CHINA REPORT RED FLAG

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• Document Creation Date: December 21, 2016
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• Publication Date: February 16, 1983
• Content Type: REPORT

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JPRS 82883
16 February 1983
China Reporfi
RED FLAG
No. 24, 16 December ~1 82
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16 February 1983
CHINA REPORT
RED FLAG
No. 24, 16 December 1982
Translation o~ the semimonthly theoretical journal of the Central
Coirsnittee of the Communist Party of China published in Beijing.
CONTENTS
Comrade Mao Zedong's Letters and Comments Concerning the Question
of Investigation and Studies (April-November 1961) .(pp 2-3) ............. 1
Strive To Create a New Situation in China's Science and
Technology Work (pp 4-10)
(Nie Rongzhen) ..................................................... 4
Educate the Party Members in the New Party Constitution, Make
Ideological Preparations for Party Rectification (pp 11-16, 24)
(Song Rengiong) .................................................... 17
Safeguard the Constitution's Dignity, Ensure Its Enforcement
(pp 17-18, 33)
(Editorial) ............................. ......................... 30
A Plan To Launch the National Economy on a Path of Healthy
Development--On the Characteristics of the Sixth 5-Year
Plan (pp 19-24)
(Fang Weizhong) .................................................... 34
Comrade Sun Yefang's Contributions to Economic Theories (pp 25-30)
(He Jianzhang, Zhang Zhuoyuan) ..................................... 44
They Are the Most Lovable People (pp 31-33) 54
(Commentator) ......................................................
Making Serious Investigations and Studies Is the Guiding
Principle for the Thoughts and Actions of All Party Cadres
(pp 34-36)
(Shi Youxin) ....................................................... 59
- a - [III - CC - 75j
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What Counts Most Is To Solve Ideological, Understanding
Problems of Leading Backbones (pp 37-39)
(Commentator) ................................................... 65
A Good Example in Using Materialist Dialectics To Sum Up
Experience and Guide Construction (pp 38-42)
(Zhang Jing) .............................................., .... 68
What Are the Differences and Relations Between the Communist
System, Ideology and Movement? (p 43)
(Lu Chen) ....................................................... 76
'Ignore the Strong Points and Bring Into Play the Weak Ones'
and 'Develop the Strong Points To Offset the Weak Ones'
(inside back cover)
(Jiang Xia) ..................................................... 79
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COMRADE MAO ZEDONG'S LETTERS AND COMMENTS CONCERNING THE QUESTION OF
INVESTIGATION AND STUDIES (APRIL-NOVEMBER 1961)
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 24, 16 Dec 82 pp 2-3
[Text] A Letter to Comrade Deng Xiaoping (25 April 1961)
Comrade Xiaoping:
Please draft a notice for the convocation of a CPC Central Committee work
conference and notify the responsible comrades of all the bureaus of the
CPC Central Committee, all provinces, municipalities and regions to arrive
at Beijing on 15 May. The members of the drafting committee of the regu-
lations of work of the rural people's commune (refer to the original sample
of Guangzhou for the list of members) to arrive at Beijing on 5 May. The
tasks of the current conference are to complete the unfinished work left
over by the Guangzhou conference, that is, to collect the opinions of the
cadres and masses, revise the 60 points of work regulations and continue
to rectify the 5 kinds of unhealthy tendencies. The problem of industry
and urban rectification will not be discussed or it may be discussed
briefly at the end of the conference. We leave this problem to be dis-
cussed at the August conference. For this purpose, all comrades who are
to attend the conference must use this period of time to conduct focused
investigations on certain key problems in the rural areas (such as the
problems of canteens, grain, supply, private plots of hilly land, classi-
fied management of mountains and forests, farm cattle, the problem of
whether production brigades or production tams should manage farm imple-
ments, the overall rectification of counties, communes and brigades of the
first and second categories and the resolute returning of unlawfully taken
things, opposing the idea of bestowing land as a favor, firmly taking the
mass line, consulting the masses, energetically encouraging the practice of
conducting investigation and study, restoring the handicraft industry and
resuming the supply and marketing cooperatives). It is essential to spend
10 to 15 days making investigations and seek3.ng truth from the masses, so
that eve can thoroughly complete the above-mentioned tasks at the May con-
ference.
Please find Comrade Tian Jiaying to draft this notice with you. We will
talk it over this evening and dispatch it by telegram tomorrow. With best
wishes!
Mao Zedong
9 a.m., 25 April
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A Letter to Comrade Li Jingquan, c/o Comrade Chen Zhenren (6 May 1961)*
Comrade Jingquan of Sichuan CPC Committee, c/o Comrade Chen Zhenren of
Jianyang Pingquan Commune:
I am very happy to have received Comrade Chen Zhenren's letter of 1 May.
It will be quite valuable to go to Jianyang once more to conduct an
investigation for a week or better 2 weeks. Comrade Jingquan, why didn't
you write to me? I was longing for your letter. Did you make any investi-
gation? The CPC Central Committee made a list of investigation items.
This was sent to you on 25 April. A further notice was sent on 4 May to
postpone the conference to 20 May, so that you could have ample opportunity
to conduct investigations and studies and have a thorough understanding of
those problems. We hope that the Beijing conference will achieve better
results than the Guangzhou conference. In addition, I ask you to do me
one more favor: Within these 15 days, I hope the first party secretaries
of all the bureaus of the CPC Central Committee, all provinces, munici-
palities and regions will conduct conscientious investigations and studies
with great efforts. You can write to me at any time, it can be informal
and do not bother about the handwriting. I expect to receive a letter from
you within this half month. If you are so kind as to write to me, I will
surely reply.
This letter should also be presented to the CPC Central Committee.
Mao Zedong
Shanghai, 6 May 1961
Comments on Transmitting Comrade Zhang Pinghua's Letter (14 May 1961)
This letter is to be transmitted to the party committees of all the bureaus
of the CPC Central Committee, all provinces, municipalities and regions for
reference. Comrade Zhang Pinghua, your letter can be transmitted through-
out Hunan and it may well be adopted by the party committees of all pre-
fectures, municipalities, counties and communes. It is imperative to
firmly take the mass line. It is also essential to consult and decide all
matters with the masses and then formulate policies for implementation.
It is forbidden for the party committees at various levels not to make any
investigations and studies. It is absolutely forbidden for a minority of
people in the party committees not to make investigations or consult with
the masses, but make the so-called policies in offices that are subjective
and harmful to the people.
Mao Zedong
Tianjin, 14 May 1961
*This letter was also sent to the first secretaries of party committees of
all the bureaus of the CPC Central Committee, all provinces, municipalities
and regions.
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Comments for the CPC Central Committee in Transmitting Comrade Deng Zihui's
Investigation Report (23 November 1961)
Party committees of all the bureaus of the CPC Central Committee, all
provinces, municipalities and regions:
Comrade Deng Zihui's report is well made. We present it to you for refer-
ence. This document should also be transmitted to the party committees at
prefectural, county and commune levels for reference, because at present,
all localities are popularly making experiments. It is the soul of Marxism
to conduct conscientious investigation and study and make a concrete
analysis of specific problems, rather than making abstract and subjective
analyses. We suggest that before 20 December, the first party secretaries
of all provinces lead certain numbers of work teams and go down to villages
to conduct investigations and studies for 10 days or so by adopting the
methods of Comrade Deng Zihui.
The CPC Central Committee
23 November 1961
CSO: 4004/17
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STRIVE TO CREATE A NEW SITUATION IN CHINA'S SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY WORK
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 24, 16 Dec 82 pp 4-10
[Article by Nie Rongzhen [5119 2837 5271]]
[Text] Editor's note: On 25 November, Comrade Nie
Rongzhen gave an interview to Comrade Xiong Fu, chief
editor of this journal. He made an important state-
ment on the issue of striving to create a new situa-
tion in our country's science and technology work.
