ORGANIZING FOR NATIONAL SECURITY EXECUTIVE SESSION

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP91-00965R000300100011-5
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 8
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 3, 2003
• Sequence Number: 11
• Publication Date: July 1, 1960
• Content Type: TRANS

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FOR RELEASE AT 9:30 A.M. Friday, July 12 1960
ROBERT L. McMANUS, PRESS SECRETARY TO THE GOVERNOR
STATE OF NEW YORK
EXECUTIVE CHAMBER
ALBANY
STATEMENT BY GOVERNOR NELSON A. ROCKEFELLER
PREPARED FOR PRESENTATION TO SUBCOMMITTEE ON
NATIONAL POLICY MACHINERY OF THE SENATE
COMMITTEE ON GOVERNMENT OPERATIONS, OLD SENATE
OFFICE BUILDING, WASHINGTON, D.C., 9:30 A.M.
FRIDAY, JULY 1, 1960
I deeply appreciate this opportunity to appear before the
Subcommittee on National Policy Machinery of the Senate Committee
on Government Operations.
This subcommittee is performing an outstanding service to the
nation. The nation's problems, the world's problems, press upon
the policy-makers in Washington with ever-increasing urgency and in
ever-growing complexity.
In seeking solutions to these problems, there can be no
substitute for able men in government -- men of vision, of capacity,
of courage. But not even the best of men can perform to the fullness
of their abilities, nor will men of ability be attracted to govern-
ment or encouraged to stay in government, if inadequate organization
frustrates accomplishment. Thus, in its extensive exploration into
the question of improving the organization of government, this
subcommittee is addressing itself -- importantly, constructively and
with non-partisan objectivity -- to a fundamental need of this
government in dealing with a world of danger, of opportunity, and of
fantastically rapid change. That need is to provide a framework
within which able men can perform the great deeds demanded by the
challenges of our times.
I know from personal experience that no man is more deeply
concerned with this question than President Eisenhower. During the
six years of my chairmanship of the President's Advisory Committee
on Government Organization, fourteen reorganization plans presented
by the President were adopted by the Congress. The President's
vision, breadth of concept and creativity made possible the sub-
stantial advances in government organization achieved in recent
years. In addition, they have profoundly influenced the thought
behind specific proposals I shall make to this subcommittee today,
although, naturally, I alone assume responsibility in recommending
these proposals for your consideration.
With recommendations from the President, the Congress at its
next session should, as a first order of business, set about adapt-
ing the government's machinery to the needs, the urgencies, the
demands for decisive action that the times require. I am confident
that the work of this subcommittee will be of great value in
accomplishing this.
As a fundame.ntal-step to be taken either at this Congress
or at the next, I recommend the extension of the Reorganization
Act of 190, which expired 1E-lt your. This legislation provided
the basis for the reorganization plans adopted in the last decade,
and should be renewed.
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Governmental reorganization is necessarily a matter of
Cooperation between the legislative and executive branches.
Understandably, it is a matter in which many toes will get
stepped on, many vested interests within the government feel
imperiled. The blunt truth is that -- despite all past progress --
the present structure of the Federal Government is still not geared
to support the President in developing and executing integrated
policy7 thoughtfully and purposefully, either in the complex areas
of national security and foreign policy, or in the equally complex
area of domestic affairs.
Few realize the tremendous load the President carries in his
multiple responsibilities as Chief of State, Chief Executive,
Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, the man constitutionally
responsible for the conduct of our foreign policy, and leader of
his political party. More than fifty departments and agencies of
the government report directly to the President, Their number
imposes upon him an almost impossible burden -- in the need to
resolve conflicting approaches and divergent advice, and, from
such sources, select and set a determined course of action.
In an effort to bring order to this array of agencies, a host
of interdepartmental and inter-agency committees has been set up.
These have come to number approximately one hundred sixty in the
field of international affairs alone. In fact2 international
affairs involve, one way or another, the activity and responsi-
bility of every department of our government. There are also
some eighteen independent agencies, as well as sundry boards and
commissions, involved in aspects of international affairs. The
field of foreign economic aia alone involves as many as four
government agencies -- and _six- international financial organizations,
This over-elaborate pattern of interdepartmental committees
has been designed over the years in an earnest effort to meet the
legion of complex problems in both foreign and domestic affairs.
