THE LAROUCHE CONNECTION

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CIA-RDP91-00901R000500240002-8
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RIPPUB
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K
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6
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December 9, 2016
Document Release Date: 
November 8, 2000
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2
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Publication Date: 
November 19, 1984
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MAGAZINE
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STATI NTL ARTICLE limpliaMd For Release 204,141r/p&IgIA-RDP91-00901 ON PAGE /.5- 19 November 1984 How the leaders of a lunatic fringe won access to Administration officials, and with it, respectabili THE LAROUCHE CONNECTIO BY DENNIS KING AND RONALD RADOSH OVER THE PAST YEAR, innumerable television view- ers have tuned into Lyndon H. LaRouche Jr.'s paid political speeches on national TV and have watched the 62-year-old multimillionaire waging his Presidential cam- paign, the main themes of which are support for the Reagan Administration's "star wars" policy and attacks on Walter Mondale and Henry Kissinger as "Soviet agents of influence." Many bemused viewers may also recall brief encounters, through the years, with LaRouche's followers at major airports across the nation, where they attract customers for their pamphlets and magazines by displaying posters such as "Feed Jane Fonda to the Whales." The fanatical worldview underly- ing LaRouche's public activities is well known in Washington, and he has been roundly denounced by or- ganizations and media outlets as di- verse as ihe A.F.L.-C.I.O., the Heri- tage Foundation, The New York Times, and the National Review. The Anti- Defamation League of B'nai B'rith has accused him of "the injection of anti- Semitic poison into the American political bloodstream." Yet over the past four years, this same LaRouche and his followers have gained repeated access to a wide range of Administration officials?including high-level aides at the National Security Council and the Central Intelligence Agency?who have found LaRouche as useful in supply- ing information and promoting their policies as LaRouche has found them in legitimizing his cause. The basis of LaRouche's effort is his cadre organization, the National Caucus of Labor Committees (N.C.L.C.), which controls assorted front groups and enjoys close ties STATI NTL to the Ku Klux Klan. The most visible arms are the Fusion Energy Foundation (F.E.F.), which promotes nuclear power and beam weapons, and the National Democratic Policy Committee (N.D.P.C.), an electoral machine on the fringes of the Democratic Party. The N.D.P.C. backed La- Rouche for President in the recent primaries and is now supporting his campaign as an independent. In addition, LaRouche and his followers operate an international "press service" which publishes the weekly Executive Intelligence Review (EIR) (subscription price, $399 per year) and has provided freelance in- telligence reports for many foreign governments, including the Republic of South Africa. As soon as Ronald Reagan took of- fice, LaRouche's well-educated, artic- ulate followers fanned out to various executive departments and to the of- fices of leading Republican Congres- sional figures. The LaRouchians, as they are commonly called, presented themselves as ardent supporters of Administration policies and testified at confirmation hearings in favor of key Reagan appointees. In Reagan's first year, they ob- tained direct access to many high-level persons, and the Ell? printed edited transcripts of what were described as interviews?or, in some cases, "exclusive" interviews? with Agriculture Secretary John Block, Defense Under- secretary Richard DeLauer, Commerce Undersecretary Lionel Olmer, then Treasury Undersecretary Norman Ture, Assistant (now Associate) Attorney General Lowell Jensen, and Senator John Tower, chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee. In addition, LaRouche him- self