In his talk, Comrade Nie Rongzhen mentioned the major
experiences that he gained during the period when he
was in charge of science and technology work, particu-
larly stressing the party's historical experience on
the intellectual problem and the problems we should
pay attention to at present in implementing our
intellectual policies. He points out that we should
teach our broad ranks of cadres and masses to under-
stand the position and role of the intellectuals in
socialist modernization, develop a new custom of the
whole society respecting knowledge, science and intel-
lectuals and strive to form a friendly alliance of
workers, peasants and intellectuals. His talk is of
great significance in helping all our party members to
,heighten their, awareness and unify, their understanding
on the problem related to the conscientious implementa-
tion of the party's policy on science and technology
work and on intellectuals. Here are his remarks.
Ever since the 12th party congress, the initiative of our country's scien-
tists and broad ranks of cadres on the scientific and technical front has
been very high. They all hope that our country's science and technology
work develops quickly. I can understand this mood. It has been a long
time since I left my post of responsibility for science and technology work,
but I am still concerned with and will support this work with all my
strength. People are all very anxious and so am I.
In my opinion, the present situation is characterized by the fact that in
order to fulfill the plan for the development of the coming 20 years, people
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throughout the country wish the science and technology work to develop more
quickly. Recently, in one of his talks, Comrade Deng Xiaoping put forward
the problem of organizing science and technology ranks to tackle major
technical problems hurdles, regarding it as a matter of first priority in
carrying out the 20-year development plan. It is very clear that develop-
ing the four modernizations, making our economy prosper, building up the
two civilizations and achieving the magnificent goal of quadrupling all
depends on progress in developing science and technology. At present, the
key to our modernization lies in satisfactorily developing our science and
technology work and giving full play to the role of intellectuals in this
field.
Take agriculture for example. We are faced with quite a large number of
agricultural scientific and technical problems. How can we modernize the
whole country, if we cannot solve the problems related to agriculture? The
modernization of agriculture can never be divorced from science and tech-
nology. The first character of the "eight-character constitution" for
agriculture i.s soil. Soil constitutes the foundation of agricultural pro-
duction. China is so vast that the soil in its territory differs widely
in its composition, physical, chemical and ecological nature and fertility.
In order to develop diversified undertakings that are suited to the local
conditions, we must do a large amount of work to investigate the soil con-
ditions in a widespread manner. It will take an even longer period of time
to improve our soil. In this respect, we need the joint efforts of the
specialists of various fields. In the past, excessive lumbering, the crea-
tion of "Dazhai land" and the practice of reclaiming land from lake areas
gave rise to serious soil erosion and undermined the ecological equilibrium
of nature. We should put to an-end forever these foolish practices that go
against the objective law. The second feature is water. The establishment
of irrigation systems needs the joint efforts of the specialists in water
conservation, geology and other fields. In this respect, there is also the
problem of taking the local conditions into account. In the north where
there is little rainfall, we should not blindly develop irrigated land.
Excessive use of underground water in the suburban areas will bring about
serious results and may even cause the land to subside. There are also
the problems related to pesticide and fertilizers. S,omeYka.nd~ of pesticide
seriously pollute the environment and are no longer used abroad, but we
continue to use them. We should pay greater attention.to using biological
methods to overcome pests. The excessive use of fertilizer may destroy the
organic composition of the soil. All these problems cannot be solved with-
out science and technology and must be solved through the research of our,
specialists. The third feature is seeds. Having fine species of seeds is
an important means of increasing agricultural production. The populariza-
tion of the hybrid rice of high-land type and the No 1 Lu strain of cotton
alone has already created more than 1 billion yuan of wealth. There are
also the problems related to thick planting and deep plowing. The American
Han Ding opposes deep plowing. These problems also should be solved by
specialists through research. In short, the solution to all of these prob-
lems lies with science and technology or with the efforts of specialists in
soil science, water conservation, botany, genetics, entomology and other
fields. Now our party's policies are right and since the establishment of
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the agricultural production responsibility system, the peasants' initiative
has been greatly heightened and agriculture has developed relatively quickly.
However, there is a limit to giving play to the initiative of the peasants
and a state of "saturation" will be reached some day.
However, the potential for increasing production that science and tech-
nology can bring to agriculture is infinite. Our peasants understand this
idea and have already tasted the benefits of scientific farming, so they are
eager to use science. Now agricultural technicians have already become
"gods of wealth" in our rural areas. pur peasants are vying with one
another in seeking the advice of these technicians. This is a very hearten-
ing phenomenon. This is also true for our industry that also has to rely on
the strength of science and technology. For example, cadres in such medium-
sized cities as Xiangfan, Changzhou, and Siping understood this idea
earlier. As a result, the industrial development in these cities has been
quicker and some of the products there have already surpassed Shanghai in
their quality. We must realize this trend of development and welcome the
arrival of a scientific and technical upsurge in our country.
Now the problem for which the broad ranks of cadres on the scientific and
technical front show the greatest concern is how we are to create a new
situation in our science and technology work. Let me mention a personal
experience. In 1956, I began to replace Comrade Chen Yi as the responsible
person for science and technology work. When I was in charge of this work,
Premier Zhou and Comrade Chen Yi were leading the formulation of the 12-
year national development plan of science and technology. Generally speak-
ing, at that time, the number of our technical and scientific workers was
small, their level was low and their working and research conditions were
poor. However, because the party Central Committee paid great attention to
this work and many major issues were directly handled by Chairman Mao and
Premier Zhou, we made great progress in a very short period of time. In
1964, we succeeded in exploding an atomic bomb and 2 years and 8 months
later, we again succeeded in exploding an H-bomb. Many new industrial
departments have been developed to fill the gaps of our country`s scien-
tific and technical field.
I think that in order to do our science and technology work well, we should
do the following:
1. We should be self-reliant. Chairman Mao said that our country is first
of all poor and second of all unmarked, but that the largest number of the
best pictures could be drawn on a piece of blank paper. We are not afraid
of having nothing on the paper. Since there is nothing on the paper, we
can draw pictures as we please. In order to satisfactorily build up our
country and draw the best and most beautiful pictures, we cannot rely on
anybody else. We must rely on ourselves, on our workers, peasants and
intellectuals. Our principle of self-reliance can be said to be the con-
sequence'~of outward force. Khrushchev one-sidedly broke all the; agreements
and withdrew all his experts without leaving anything, even the blueprints;
for us. Since he would not give these things to us, we had to rely on our-
selves. This resulted in our success in making the atom bomb and H-bomb and
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the development of all sectors. It was a very fortunate thing that we were
forced to rely on ourselves. When we succeeded in exploding our first
atomic bomb, Chairman Mao humorously said that we had to grant Khrushchev
a great medal weighing 1 ton as a token of our "gratitude." Of course, our
self-reliance by no means signifies a closed-door policy. We should con-
scientiously introduce new technology and equipment and purchase patents
from abroad. We should learn and take over all those that are useful to us
and make them serve our modernizations. We must understand, however, that
we cannot buy modernization from abroad with money. The new technology and
equipment we have bought should be assimilated through study and then be
transformed and developed in the light of the actual conditions in our coun-
try. On the problem of introducing things from abroad, we must always be
sober-minded. We wish to introduce advanced technology and equipment from
some capitalist countries but these countries have publicly declared that
they will only sell the second most advanced things and will not sell the
most advanced ones. Some people find that it is too slow to develop by
ourselves. I say that it is slow in some respects, but it is more reliable.
Moreover, to take a long-term view, it is much quicker than the speed we
can achieve if we completely rely on imports. Did we not quickly take the
fortification of the sophisticated technology of the atom and H-bombs by
relying on our own strength under very difficult conditions in the past?