The simple fact is this: the committees of a democratic govern-
ment cannot hope to meet or to master these problems by simply
trying to outnumber them. The critical need is for a revamped
Ittaatura of government.
The fact, today, is that the structure of our government too
often moves slowly, even sluggishly, to meet this world of swift-
moving change. It tends to be stiff and static -- when it should
be quick, alert, and creative. There is, therefore, a growing
public awareness and concern about the structure of government and
the efficiency of its decision-making process. And one great proof
of this public concern and interest is the existence -- and the
work -- of this committee.
With all this in mind, I deeply believe that the time has
come when we can look forward to achieving important reforms at
the next session of the Congress.
I have no illusions about the complexity of these tasks. In
the light of my own experience in federal government, and having
undertaken, as Governor of New York, that state government's
first reorganization in thirty years, I am well aware of the
toughness of the problems. Yet I believe very strongly that both
the clear need of the nation and the quickened concern of the
people make this a necessary, and a realistic, time for action.
Let us proceed, then, to the major specific areas of action
both foreign and domestic. For in 122-11 these areas the structure
of government demands reorganization to assist the President in
wisely formulating and effectively executing national policy. As
early as l955, former President Herbert Hoover recognized this
sweeping need by suggesting the creation of two appointed Vice
Presidents with specific responsibilities respectively for foreign
and domestic affairs. This problem was given active and detailed
study by the President's Advisory Committee on Government Organiza-
tion -- while I was chairman of that committee.
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I welcome this opportunity to make the following recommenda-
tions in these two important fields:
1. Foreign Affairs and National Security:
(a)
Creation of the post of First Secretary of Government
to assist the President in the exerscise of his
authority in this whole area,
(b) Further reorganization of the Defense Department to
achieve unified doctrine, planning and command,
2. Domestic Affairs:
(a) Creation of the post of Executive Assistant to the
President, to be head of a newly created Office of
Executive Management.
(b) Consolidation, in certain areas, at the departmental
and agency level, of functions now scattered among
various government agencies, particularly in such
important fields as transportation and water resources.
I . FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND NATIONALSECURITY
Let us examine briefly how further -- and more forceful.--
support may be given to the President in his constitutional
responsibility for the formulation, coordination and conduct of
foreign policy.
THE PROBLEM
The problem is too complex to be soluble by simply adding more
authority or more power or more functions to the Department of State.
Foreign operations involve the Department of Defense and other major
departments and agencies -- each with its own special concern, and
attitude toward, international problems.
The crux of the problem is to help develop a coordinated
Presidential policy and program which can then be administered, on
a day-to-day basis, by the existing agencies of government. The
proliferation of agencies and committees in this whole field has
tended to increase and complicate -- rather than ease and clarify --
the burden upon the President in defining and directing policy.
The reason is obvious. The more numerous and varied the sources
of divergent advice and advocacy -- from departments, agencies,
Committees and individuals -- the less chance or time has been left
to the President for reflective, over-all, long-range defining of
purpose and planning of policy,
The proper role of the committee, in our government, is a
subtle and delicate one. The system of committees, of course, works
well in the Congress: it is basic to the legislative process,
providing mechanism for concession and consensus as well as
means for mustering votes for final legislative decision. And
committees also have a proper and important place in the Executive
Branch -- either by sharing counsel among those empowered to act,
or by conducting ad hoc studies on specific problems,
But excessive zpvernment12i committee can be anything but
constructive. In the field of executive action, it can reduce the
level of government action to the least bold or imaginative --to
the lowest common denominator among many varying positions. In
such circumstances, policy may be determined not for the sake of its
rightness -- but for the sake of agreement. And then the bold and
imaginative action mul needed, in these critical times, becomes
least probable or possible,
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The essential objectives are three.
First: in support and furtherance of our national purpose, we
must integrate fully, at the Presidential level, the international
political, diplomatic, economic and social, military, informational,
cultural and psychological aspects of foreign affairs.