managed to get on the invitation list for a March 26, 1981, breakfast meeting with Interior Secretary James Watt; and two of his aides breakfasted with Watt the fol- lowing week. According to former LaRouchians, one of the people the N.C.L.C. attempted to cultivate was Labor Secretary Ray- mond Donovan. In 1982, when allegations about illegal activities involving Donovan's Schiavone Construction Company and organized crime were under probe by fed- Continued Approved For Release 2001/03/07 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000500240002-8 ARTICLE ON PAGE AMT. ..? For Release k uiTrO lit ri ovem.t WirRDP91-009 0 By ROBERT A. RANKIN Of The Herald's Editorial Board THE POSSIBILITY that Nicara- gua might deploy Soviet MG 21 combat aircraft raises difficult questions of whether and when U.S. military force would be justified to stop them. To -a de- gree unseen since before the Vietnam War, the Reagan Ad- ministration last week con- veyed a willing- ness to inter- vene militarily abroad to advance U.S. foreign- policy goals. As it turned out, by the weekend it appeared that Washington's alarm over the MiGs probably was premature. Suppose, however, that the Soviets had sent the MiGs. Washington has warned Moscow since 1981 that delivery of such high-performance combat aircraft to the Sandinista regime would be "unacceptable." That warning was repeated last week. What does "unacceptable" mean? It means, officials said, that Washington would demand that the Nicaraguans send the planes back, or else. Or else what? "The, pmary option isarly an air- stnke7 conceded Bobby Ray In- man in a television interview Friday. Until recently Inman was the Number Two man at the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). curr-a-riTor made the implicit threat explicit. No sooner did the MIG scare break than parallels were being drawn to the 1983 U.S. invasion of Grenada, even to the 'Cuban Mis- sile Crisis of 1962. Those parallels do not hold, however. In 1962, the threat was the installation of Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba. That was a direct and massive threat to American national secu- rity, clearly warranting President Kennedy's resort to limited mili- tary force. Last year in Grenada, terrorists murdered the government's lead- .1.4?? ers and presented a clear and immediate danger to some 1,000 U.S. citizens. Neighboring demo- cratic islands lacked defenses of their own, felt threatened, and appealed for U.S. military inter- vention, President Reagan decided that negotiating with terrorists was too risky when time was of the essence, and invaded. As in 1962, such military action was jlstified. IvliGs in Nicaragua would pres- eni a less-clear challenge. No one contends that they would threaten U.S. national security directly. Rather, the MiGs would under- mine Central America's balance of power. They could threaten neigh- boring U.S. allies such as Costa Rica, Honduras, and El Salvador, which lack comparable weapons. They could ignite a costly arms race among nations that do not need and cannot afford one, and they could provide Nicaragua the military means to impose its political will through psychologi- cal bullying,', if not, by force. Potentially, they could threaten the Panama Canal. Thus presence of the MiGs 'clearly would set back U.S. inter- ests in the region. Obviously the United States must oppose their introduction; but how? The justifi-' cation for opposing them by pre-emptive air strike is less than obvious. Martin Feinrider, a law profes- sor at Nova University, argues that the United States would trample over international law by such a strike. The United Nations Charter and the Organization of American States treaty clearly forbid such military intervention. The Monroe Doctrine might seem to provide a justifying rationale, but it enjoys no standing in law. Besides, Nicaragua would not be hosting a Soviet base by this provocation; it only would be taking control of weapons of Soviet manufacture. President Monroe did not address such problems. What gives the United States the right to dictate the structure and composition of a foreign nation's testsSTATINTL 0 0 0 armed forces? As a sovereign state, Nicaragua has the legal right to build such defenses as it deems .necessary. As Feinrider observes, Nicaragua is under attack by the CIA-backed contra guerrilla forces. Air raids 1V?the contras do occur. And U.S.