Now that we have such favorable conditions, it is out of the question that
we can succeed by relying on ourselves. That is why I always advocate self-
reliance, consider things from the viewpoint of basing things on development
of our national industry, and scientific and technical undertakings and
stress raising the scientific and cultural level of the whole nation. In
the final analysis, we have to rely on our own strength. Therefore, self-
reliance is our starting point. At the same time, we should pay attention
to introducing advanced technology from abroad. We have done this work for
decades and have already laid a certain foundation. I agzee with Comrade
Zhao Ziyang's view on technical transformation and on science and tech-
nology work serving economic construction expressed in his report to the
recent NPC session. In my ,opinion, by relying on technical transformation,
conservation of energy and the research into, exploitation and development
of new technology, we will be able to increase production and promote the
development of science. It will not do, if we import everything from
abroad, rely on imports for everything or worship and have blind faith in
things foreign.
2. We should formulate appropriate plans for the development of our
science and technology. Having formulated a plan, we have a destination
for our march and a goal to achieve through our striving. In 1956, we con-
centrated a few hundred scientists and technical workers to spend nearly 10
months in drawing up a 12-year science and technology development plan.
Thus we clarified the key projects and persisted in developing scientific
research first. This plan took into account the requirement for scientific
and technical development of all sectors as well as stressing the 57 key
projects. Later, because Khrushchev tore up the agreements, we shifted to
stressing, regarding as key projects and organizing all the trades and
professions to tackle jet propulsion technology, atomic technology and
electronics. Our practice has proved that this kind of science and
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technology plan that gives priority to scientific research and combines
key projects with common projects can play a satisfactory role in
organizing and promoting the development of our country's science and
technology.
3. We should organize our ranks well. After we have formulated a plan,
we should organize our scientific and technical personnel to realize this
plan. At that time, the numbers of our scientific and technical personnel
were small, their foundations were weak, their tasks were heavy and the
difficulties facing them were .very great. For example, we did not know
much about jet propulsion technology and atomic energy and we could only
buy some materials from abroad to read. However, we could only get a
rough idea from these materials because the detailed technical materials
were confidential and could not be bought anywhere. What were we to do?
According to the unified national plan, we organized five contingents,
namely, the research institutions, the higher education institutions, the
industrial departments, the national defense_ science committee and the
local scientific research force, and assigned to these contingents clearly
defined tasks according to their strong points. Since we had a unified
plan, no one could carry out his work at his will without taking into
account the work of other people and all people closely coordinated and
copperated by means of division of labor and jointly tackle the major
technical problem hurdles. This was a nationwide cooperation and coordina-
tion of all the activities of the nation like pieces in a chess game. At
that time, all the units were willing to accept whatever tasks were assigned
and felt glory in doing them because these tasks were assigned and felt
glory in doing them because these tasks were what all our party members,
all our army and the people throughout our country wished and trusted them
to fulfill. After these five contingents were mobilized, people supported
one another. If only the fraternal units have the need, the coordinating
units will give all-out support and facilitate things, either in technical
know-how or in material supplies. There were no malpractices of shifting
responsibility or mutual blockade, therefore the work efficiency was very
high.
At that time, our ranks of scientific and technical personnel were small
and were to be expanded through continuously recruiting new workers. We
paid great attention to the problem of distributing jobs to college grad-
uates and returned students from abroad. If any of them was not assigned
a job related to what he had studied, was not properly assigned or had
nothing to do through being assigned a job, we had the power to make
adjustments and assign him to a new job. As we were in charge of the
tackling of the major problem hurdles, we knew what kind of people were
needed by which department and how to assign jobs properly. This was done
in the manner of a commander in chief directing a battle. He had to know
the kind of troops that were needed on which front and how many troops
were needed. Having taken the personnel power in our hands, we combined
the management of the tasks with that of personnel. As a result, we
enabled these young intellectuals to utilize their strong points and get
appropriate jobs, thus, they vigorously struggled in the van under the
guidance and command of old specialists and played a material role in
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tackling the major technical problems hurdles. Now they have already
become the backbone force on various fronts.
4. We should strengthen the centralized unified leadership. Modern
science and technology differs widely from that in the 18th and 19th
centuries. At that time, scientific research was often the result of the
independent efforts of individuals and an individual was able to achieve
many inventions and discoveries in his life. Things are vastly different
now. True, some research o~ basic theory and technology, such as research
in certain mathematical theories, can be done by adopting old methods, but
the research of major basic theories and the research and manufacture of
major projects and equipment must be done by means of modern experimenta-
tion. Therefore, an individual, unit or even a whole trade or local area
does not have sufficient resources to carry this out and we have to con-
centrate the strength of the whole nation in doing it. In manufacturing
guided missiles, atom bombs, airplanes, warships and computers, we needed
many new-type materials and sophisticated apparatuses and precision instru-
ments. At that time, these things were not available either at home or
abroad. We organized our own force to produce them by division of labor
and cooperation and fixed a deadline for the fulfillment of the tasks. At
that time, we needed more than 13,000 kinds of new materials and none of
these materials had ever been produced at home. Because of the centralized
and unified leadership and the vigorous coordination and cooperation, how-
ever, we succeeded in testing all these materials in a short time which
all satisfied the prescribed state quality standards. To satisfy the need
of the development of science and technology work, we organized the force
of the whole nation to test produce the "nine major equipments" for making
the special types of materials that were of particularly great thickness,
thinness, breadth and length. It was a pity that the "Great Cultural Revo-
lution" put an end to all these efforts; otherwise, the technical level of
our country's industry would have reached a higher plane. This was an
obvious example of science and technology promoting industrial development.
If we had not concentrated our science and technical force and did not
have the centralized command of our scientific and technical personnel, we
would not have fulfilled such magnificent tasks even if we had wished to.
These centralized efforts resulted in successes in making products of highly
sophisticated technology, the corresponding development of many new indus-
trial sectors and the corresponding establishment of many new branches of
learning. People call this period the "golden age" of our country's scien-
tific and technical work. This tells us a truth that in doing all our work
we have to proceed from the needs of the state and that this is the starting
point for us in considering and handling problems. As long as the state
has the need, we should take up the management. We should not be apprehen-
sive of managing too many things. We should manage the personnel, finance
and materials because the state needs us to take them up in our management.
It is also because of the state's needs that we demand centralized and uni-
fied planning, the mobilization of the five contingents and their coordina-
tion in solving the contradictions that have emerged. Thus we will be able
to bring about the greatest return for our limited resources of labor,
materials and funds and avoid the dispersion of the work force and duplica-
tion of scientific research projects.
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At that time, we called this method of tackling major technical problems
hurdles under centralized and unified leadership "developing branches of
learning through the processes of fulfilling tasks." This is a good method
of developing science and technology. Of course, this is not the only
method. Modern science and technology is very complicated, so we should
adopt many ways of developing it and should not seek a "uniform" method.
We must not discriminate against the research of basic science. Basic
science and applied science supplement one another. We should be more far-
sighted and should not look down upon basic scientific research because it
does not bring along any tangible economic results in a short time. Basic
scientific research is the foundation of applied scientific research.
Therefore, it is impossible to carry out applied scientific research with-
out a certain amount of basic scientific research. Our principle must be
"strengthening applied scientific research while paying attention to basic
scientific research" as was pointed out in Comrade Hu Yaobang's report to
the 12th party congress. Premier Zhou expounded on this problem in the
past and recently so has Comrade Zhao Ziyang, time and again.
The 12th party congress has already formulated a magnificent plan for
socialist modernization and the Fifth Session of the Fifth NPC will soon
examine, discuss and approve the Sixth Five-Year Plan. The prospects of
socialism are as beautiful as a silk embroidery. Now the problem is the
earnest implementation of the policies related to our intellectuals.