Second: We also must relate and integrate these matters -- from
the perspective of the responsibility of the Presidency -- with all
of our compelling,gemestic concerns -- economic or social, financial
or regulatory -- as all these affect our national conduct in the
world,
2111rd: we must provide the governmental structure that can
effectively assist the President in developing objectives and
policies, in all the area of foreign policy and national security,
so clear and so thoughtful that they will give unified and purposeful
direction to America/s unique role in serving -- and enhancing --
the future of freedom.
TIO RECOMMENDATIONS
To achieve these objectives -- vital equally to our national
security and our world role -- I recommend two broad courses of
action.
1. I recommend creation of the post of First Secretary of
the Government to assist the President in exercise of his
constitutional responsibility and authority in all the
area of national security and international affairs.
This means -- in more explicit detail -- the following:
(a) The First Secretary should be appointed by the
President, subject to confirmation by the Senate.
(b) He should have statutory designation as Executive
Chairman of the National Security Council.
(c) He should exercise authority as delegated to him
by the President, and subject to withdrawal of such
authority by, and at the will of, the President.
(d) He should be empowered, at the discretion of the
President, to act for the President in international
matters at the Prime Ministerial level, with the
Secretary of State operating on the level of the
Ministers of Foreign Affairs,
He should have a staff of his own and be empowered
to use and reorganize all of the interdepartmental
planning machinery of the government in the area of
national security and foreign affairs,
(e)
While the First Secretary, deriving his authority from
the President and acting on his behalf, would have a
status above that of the cabinet, the operating responsi-
bilities of cabinet officers would not be changed. Thus,
the Secretary of State would continue to be in charge of
the day-to-day conduct of diplomacy. So, too, the Secre-
tary of Defense would continue to be in the direct line
of Presidential command of the armed forces,
As Executive Chairman of the National Security Council,
the First Secretary could be delegated the authority,
by Executive Order or by legislation, to appoint the
chairmen of such supporting groups as the Operations
Coordinating Board, the Council on Foreign Economic
Policy, and the National Advisory Council on inter-
national monetary and financial problems.
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2. I recommend the reorganization of defense planning and
command to achieve under the President, unified doctrine
and unified direction of forces.
More specifically, this means the following:
(a) The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff should be
designated Principal Military Advisor to the
Secretary of Defense and the President, and be
responsible for development of over-all strategic
doctrine.
(b) The staff of the Joint Chiefs should be organized on
a unified basis under direct authority of the
Chairman.
(c) All officers above the rank of Brigadier General or
the equivalent should be designated officers of the
Armed Forces of the United States -- not the
individual service of their earlier careers -- and
their promotion should be placed in the control of
the Department of Defense.
(d) Full authority should be given to the Secretary of
Defense over all military research, development and
procurement, so that he may assure the most
productive utilization of research and development
funds.
(e) The budget process of the Defense Department
should be revised so that Congress appropriates
all funds to the Secretary, thereby fixing in him
a focus of fiscal responsibility similar to that
held by other Departments.
II. DOMESTIC AFFAIRS
The urgencies are as clear and great in the area of domestic
affairs as in the areas of foreign affairs and national security.
Here, too, the President needs the service and support of a struc-
ture of government more effectively assisting him to define national
purpose and execute national policy, in meeting the swiftness and
the complexity of the problems and challenges of our time.
THE PROBLEMS
Such is the nature of this period of history that the problems
confronting the government have seemed to multiply even faster than
the agencies created to cope with them.
To be specific:
There is the sheer number of departments and agencies reporting
to the President -- in essentially domestic affairs, no less than
eight departments and some forty agencies.
There is the ever-widening scope of problems confronted within
the Executive Office of the President itself. This office includes
such diverse duties as those of the Bureau of the Budget, the
President's Assistant for Personnel Management, other specialized
officials within the White House Office, the Office of Civil and
Defense Mobilization, and the Council of Economic Advisors.
There is the constant and over more difficult task of resolving
conflicts between program objectives and budgetary limitations.
There is the ever-increasing volume of legislation pending in
the Congress each year, including legislation proposed by the
President -- all reflecting new problems, freshly and forcefully
challenging all departments of government.
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And there is the need for thoughtful long-range planning and
development of policy -- made ever more difficult, and ever more
necessary, by problems ever more complex.