-built air strips in Honduras potentially threaten Nic- aragua with air invasion. Nicara- gua thus may well believe that it needs combat aircraft for defen- sive purposes. Washington per- suaded France not to sell such planes to Nicaragua. When the West refuses to sell a nation weapons, the Communist East is the only alternative, even if the Sandinista regime does turn to it gladly. A negotiated agreement banning sophisticated weaponry such as the MiGs from the region, as the Contadora process seeks, would be the preferred solution. But neither the United States nor Nicaragua has shown much inclination to be bound by Contadora. Some differ- ences can't be resolved by negotia- tion. Sometimes only force,' or its threat, persuades iron-willed an- tagonists to compromise or yield. Why not wait until Nicaragua actually uses MiGs against another state before intervening by force? What gives America the right to conduct pre-emptive international police actions, a sort of confiscato- ry gun control on a global scale? International law and morality might seem to raise such Ques- tions, but the Reagan Administra- tion apparently prefers to nip this threat in the bud, before it sprouts . more thorns, such as missiles. By such thinking, might makes right. Great Powers have Responsibili- ties and Spheres of. Influence. The Reagan Administration be- lieves that this is the way the world works, that these are the only rules that the Soviets under- stand. It may be right; it certainly is in power for another four years. For better or worse, the post- Vietnam Syndrome of paralyzing U.S. reluctance to employ or threaten force in pursuit of for- eign-policy goals is over. World, take note. Approved For Release 2001/03/07 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000500240002-8 Approved For Release 2001/033/07roalAsROP91-00901R000500240002-8 9 November 1984 - INICARAGUA/IGUMBEL: On Close pp this morning, we look to the threat IINMANIof sophisticated fighter air craft in Nicaragua. It was reported yesterday that a Soviet cargo ship, suspected by U.S. officials of carrying MiG fighter planes, had docked in the Nicaraguan port of Corinto. For an analysis of the situation, we are joined this morning by former Deputy Director of the CIA Adm. Bobby Inman, who's in our NBC affiliate WTVV in Austin, Texas, this morning and good morning, Admiral. BOBBY INMAN (former deputy director, CIA): Good morning, Mr. Gumbel. GUMBEL: Based on the evidence you've seen, do you believe there are MiGs in Nicaragua? INMAN: Really can't tell whether they're there yet or not, Mr. Gumbel. We know that they'd begun making plans to receive them almost three years ago when they sent pilots off to Bulgaria to be trained, but usually where the MiGs, they can be shipped in crates below deck and we really won't know that they're there until we seem them unloaded. GUMBEL: Just how seriously would the presence of Soviet MiGs upset the balance in Central America? INMAN: It totally changes the balance. The threat clearly would extend to Costa Rica, to Honduras as well as El Salvador. There is no defensive reason that Nicaragua needs to move to high-powered jet aircraft. Only if they've got offensive intentions to help support, export a revolution in the hemisphere. GUMBEL: You heard the news this morning. The possibility now exists that those crates contained Czech-built L39ZA type aircraft. Now, that's just numbers to me. How do those type of aircrafts compare to MiGs? INMAN: I've not seen crates that carry those helicopters, Mr. Gumbel, so I really can't give you a flat, outright answer. Crateology is a, is a science. It's not an exact science. We know generally the size of crates that are used. We watched them over the years and you remember that, well, it goes back all the way to the Cuban missile