Recently, Comrade Deng Xiaoping said that in order to actually achieve the
20-year development plan, in order to complete the construction of a large
number of major key projects and in order to tackle major scientific and
technical problems hurdles, "the first thing we should do is soundly solve
the problem related to the management and employment of our scientific and
technical labor force." He said that "in order to break the boundaries of
departments and localities, and rationally employ this force, we must unify
its management. This will be impossible, if we do not have a strong
authoritative organ." I fully agree with this opinion. Now, we have a
scientific and technical labor force of more than 5.7 million people. This
is not a small technical force. We have some fundamental scientific
research equipment and a larger amount of funds. These conditions are much
more favorable than those when I was in charge of this work. Now, we are
speeding up the development of integrated circuits, especially the develop-
ment of highly condensed ones with extremely great speed and also the new
generation of computers. This is of tremendous significance in promoting
the development of science and technology. As long as we overcome decen-
tralism.and departmental selfishness and strengthen our centralized and
unified leadership, as long as we put an end to the malpractices of shift-
ing responsibility to one another and of mutual blockade, but on the con-
trary, exercise unified planning, coordinate all the activities of the
nation like pieces in a chess game, carry out a rational division of labor,
support one another and carry out nationwide cooperation and as long as we
give full play to the superiority of the socialist system, we will be able
to create a new situation in our country`s science and technology work and
bring along a new "golden age" in this work.
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The key to the four modernizations is the modernization of science and
technology. In order to achieve the modernization of science and tech-
nology, we should rely on the intellectuals who master modern science and
technology. Without intellectuals it will be impossible to achieve either
the four modernizations or the magnificent goal of quadrupling. This idea
has recently been repeatedly propagated in our press. However, some people
are still not convinced, and think that the party has gone too far in
implementing its policies related to the intellectuals. This is a very
erroneous viewpoint and is very harmful to the socialist cause. We must
teach these people to correct their views and to treat this problem with a
strategical view. The prejudice of looking down upon knowledge and science
and discriminating against intellectuals was originally the reflection of
ignorance and backwardness. As a legacy of the old society, it has been of
long standing in our society. This prejudice also has its influence in our
party. Aggravated by the influence of the "leftist" ideology, various kinds
of prejudice of looking down on and discriminating against intellectuals
have emerged in the minds of some of our cadres. This also has a very long
history. During the period of the Red Army, the medical and telecommunica-
tions personnel came from KMT troops. This work could only be done by
employing these people because the worker and peasant cadres were not cap-
able of doing it. With the education of the party, these people quickly
became our technical cadres and some of them became ministers of our govern-
ment after the founding of the PRC. They have played a very satisfactory
role in our revolution and construction. At that time, they were paid
salaries of money, while our commanders in chief and political commissars
received their payments in kind instead of money. They led a better life
than us. However, some people did not think this was right and complained.
During the war of resistance against Japan, we had our base areas, field
armies and border area governments and needed to set up hospitals and indus-
trial enterprises and arsenals to make and repair weapons. Moreover, we had
to carry out radio telecommunications and establish newspaper offices and
broadcast stations. Thus we needed a larger number of intellectuals to join
the revolutionary ranks. However, there were obstacles and the intellectuals
suffered discrimination. Therefore, in 1939, the party Central Committee
issued the "Resolution on Recruiting a Large Number of Intellectuals."
Since then, a large number of intellectuals came to the liberated areas.
This problem was not solved after the liberation of the whole country and
there have always been conflicts on it. In 1956, the party Central Com-
mittee held a national meeting on problems related to the intellectuals,
in which Premier Zhou gave the "Report on the Problems Related to Intellec-
tuals." He pointed out that at that time, the main tendency in our party
on the problems related to the intellectuals was factionalism, an under-
estimate of the tremendous progress in politics and in their work of .our
intellectual circles, an underestimate of the intellectuals' important role
in our socialist cause and an ignorance of the fact that the intellectuals
were a part of the working class. He emphatically expounded on the position
and role of the intellectuals in our socialist construction. He said: In
the final analysis, the reason why we should build up a socialist economy
is to satisfy, to the greatest possible extent, the constantly increasing
material and cultural demands of the whole society. In order to achieve
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this aim, we must continuously develop a social productive force and raise
labor productivity and must constantly increase and improve socialist pro-
duction on the basis of a highly developed technology. Therefore, during
the period of socialism, we have a demand even more urgent than in any
other period for fully raising our technology of production and for fully
developing science and utilizing our knowledge of science. Therefore,
apart from the necessity of relying on the conscientious labor of the
working class and the broad ranks of peasants, it is necessary for us to
rely on the conscientious labor of the intellectuals. In other words, we
must rely on the close cooperation of manual and mental labor and the
fraternal alliance of workers, peasants and intellectuals, thus the problem
was initially solved. However, a reverse tendency emerged in 1957 and 1958.
At the national scientific planning conference and the national conference
on theatrical creation held in Guangzhou in 1962, many scientists, writers
and artists again aired their views on intellectual policies. Consequently,
discussions on an intellectual issue were added to the agenda of the
Guangzhou conference. Premier Zhou personally attended the conference.
Premier Zhou, Comrade Chen Yi and I, as well as Comrade Guo Moruo, dis-
cussed this issue on several occasions. We held that intellectuals are not
an independent class. They can serve the bourgeoisie and they can also
serve the proletariat. We have engaged in socialism for many years and most
of the intellectuals have been trained by us since the founding of the PRC.
How can we say that they are bourgeois intellectuals? We proposed to
"remove the label from the intellectuals and provide them with a halo" by
removing the label of bourgeois intellectuals and proclaiming them intel-
lectuals of the working people. Premier Zhou, Comrade Chen Yi and I spoke
at the meetings. Premier Zhou delivered the first speech. He expressed
his heartfelt pleasure at the growth and development of the ranks of our
intellectuals. The generation of old intellectuals had succeeded in train-
ing a generation of new intellectuals, both of them forming socialist intel-
lectual circles. They had made tremendous progress after 12 years of trans-
formation and trials. Like the workers and peasants, most intellectuals
love the motherland. The premier said, we we're greatly moved by your great
love for the motherland. This was the pride in our intellectuals!
Before his return to Beijing, Premier Zhou asked Comrade Chen Yi to deliver
a speech announcing the removal of the label of bourgeois intellectuals.
Comrade Chen Yi first transmitted to the scientists, writers and artists
attending the conference Premier Zhou's words that they were the intellec-
tuals of the people, revolutionary intellectuals, and mental laborers who
served the proletariat and should be freed of the label of bourgeois
intellectuals. "The workers, peasants and intellectuals are the three com-
ponent parts of the Chinese working people." He emphatically said: "We
should no longer put the label of bourgeois intellectuals on all intellec-
tuals after 12 years of transformation and trials." Comrade Chen Yi made
it fairly clear by saying, "They are still uncomplaining, are still willing
to follow us and still do not lose confidence in the Communist Party after
12 years of transformation and trials. We can at least see a person's
heart. If the Communist Party still fails to test or distinguigh a person
in 8, 10 or 12 years, the Communist Party does not have foresight!" "Did
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Marx, Engels, Lenin or Chairman Mao ever say that the Communist Party does
not respect knowledge and science? No one has ever made such a remark.
Ignorance is a great enemy. Imperialism is an enemy, feudalism is an
enemy and ignorance--with hundreds of millions of people having no knowledge
and no scientific knowledge--is also a great enemy."
After being "freed from the label and provided with a halo," the broad
section of our intellectuals felt warm to the bottom of their hearts.
Pleased and active, they were quick in attaining many achievements in
scientific research. This is the fundamental reason for the emergence of
the "golden age" in our scientific and technological work.