THE OBJECTIVE
The President alone simply cannot undertake to meet the volume
of problems and functions today demanding his attention, study and
action. To ignore this fact would be to strain the structure of our
government at its very apex -- to allow it to be weak where it must
be most strong.
The essential objective, then, is to give to the President a
strong supporting structure within his own office for policy
formulation and concrete decision.
A second objective is to assure that, at the level of the
departments and agencies themselves, there is an organizational
structure adapted to meeting the key domestic problems of today.
TJ p RECOMMENDATIONS
1. I recommend the creation of the post of Executive Assistant
to the President and Director of the Office of Executive
Management, to assist in planning and management in the
sphere of domestic affairs.
There, shbuld be created immodiatoly under,the President
a now Office of Executive Management. Five key functions
should be transferred to the new Office of Executive
Management, to be carried out by five bureaus created
within the new Office. Each bureau should be under the
direction of a non-career official appointed by the
President The Director of the new Office would report
directly to the President.
Under the plan I propose, these five bureaus and their
functions would be:
(a) Bureau of the Budget
Ezactions: budget formulation and administration
(b) Bureau of Legislative Clearance nd Coordination
Functions: the review, clearance, coordination
and development of legislation proposed by the
Executive Branch, and of the Administration's
position with respect to other legislation
pending in Congress.
(c)
Bureau of Program
Elictions: development and coordination of
recommendations concerning Executive Branch
programs, including participation in long-range
studies and planning.
(d) Bureau of Organization and Management
ITUDctions: coordination and improvement of the
organization and management functions of the
Executive Branch, including accounting and
statistical programs.
(e) Bureau of Personnel Management
Functions: assistance to the President in
exercising his leadership in personnel
management throughout the Executive Branch.
The Office of Executive Management, if created along
these lines, would serve the President more effectively
than the present structures of government in the general
management of administrative matters, including budgetary,
personnel, planning and organizational activities. The
Office would assume the functions of various units within
the Executive Office of the President and would, over a
period of time, remove the need for numerous temporary
staff arrangements established to meet special problems.
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Even with an ideal organizational structure at the White House
level, the President's responsibilities with respect to domestic
affairs cannot, any more than in the field of national defense, be
effectively performed without sound organization at the departmental
and agency level. All too often the location of a particular
function within a department or agency is more a matter of history
than of logic. Thus, in a number of areas improved governmental
machinery is essential to sound policy development in meeting the
critical and emerging problems of today and tomorrow.
In these areas:
2. I recommend the consolidation of functions which are
now scattered among various government departments and
agencies, particularly in such important fields as
transportation and water resources.
The field of transportation is a good example because
of its critical importance to the growth of our economy
in time of peace and to the defense of our nation in time
of war. In spite of general recognition of the importance
of transportation, we still do not have today a single
focal point within the Federal Government for the
formulation of overall national transportation policy,
accompanied by broad powers to develop such policy and
coordinate the activities of other agencies.
To remedy this, I recommend the creation of a new
Department of Transportation, to which would be trans-
ferred all governmental transportation functions now
located both inside and outside the Commerce Department.
These transferred functions would include all the
responsibilities of the Federal Aviation Agencyz as
well as the present promotional and administrative
functions of the regulatory agencies: the Interstate
Commerce Commission, the Civil Aeronautics Board and the
Federal Maritime Board.
Another example -- equally clear -- is the area of
water resources policy, where a dispersion of responsi-
bilities has made the development of a coordinated and
coherent government policy very difficult.
III. CONCLUSION
I have outlined -- briefly -- a program of some specific
measures to assist the President and the Executive Branch of the
federal government in meeting the clear responsibilities and
compelling challenges before it.
I believe such measures will enable the Executive Branch, in
all areas of national policy, to give direction more firm and
unified, and decision more swift and thoughtful.
No citizens are more keenly aware than you, gentlemen, of
what is ultimately at stake here. The matters discussed seem
technical or mechanical. They rise, in ultimate meaning, far above
this level. They are tests -- practical tests -- of whether free
government can work, and can work well. They are tests that come
at a time when the processes of freedom -- the workings of
democracy -- stand under fire and under challenge in the world
at large. They are tests that we, as a people and as a nation,
can and must meet.
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