crisis. The handling... GUMBEL: Well, you... INMAN: The handling of this shipment out of a port from which they ship all kinds of arms is not unusual. What is unusual is the route taken, all the way around Cape Horn and up to the Pacific coast. The appearance of wanting to slip something in quietly and I think that's what really raised the suspicion that it was going to turn out to be the introduction of the MiGs, continued j Approved For Release 2001/03/07 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000500240002-8 Approved For Release 2001/03/07 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000500240002 rather than simply helicopters. GUMBEL: We've been looking at, at, at the crates. You tell us. Physically, how much of a MiGs fuselage could even fit in those crates? INMAN: Actually, there are different crates for different size of aircraft, but the entire fuselage, not yet assembled, of course, obviously the wings have to be separate and the tail sections, but they can contain the basic frame of the MiG-21. GUMBEL: If the MiGs are in Nicaragua, when might we know for certain? I mean, how long can, can the Sandinistas even hope to keep their presence a secret? INMAN: In other places, in Cuba at earlier times, they were able to keep secret the arrival until they began the assembly process itself. Once they begin the assembly and want to roll them out to be tested, at that point they will become detectable. GUMBEL: This is a, this is a very touchy question, but the administration is saying the MiGs will be removed if they are in fact there. You're a military man. Within reason, how could they be removed? What are the options? INMAN: The primary option is clearly air strike, whether by land-based air, or carrier-based air. Back in '82 when we knew they they were already raiding air fields and that the pilots were finishing their primary training in Bulgaria, the Soviets were told clearly that introduction of MiG aircraft into Nicaragua was an escalation that would not be acceptable and for two years we've seen no sign of it. I'm out of any direct touch, so I don't know what prompts this to come up now and I, you know, I don't even rule out the possibility that the Soviets were sort of testing us with this process just to see if we really meant we would react and that they never had the intention to ship MiGs at this point in time, but they clearly have known since early '82 that the U.S. would consider it a very major escalation. GUMBEL: One final note. There are also, as you noted, reports of sophisticated attack helicopters being, being delivered. To some Pentagon officials, those helicopters are more threatening to Nicaragua's neighbors than the MiGs. Do you agree? INMAN: The helicopters clearly would have a potential significant impact on Nicaragua's fight with the contras, but I do not see them as a significant threat to Costa Rica, Honduras, El Salvador. The aircraft in the Honduran air force could deal with the threat of the helicopters. They could not deal with the MiG-21s. GUMBEL: Adm. Bobby Inman, thank you very much for you insights. Have a good weekend, sir. INMAN: Thank you, sir. Approved For Release 2001/03/07 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000500240002-8 Approved For Release 2001/03/07 : CIA-RDP91-00901R00 ARTrir. 1(.7:EARED C:1 r: CIA Confirms -Officials Met :With LaRouche United Press Internafional," Lyndon LaRouche, a coriserva- five politician who says former sec- retary of state Henry Kissinger and Queen Elizabeth are part of an in- ternational conspiracy, has met with top CIA officials, apparently on matters of national security, the agency acknowledged yesterday. ? A spokeswoman was commenting on a report in the The New Repub- lic magazine, a weekly journal pub- lished in Washington, that - LaRouche has had repeated access to high-level officials in the admin- istration, particularly in the CIA. : The magazine said LaRouche : met personally with Adm. Bobby Ray Inman when he was deputy di- rector of the CIA and with Inman's , successor, John McMahon, to dis- cuss intelligence matters. These . meetings