If we look through history, we can see that we did the work of "removing the
label from the intellectuals and providing them with a halo" as far back as
in 1962 during the Guangzhou conference. The conclusion affirming that the
intellectuals are socialist laborers and a part of, the working class was
reached at that time. However, the emergence of the "Cultural Revolution"
overthrew all this. Under the sabotage of Lin Biao and the "gang of four,"
intellectuals were again labeled as "bourgeoisie," "reactionary authorities"
and "the stinking ninth category." They were severely hit and humiliated
and were unable to stand up. It was necessary for the leading comrades of
the party at various levels to actively create good working conditions
for the scientific and technical personnel and take good care of them
politically and in their livelihood. During the difficult period, in an
effort to care for the scientists, I called in the aid of the navy for some
fish, in the aid of the Beijing and Guangzhou Military Regions and the
Xinjiang Military District for some meat and in the aid of some other locali-
ties for some soybeans and edible oil. In the first place, their labor
was a very arduous one, and they shouldered a very important task of tack-
ling key problems. The party should take good care of them. However,
right and wrong were confounded during the "Cultural Revolution." All this
was regarded as the "revisionist line" and was criticized until it was
"discredited." They criticized what they called "scientific and technical
fish" and "scientific and technical meat." The "leftist" errors developed
to a very high degree. This not only subjected the intellectuals to great
humiliation but also China's scientific and technological undertakings and
even the entire social undertaking to great damage. In the late 1950's, we
marched toward the modernization of science and other new branches of
learning, with such modernizations as transistors, calculators and lasers.
At that time, some Western countries had also just started at the begin-
ning. Twenty years later, the gap between foreign countries and us is
greater. This is a.fact known to all. Therefore, judging by the history
of our party, it has never been able to dispense with intellectuals, either
in its revolutionary or construction cause. Whenever we pay attention to
intellectuals and adopt a correct policy toward them our cause makes
progress and develops. On the other hand, whenever we discriminate against
intellectuals and adopt an erroneous policy toward them our cause suffers a
setback. This is particularly true in the period of socialist construc-
tion.
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Since the smashing of the "gang .of four," particularly since the 3d Plenary
Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, the party has, in the course of
setting things to rights, reexamined and established the party's policy
toward the intellectuals, reaffirming that, by and large, the intellectuals
constitute a component part of China's working class. Comrade Deng Xiaoping
has delivered many speeches on this issue. Consequently, the intellectuals
throughout the country are pleased and have peace of mind for being able to
stand up. They have made great contributions by actively working on vari-
ous fronts. The party has now made clear its policy toward the intellec-
tuals and has issued repeated injunctions on its implementation. The
"Revised Draft Constitution of the PRC" submitted to the current NPC for
consideration has also made clear in its preamble that in building socialism
it is imperative to rely on the workers, peasants and intellectuals. That
is to say, the workers, peasants and intellectuals are the three main social
forces in our country and form the principal part of our people. It is
necessary to tell the broad section of our cadres and masses to fully
understand the position and role of the intellectuals in our socialist
modernization.
There are some people who say that "our evaluation of intellectuals is
exaggerated" and that intellectuals are "cocky once again." These words
are groundless. At present, our implementation of the policies related to
the intellectuals has just begun and the resistance we, are encountering
both within and outside our party is not small and can be regarded as
being quite stubborn. I had a talk with a GUANGMING RIBAO reporter in
August of this year. ,Most people approved of this talk when it was pub-
lished in the newspaper. There were also people who opposed this talk,
criticizing the comrades in the GUANGMING RIBAO office for speaking on a
bourgeois stand. I have indeed offended some people on this issue. How-
ever, what is to be done? We must continue to fight for the interests of
the party and state, for the four modernizations and for the overall imple-
ment~tion of our intellectual policies.
On the question of implementing the policy toward the intellectuals, it is
still necessary for our press and press institutions to make a loud appeal
to the public. It is no good to talk about it in general terms; it is
necessary to make a public criticism. It is also no good to make a mild
criticism; it is necessary to make a sharp criticism. Sometimes it is even
necessary to conduct some struggles. Neither Marx nor Engels said that all
intellectuals are reactionary. They always made a concrete analysis of
intellectuals and gave different evaluations to different intellectuals.
Both Marx and Engels fully affirmed and highly evaluated the contributions
to human progress made by such great scientists as Newton, Galileo and
Darwin. Engels also specifically said that even under the capitalist
system, it is also possible to turn out from among the university students
"a king of proletariat who engages in mental labor" and who fights shoulder
to shoulder with the fraternal workers engaging in manual labor. For this
reason, it is necessary for us to conduct ideological education through
various means to enable the broad section of cadres and masses to under-
stand the idea that in developing modernization, making our economy prosper,
carrying out the construction of the two civilizations and achieving the
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goal of quadrupling by the end of this century, we cannot dispense with
scientific and technical progress and we cannot dispense with intellec-
tuals.
At present, we have to pay particular attention to giving play to the role
of middle-aged intellectuals., The middle-aged intellectuals ranging from
40 to 50 years old are a generation of new intellectuals who grew up under
the direct cultivation of the party. They are a generation serving as a
link between the past and future, carrying forward the revolutionary cause
and forging ahead into the future. They love the motherland, socialism and
the party and they never change their original intention, even under adverse
circumstances. Having laid a relatively solid foundation in professional
knowledge, they have made great contributions in the field of science and
technology to the cause of China's modernization program. These middle-
aged intellectuals are the backbone on all the fronts. The heavy task of
developing modern science and technology, building both material and
spiritual civilization and raising the scientific and cultural level of the
whole nation rests on their shoulders. This is a glorious mission entrusted
to them by history. They have a heavy work load and have made great con-
tributions. However, their salaries are low and they have a lot of diffi-
culties in their livelihood. The party's policy toward the intellectuals
has not been completely implemented among them. In many departments and
localities, they have not received their due respect and good care. The
problems related to their working and living conditions have not been
solved in a satisfactory manner. This merits the attention of our leading
comrades at various levels, particularly the leading comrades in factories
and institutions. The academic ranks and titles of intellectuals should be
solved in a satisfactory manner. However, there is also the problem of pay
and conditions that should be gradually solved by adopting various specific
measures. In short, improving the working and living conditions of middle-
aged intellectuals has become a very urgent issue. Marx said long ago that
mental labor is a complicated one that should receive relatively better
remunerations. We should considerably increase their salaries. We should
practically solve this problem by overcoming the egalitarian mentality in
our ranks. It is necessary to free the intellectuals of their trouble at
home so that they can wholeheartedly engage in the four modernizations.
The advanced deeds of Comrades Jiang Zhuying and Luo Jianfu publicized in
succession recently by GUANGMING RIBAO and GONGREN RIBAO are very touching.
The communist spirit of these two Communist Party members is worth our
learning. They had bright prospects in the first place because they had
high consciousness and made great contributions to the state. Comrade Wang
Daheng, director of the Changcun Optical Machinery Research Institute where
Comrade Jiang Zhuying worked before his death, is a noted Chinese opticist.
He had made a great contribution to the optical cause of our country.
Comrade Jiang Zhuying was precisely a student of his pride, to whom he was
going to hand over the future task. It was a pity, however, that Comrade
Jiang Zhuying died while he was "tackling key problems." This constituted
a loss for the state. Such intellectuals as Jiang Zhuying and Luo Jianfu
are excellent representatives of the contemporary Chinese intellectuals and
are a valuable treasure of the party and state. We all deeply regretted
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their unfortunate early deaths. What is more important, however, is that
the leading party and government cadres at various levels should take good
care of and show great concern for thousands upon thousands of living Jiang
Zhuying's and Luo Jianfu's. We should draw lessons from the early death of
these middle-aged intellectuals. Have the. leading comrades of our party
and government organizations at various levels failed to do what they ought
to have done and take better care of them? It should be noted that, as far
as our country is concerned, our scientific and technological personnel are
not many but are few. Those scientists and technical experts who love the
motherland, work diligently and conscientiously and have real ability and
training are our national treasure. Naturally, the intellectuals also have
their shortcomings and not all intellectuals are competent persons. I hope
all intellectuals will study hard, strive to make progress, overcome their
shortcomings, raise their professional standards and strive to become both
Red and expert and make more contributions to the motherland.
