citizens accept a compromise of ethical standards to accommodate perceived national put-. pose. The moral reasoning of a policy maker must reveal intentions, question means and act as a process to deal with the competing moral claims in answering the question: under what circumstances is covert action morally justifiable? The guideline for reasoning must transcend a Cold War rationale of stop- ping the Russians. A formula is required that goes beyond the baseline rules of "don't make things worse" and "don't get caught" to include deontic, or oblig- atory, rules that incorporate national and transnational values. Decisions to engage in covert activity based wholly on consequential consid- erations lack the moral integrity of deon- tic rules. For instance, assured success of a covert campaign does not merit our intervention if there lacks a just cause to intervene. The consequentialist ap- proach may be tempting for a super- power that can reasonably insure the ends results from the means; however, it may also invite condemnation of U.S. aggression from abroad. The reason to engage in covert activity must not be founded exclusively on deontic rules without considering the consequences. The principles of an open society should not preclude the use of secrecy when necessary, nor should the principles of liberty and justice be the guidon illustrating our prerogative to interfere in another country. Such rea- soning would be detrimental to our national security interests or, again, invite hostilities from abroad. This argument depends on a concep- tual understanding of the meaning of covert activity as distinguished from secret or clandestine activity. Secret is the generic term for activity conducted without the knowledge of others. Clan- destine connotes an intentional protec- tion of secret materials, events, or people designed to remain secret indefinitely (e.g., names of agents). Covert is understood as secret activity with a public manifestation. The public dimension may include a wide array of activity extending from political advice and counsel to paramilitary activities involving coups and assassinations. Co- vert action includes: financial support to a radio station or publication (usually pro-U.S.); subsidies to political parties; support to private organizations and labor groups; propaganda; training per- sonnel; and economic operations (aid, arm sales). Generally, covert operations are designed to "alter political, economic and military realities." Conceptually, covert action is inter- vention of a secret kind. Understanding covert action in these terms provides for a useful framework with which to con- struct a moral argument. More specifi- cally then, the question the statesman must now ask is: Can the obigation of the U.S. to inter- vene to influence the events of another country, while withholding such infor- Co tiaued Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400050003-9