took place at the CIA's tightly restricted headquarters in ; Langley, according to CIA officials. CIA spokeswoman Kathy Pher- ^ son said, "We have an obligation to talk to U.S. citizens wha travel : abroad and who believe they have : information of national security val- ue to offer. "I believe that [LaRouche1 did ; meet with Mr. Inman once, and he met with aides to John McMahon once and both times at his initiation." - , LaRouche, who claims that Kiss- inger, Queen Elizabeth and the So- viet KGB are plotting to take over the world, is running as an indepen- dent for president. He has attacked i Walter Mondale as "a conscious agent of Soviet influence." WASHINGTON POST 2 November 1984 The magazine also reported in its Nov. 19 edition, published yesterday, that LaRouche and his organization played a significant role in promoting the administration's "Star Wars" plan for ballistic missile defense. The magazine said LaRouche aides met often with Dr. Ray Pollock during 1982-83 when Pollock, as director of defense programs at the National Se- ' curity Council, was working on the policy underlying Reagan's speech on "Star Wars" space weaponry. Deputy White House press secre- tary Peter Roussel said Wednesday, "We're not aware of any such activity going on." The Larouche campaign said Wed- nesday the article "is rife with egre- gious errors of fact." ' STATINTL Approved For Release 2001/03/07 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000500240002-8 Approved For Release 2001/03/07 : CIA-RDP91-00901 UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL 1 November 1984 LAROUCHE ST/VI-NIL WASHINGTON (UPI) -- RIGHT-WING POLITICIAN LYNDON LAROUCHE HAS HAD REPEATED ACCESS TO HIGH-LEVEL OFFICIALS IN THE REAGAN ADMINISTRATION: PARTICULARLY THE CIA: THE NEW REPUELIC SAID WEDNESDAY. LAROUCHE, A FORMER TROTSKYIST WHO CLAIMS THAT HENRY KISSINGER: QUEEN ELIZABETH AND THE SOVIET K.G.S. ARE PLOTTING TO TAKE OVER THE WORLD: IS RUNNING RS AN 'INDEPENDENT DEMOCRRT' FOR PRESIDENT. HE HRS ATTACKED WALTER MONDALE AS 'A CONSCIOUS AGENT OF SOVIET INFLUENCE.' THE MAGAZINE ALSO REPORTED THAT LARONNE AND HIS ORGANIZATI.ON FLAYED A SIGNIFICANT ROLE IN PROMOTING THE ADMINISTRATION'S 'STAR WARS PLAN FOR BALLISTIC MISSILE DEFENSE, THE LAROUCHE CAMPAIGN COULD NOT LE REACHED FOR COMMENT BUT DEPUTY WHITE HOUSE PRESS SECRETARY PETER ROUSSEL SAID, 'WE'RE NOT AWARE OF ANY SUCH ACTIVITY GOING ON.' AMONG ? THE FINDINGS IN THE REPORT TO EE FUELISHED IN THE MAGAZINE THIS WEEKEND: --BETWEEN EARLY .1981 AND i954 LAROUCHE AND HIS AIDES MET FREQUENTLY TO DISCUSS NATIONAL SECURITY MATTERS WITH DR. NORMAN SAILEY: WHO WAS THE NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL'S SENIOR DIRECTOR OF IMTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC AFFAIRS: AND WITH RICHARD MORRIS: A SPECIAL ASSISTANT TO FORMER NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISER WILLIAM CLARK. --LAROUCHE MET PERSONALLY WITH ADMIRAL SOEEY RAY INMAN WHEN HE WAS DEPUTY DIRECTOR OF THE CIA AND WITH AIDES TO INMAN'S SUCCESSOR: JOHN MCMAHON TO DISCUSS INTELLIGENCE MATTERS. THESE MEETINGS TOOK PLACE IN CIA HEADQUARTERS IN LANGLEY: VA., OUTSIDE WASHINGTON.. --THE PENTAGON HAS ASSISTED LAROUCHE BY PROVIDING DEFENSE DEPARTMENT OFFICIALS: INCLUDING BRIG. GEN. ANTHONY SMITH: PRINCIPAL DIRECTOR FOR EUROPEAN AND NATO POLICY IN THE INTERNATIONAL SECURITY POLICY DIVISION: TO SPEAK AT MEETINGS HELD BY LAROUCHE'S SCHILLER INSTITUTE. --LAROUCHE RIDES MET FREQUENTLY WITH DR. RAY POLLOCK DURING i9E2 AND i983 WHEN POLLOCK: AS DIRECTOR OF DEFENSE PROGRAMS AT THE NSC: WAS WORKING ON THE POLICY UNDERLYING REAGAN'S STAR WARS SPEECH. LAROUCHE ADVOCATES AN ALL-OUT STAR WARS EFFORT: CLAIMING THAT BEAM WEAPONS ARE NEEDED TO PROTECT THE UNITED STATES FROM SOVIET MISSILES. HF HAS ALSO ADVOCATED AN ATOMIC: EIOLOGICAL AND CHEMICAL WAR WITH THE SOVIETS. HIS FOLLOWERS ARE BEST KNOi4N FOR STANDING IN AIRPORT TERMINALS, WEARING 'FEED JANE FONDA TO THE104hALESe *BUTTONS AND SELLING MAGAZINES A'AOUT LASER BEAM WEAPONS AND NUCLEAR ENERGY. Approved For Release 2001/03/07 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000500240002-8