CSO: 4004/16
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EDUCATE THE PARTY MEMBERS IN THE NEW PARTY CONSTITUTION, MAKE IDEOLOGICAL
PREPARATIONS FOR PARTY RECTIFICATION
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 24, 16 Dec 82 pp 11-16, 24
[Speech by Song Renqiong [1345 0117 4522] on 19 November 1982 at the
national conference on educating party members]
[Text] Comrades, this national conference on educating party members is an
important meeting for implementing the 12th party congress spirit, studying
and making arrangements for education of party members in accordance with
the demands of the new party constitution, and preparing for party rectifi-
cation. I now want to give some views.
I. The New Party Constitution Is the Best Since the Founding of the Party
The new party constitution since its promulgation has drawn a strong
response inside and outside the party and at home and abroad. Many com-
rades hold that the new party constitution "is the quintessence of the
party's historical experience and of the wisdom of the whole party" and is
"the weapon for rectifying and building the .party. The new party consti-
tution affirms in charter form the correct line since the third plenary
session, and there are great prospects for our party and our cause.
A number of foreign publications and press agencies have also held that the
new party constitution is "sober and realistic in tone," "expresses the
resolve to refurbish the party work style," and has laid down a "Chinese-
style path for building socialism."
How should we judge whether a communist party constitution is good or not?
There can only be one criterion and that is whether it is solved well or
not the question of integrating Marxism-Leninism with the practice of a
country's revolution. I will now apply this criterion to analyze the ques-
tion of why we say that the constitution of the 12th party congress is the
best since the founding of the party.
1. The new party constitution meets the needs of the governing party. Ours
has been the governing party for more than 30 years. The constitution of
the eighth party congress touched on this question. However, as the state
'had not been in existence long at that time, the conditions for solving this
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question were not sufficiently ripe. The constitution of the 12th party
congress takes full consideration for the position of the governing party
and has appropriately made a series of specific regulations for ensuring
that the organizations at all levels of the governing party and all its
members have rules to follow. The party constitution includes for the
first time the stipulation that "the party must conduct its activities
within the framework of the constitution and the law." Ours is the govern-
ing party that leads political power in the whole country. The party's
line, principles and policies are the concentrated expression of the common
interests and will of the people of all nationalities throughout the land.
Through the constitution and the laws formulated by the state organs of
power, our party's leadership of the people of the whole country is also
the concentrated expression of the common interests and will of the people
of all nationalities throughout the land, and has also become the will of
the state. Hence, under our socialist system, the will of the people, the
state and the party are identical. For Communist Party members, no matter
what post they hold, practicing and adhering to the constitution means
carrying out the will of the party. Any tendency of setting the constitu-
tion and the law against the tasks of the party, of weak concept of law and
discipline, or of failure to observe the law or to strictly enforce it will
weaken the position of the governing party. All such tendencies are intol-
erable. Everyone still remembers the incident that occurred a few years
ago: The masses asked us "whether the constitution or the county CPC com-
mittee is the greater." This is a simple question and also a sharp criti-
cism. The new party constitution has now made a totally unequivocal reply
to this question. The position of the governing party poses new demands
not only on the framework of the party's activities but also on the party
members and cadres. The constitution of the 12th party congress lays down
regulations suited to the position of the governing party with regard to
the rights and obligations of party members, the basic conditions for party
cadres, and the tasks of the party organizations at all levels. The new
party constitution demands that the party members "always be ordinary mem-
bers of the laboring people,'' that "party cadres are the people's servants,"
that "apart from individual interests and work duties within the framework
stipulated .by the system and policy, no party member may pursue any private
interest or special powers," and that "the party's leading cadres at all
levels, whether they were democratically elected or appointed by the leading
organs, do not hold their posts for life, and all of them can be transferred
or relieved of their posts." The appearance o,f these stipulations in the
new party constitution shows that our party has become a mature governing
party.
2. The new party constitution meets the needs of bringing order out of
chaos. Many of the clauses of the new party constitution can be described
as correcting the mistakes of the 10 years of internal disorder and con-
solidating the results of bringing order out of chaos. The new party con-
stitution gives a complete and scientific outline of the party's ideological
line: "Proceed from reality in everything, link theory with reality, seek
truth from facts, and test and develop the truth in the course of practice."
This is a summation of the party's positive and negative experiences in
ideological line for a long time in the past, and is also the ideological
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weapon for continuing to bring order out of chaos in all respects in the
future. The new party constitution stipulates that "the party prohibits
any form of personality cult." This shows that our party has absorbed the
serious lessons of indulging in personality cult in the past and is
resolved to establish correct relationships between the leadership and the
party and between the leadership and the masses in accordance with the
historical materialist viewpoint. The new party constitution also stipu-
lates that "no arty members no matter how high or low his post, may
decide himself on major issues." This has always been our party's con-
sistent principle. It has also been p.ut forward in the light of the
serious damage suffered by the party in the past as a result of the indi-
vidual autocracy with "one person having the say" that appeared in our
party for a time in the past.
3. The new party constitution suits the needs of socialist modernization.
In accordance with the main contradictions in Chinese society, the party's
general task in the present stage, and the focus of party work, the new
party constitution gives prominence to socialist modernization. This is
the first time that a party constitution has assigned such an important
position to the task of modernization. The new party constitution also
stipulates that "party leadership is mainly political, ideological and
organizational leadership." This has thus solved in principle the major
question of how to uphold party leadership in the cause of China's social-
ist construction, and has prevented lack of division of party and govern-
ment and of party and enterprises, with low work efficiency, from con-
tinuing to affect the progress of the cause of socialist construction.
The new party constitution stipulates that the rank of party cadres must be
revolutionized, younger, better educated and more specialized, that the
party cadres must "undergo party training, investigation and examination,"
and that the leading cadres at all levels must meet six basic criteria.
The party's cadres are a backbone force in the socialist modernization
cause, and building a high-quality cadre force is precisely a stipulation
of strategic significance that our party has laid down in order to meet the
needs of the new period.
4. The new party constitution suits the needs of building socialist
spiritual civilization and socialist democracy. Enhancing the masses'
communist awareness, so that the people will genuinely become the masters
of the country, is an expression of the superiority of socialism, and is
also an historic task shouldered by the party. The new party constitution
points out in its general program: "While leading the people to build a
high degree of material civilization," the party "leads them to build a high
degree of socialist spiritual civilization," and it must "lead the people to
develop socialism, put the socialist system on a sound basis, and consoli-
date the people's democratic dictatorship." The new party constitution
therefore puts forth a whole series of specific demands regarding the
stipulations on the tasks of party members, party cadres and party organi-
zations at all levels.
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5. The new party constitution suits the needs of achieving a fundamental
turn for the better in party work style. The three basic demands put for-
ward by the new party constitution regarding a high degree of ideological
and political unity, wholehearted service for the people, and the upholding
of democratic centralism express in concentrated form the strong will of
our party to achieve a fundamental turn for the better in its work style.
In order to fulfill the three basic demands in party building, the new
party constitution lays down a whole series of regulations in the chapters
on party members, party cadres, the party's organizational system, the
party's grassroots organizations and the party's discipline.
The five "suitings" mentioned above show that the reason why the new party
constitution is good is because it fully embodies a high degree of integra-
tion of Marxism-Leninism with the practice of the Chinese revolution, and
a high degree of integration of Marxist-Leninist doctrine on the vanguard
force of the proletarian with the practice of party building. The entire
contents of the constitution's 10 chapters and 50 articles are closely
linked to our target of endeavor, to the destiny of the state and people,
and to the tasks of revival and reform facing us. Engels said that the
value of the resolutions of a party congress depends on their scientific
nature. The five "suitings" we have spoken of as properties of the new
party constitution are precisely the outstanding hallmarks of the scien-
tific nature of this party constitution.
Engels was one of the writers of the "Communist Manifesto." Throughout his
life, he took part in revising, examining and approving many party constitu-
tions and programs. In this respect, he gave some very pithy expositions.
He once held the viewpoint that the history of a party is the best exposi-
tion on the party's constitution. In our previous passages, we evaluated
the party constitution approved by the 12th party congress from the angle
of its scientific nature. Now we are going to use this viewpoint of
Engels' and proceed from the evolution of the party's history and of its
previous constitutions to look into the question of whether the 12th con-
gress' constitution is one of the best party constitutions since the found-
ing of the CPC. During the 61 years since the founding of the CPC, it has
formulated 12 party programs and constitutions (all are party constitutions,
except the one approved by the first party congress which was called the
"Program of the CPC"). In the 24 years from the founding of the party to
the time before the seventh party congress was held, six party programs
and constitutions were formulated with the direct assistance and guidance
of the Comintern. This was a result of the international and domestic
political conditions at that time. The constitution of the seventh party
congress was the first party constitution that was independently formulated
by our party after the dissolution of the Comintern. It was an exercise in
integrating Marxism-Leninism with China's revolutionary practice and was a
party constitution that facilitated the prosperity and development of the
party and guided the revolution in vigorously developing until nationwide
victory was achieved. The constitution of the eighth party congress was
the first party constitution that was formulated after we seized state
power. It inherited the strong points of the seventh congress''~constitu-
tion and put forward new requirements for the party in order to make sure
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its position as a party in power. What is especially valuable was that the
report on the revision of the party constitution given at the eighth con-
gress fully expounded on the question related to the personality cult.
The eighth congress' constitution was a good one. It was a pity that some
of the regulations of this constitution were not carried out. The consti-
tutions of the 9th and 10th party congresses reflected our party's mistakes
during the "Great Cultural Revolution." The 11th congress' constitution
was formulated not long after the smashing of the "gang of four." As the
party was not sufficiently mentally prepared for the overall elimination
of the "leftist" mistakes, this party constitution was not free from the
guidance of the "leftist" ideology, though it had played some positive
roles. It was precisely through drawing on both the positive and negative
experiences of the previous party constitutions and through making further
developments and improvements on the basis of the 7th and 8th congresses'
constitutions that the constitution of the 12th congress was formulated
through 3 years of collecting the wisdom of the whole party. Compared with
all the previous party constitutions, the 12th party congress' constitution
deserves to be regarded as being the best one since the founding of the CPC.
A recent report reflects the idea of some people that regarding the 12th
congress' constitution as the "best party constitution since the founding
of the CPC" will lead to negating the history and give rise to difficulties
in evaluating the party constitution of the 13th and 14th party congresses.
This idea is wrong. By regarding the 12th party congress' constitution as
the best one, we mean that it inherits the previous constitutions and
facilitates further development. Since it inherits the previous ones, it
certainly does not negate the past nor the party's history. On the con-
trary, it scientifically confirms the history of the party. Since it
facilitates future development, it has not yet been 100 percent perfect
and should be tested in practice. If it is found that some of the stipula-
tions of this constitution are not suitable or need additions, the 13th and
14th party congresses must and can revise it, add something to it and
develop it in order to improve it. These comrades' apprehension for negating
the party's history precisely proves that they are not familiar with the
party's history and their fear of a harmful influence on precisely eval-
uating the future shows that they do not really understand our infinitely
bright future.
II. A Good Party Constitution Is Formulated To Be Implemented. Therefore,
We Must Act in Accordance With the New Party Constitution
"A step of actual action is more important than a dozen programs."
("Selected Works of Marx and Rngels," Vol 3'~ p 3) This well-known saying
by Marx tells us that we should not pay attention only to the formulation
of the program but fail to practice it. It is very relevant to use these
words of Marx to explain the importance o.f implementing the new party con-
stitution. Since the founding of the CPC, 12 party constitutions have been
formulated. None of the victories of our revolution could have been
achieved if our party had not formulated and implemented its correct con-
stitutions.
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Since its promulgation, the new party constitution has been unanimously
well received, both at home and abroad. However, there are some people who
have expressed their worries that some of the stipulations in the constitu-
tion cannot possibly be carried out. These worries are not completely
groundless. Quite a few of the correct stipulations in the eighth party
congress' constitution have not been satisfactorily carried out and soon
after the congress there emerged the movement of fighting against rightist
deviation and then the 10 years of civil disorder caused by the "Great
Cultural Revolution." Should we allow, then, people's worries to continu-
ously exist? No, we should not. We have to do some work in order to
establish in people's minds confidence in the unquestionable implementation
of the 12th party congress' constitution. We should tell people that the
implementation of the 8th congress' constitution was hindered because of
certain historical conditions. These historical conditions were: 1) dogma-
tism and personality cult seriously fettered the party's ideology; 2) the
"leftist" tendency seriously existed in our party; 3) the inner-party
political life, especially the political life of the high-level leading
stratum, was abnormal and democratic centralism was undermined; and
4) though the shift of the emphasis of the party's work had been put for-
ward, it could not have been carried out because of the "leftist" mistakes
in the theory and practice related to the problem of class struggle. Now
all these problems have been sorted out and resolved. First, ideologically
speaking, we have broken away from the longstanding serious fetters of
dogmatism and personality cult and have reestablished the ideological line
of Marxism-Leninism. Second, we have already sorted out and eliminated in
an overall manner the "leftist" mistakes arising during and before the
"Great Cultural Revolution." Third, inner-party democratic life has
already embarked on a route of normal development. In this respect, the
CPC Central Committee has taken the lead in setting an example. Fourth,
we have already carried out a systematic criticism of and eliminated the
erroneous theory of "regarding class struggle as the key link" and "carry-
ing on the revolution under the proletarian dictatorship" that was put
forward during the "Great Cultural Revolution."
The emphasis of the party's work has already been shifted on socialist
modernization. The new party constitution and all other important docu-
ments of the 12th party congress were formulated by the party after pro-
foundly summing up its historical experience, comprehensively analyzing the
actual conditions and evaluating all the favorable and unfavorable condi-
tions. Our full confidence in the implementation of the new party constitu-
tion is scientifically based. In my opinion, if we clearly explain to these
comrades the above-mentioned reasons, they will be confident rather than
worried about the implementation of the new party constitution.
As for a few others, they have confidence neither in the implementation of
the new party constitution nor in any of our causes and communism. Often
these people cannot be convinced by mere reasoning. We should allow them
to watch for 1 year or several years and then let them use facts to correct
their mistakes in understanding by themselves. However, this only applies
to the people outside the party. Our party members are not allowed to
spread any erroneous ideas that may injure the serious nature of the new
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party constitution. Nor are any of our party members allowed to refuse to
implement the party constitution on the excuse of lacking confidence. This
is the discipline of the party.
The implementation of the new party constitution begins on the day when it
was approved, that is, 6 September 1982. This is effective on a large
scale for every party organization and member. It cannot be delayed until
confidence is established or until the party rectification is carried out.
Our publicizing and implementing of the new party constitution is aimed at
laying a foundation for the party rectification next year. We should first
carry out education and then examine the results. At a later time after
education we will evaluate whether a party member is qualified or unquali-
fied and criticize him for his shortcomings, and thus we will be able to
make them gladly accept criticism. and evaluation. When we were in Yanan,
we rectified the party work style first and then held a party congress.
After the party rectification, we unified the thoughts of the whole party
and formulated a correct line. As a result, the seventh congress became a
congress of unity and victory. This time, we held the 12th party congress
first and then began to carry out party rectification. Our party is such a
big party that in order to satisfactorily carry out party rectification, we
have to spend some time in publicizing and educating people on the party
constitution after the congress was held before we carry out an overall
party rectification. We must very carefully do all the preparatory work
and must pay extremely close attention to this work. It is wrong to think
that this work can be delayed until next year when the party rectification
has begun and thus slacken our efforts at present. Of course, during and
after party rectification, we should continue to study and publicize the
new party constitution. We must clearly explain this to all the comrades
of party committees at all levels and to comrades of the propaganda,
organization and discipline inspection departments of these committees.
III. In Order To Implement the New Party Constitution, We Should First
Grasp Education
In order to implement the new party constitution, we should conscientiously
pay attention to educating our party members. In the document concerning
the strengthening of education among party members, a very comprehensive
stipulation has been made on the requirements of educating party members
in the party constitution. The problem now is to satisfactorily carry out
this stipulation.
Our party has more than 39 million members who are organized into more than
2 million basic party branches. To carefully, vigorously and soundly
organize party members to study and implement the new party constitution
is a very arduous task.
We all know that our ideological education and our work of education among
the party members is still a weak sector. In other words, we have a lot of
outstanding work in this field. It is precisely for this reason that we
have to make great efforts to lay a foundation for satisfactorily doing
this work. Otherwise some party members will remain ignorant of the
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stipulations of the new party constitution a few months, or even 1/2 or 1
year after the new party constitution came into force. As a result the
instances of violating the party constitution will frequently occur and
even become a common practice. This will actually aggravate some people's
doubt about the possibility in carrying out the new party constitution.
The joint investigation report on the situation in the education among
party members in 19 provinces, municipalities and regions that was made by
the organization and propaganda departments of the CPC Central Committee
in June and July of this year has raised a question that calls for deep
thought: Why have our party members failed to play the same great role
that they did at the initial period after the founding of the PRC, since
the proportion of party members in the national population now is 1 to 25,
which is 4 times the 1 to 100 proportion of that period? In his report to
the 12th party congress, Comrade Yaobang answered this question. He said
that this was because we have as yet failed to completely eliminate the
pernicious influence of the 10 years of civil disorder, because under the
new conditions the corrosive influence of the various kinds of ideology of
the exploiting classes have aggravated the situation and because the prob-
lem still exists of impurity in ideology, work style and organization in
our party. The document on strengthening education among party members
points out that the actual reflection of this problem tells us that in order
to create an overall new situation in our socialist modernization, we should
first create a new situation in our party building and in educating our
party members.
In this article, we are going to recommend a good experience of satisfac-
torily carrying out education among party members. This is the experience
of the Hunan Changling oil refinery in developing the education movement of
"becoming qualified party members." Through careful investigation, the
party committee of this factory has learned of the problems among the ranks
of party members there. How should these problems be solved? After
repeated analysis, they found through repeated discussions an idea that
made a breakthrough. This idea is that they should put an end to the
previous practice of paying attention only to the people at both ends and
neglecting education among those people who are in the intermediate state,
and instead, they should pay attention to educating those party members
who are in the intermediate state and who form the majority of the party
members. They organized party members to study the documents about party
building and systematically expound for them on the basic knowledge about
the party. Then every party member compared what he had studied with his
own behavior and found what requirements he had satisfied and what require-
ments he had failed to satisfy, and then fixed a goal for him to make
further efforts to achieve. During the process of study and comparison,
the cadres of the party committee and branches engaged in heart-to-heart
talks with the party members and consciously helped those whose work per-
formance, work style and thoughts were in an intermediate state to catch up
with the advanced. Then they carried out the evaluation and comparison
movement of "becoming qualified party members." After this educational
activity, 1,000 of the 1,100 party members who were in an intermediate
state in the factory remarkably raised their level of awareness and 300 of
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them caught up with the advanced party members. The change in the inter-
mediate party members greatly shocked the originally backward party mem-
bers. The old "isolation of the advanced" has already been put to an end
and the practice of "vying with one another to become advanced" has greatly
developed.
This factory has, furthermore, extended the movement of "becoming qualified
party members" end turned it into an education movement of "becoming four
qualified," that is, "becoming qualified cadres," "becoming qualified CYL
members" and "becoming qualified workers." The change in party work style
has brought a change in the general mood in the factory and the erroneous
idea of "looking for money in everything" has gradually lost its market.
To be effective, education among the party members should be relevant and
should be carried out in the manner of being particular about methods.
There is still a great deal of the remnant influence of "leftism" in our
methods of ideological and political work. In one of his speeches,
Comrade Yaobang pointed out that in exposing, criticizing and investigating,
many localities still adopt the old methods of the "Great Cultural Revolu-
tion." Are there now any old fetters and conventions of old ideology in
the methods of some of our people in considering problems, inspecting
people and doing ideological work? I think there are. For example, some
areas are still using the "leftist" methods of indiscriminately carrying
out criticism in an unfair and exaggerated manner. Of course, we must
oppose the liberalist practice of keeping on good terms with everybody and
maintaining peace at the expense of principle. The combat effectiveness of
ideological and political work lies in its relevance, but maintaining its
relevance is aimed at effectively stirring up rather than injuring the
initiative of our party members. In carrying out education among party
members in some localities, there has emerged a practice of calling some
people party members of the "Great Cultural Revolution." This depressed
the comrades who joined the party during the "Great Cultural Revolution"
and hurt their feelings. The party members who joined our party during
the "Great Cultural Revolution" constitute 40 percent of our party's total
membership.
Indeed, there are some of them who were abruptly admitted into the party,
but we should not indiscriminately say that none of them is qualified or
indiscriminately call every one of them a rebel. There are indeed among
them many good party members. Of course, there are also some who have com-
mitted mistakes, some even serious ones. However, these mistakes were
committed under the historical conditions at that time. If only they are
not the "three kinds of people," we should not hold them individually
responsible for these mistakes. These comrades should be helped and
educated with meticulous care, both in the educational activities of study-
ing the new party constitution now and in the party rectification next
year. Thus, we will make them feel the warmth of the party organizations'
concern and become more close to the party organizations. As for those
who joined the party before the "Great Cultural Revolution," during the
educational activities of studying the new party constitution, we should
tell them that the longer one has been educated by the party, the better
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one should take the lead in implementing the new party constitution. We
should make them understand that "qualified party members" cannot always
remain unchanged and that a qualified party member of the past may become
an unqualified one under the new conditions if he fails to make efforts
to study and implement the new party constitution.
IV. The Key to the Implementation of the New Party Constitution Lies in
Cadres
By treating cadres as the key to the implementation of the new party con-
stitution, we mean that party cadres, especially leading cadres at all
levels, must pay attention to and be good at educating party members.
Moreover, they should set examples in taking the lead in implementing the
new party constitution.
Reflected in the sphere of party building, the tendency to neglect ideologi-
cal and political work means neglecting education among party members.
Seeing that the 12th congress documents stress ideological and political
work, the construction of socialist spiritual civilization and the educa-
tion among party members, some cadres have put forward the question of
"policy and education, which is more powerful"? What they mean is that
since we have the policies of enlivening the economy at home and opening
to the outside world and the various policies related to politics, culture,
education and cadres, it is enough to rely on giving play to the force of
these policies and there is no need to stress ideological and political work
or education among party members. This is, of course, an incorrect view.
Indeed, correct policies are powerful. However, the implementation of
these policies depends on the ideological and political work publicizing
and explaining these policies. This is the first point. The second is
that ideological and political work shoulders an even more important task
than publicizing the current policies. This task is to train people to
foster communist ideology. Comrade Mao Zedong said that political work is
the lifeline of all economic work. The political work he meant here is
ideological and political work that is also very powerful. Both the view
of regarding policies as being so powerful as to enable us to dispense with
ideological and political work and that of regarding ideological and polit-
ical work as being so powerful as to enable us to dispense with policies
are one-sided views. We suffered quite a lot in the past because of these
two one-sided views. Now we must be vigilantly on our guard against them.
There has been yet another view that holds that ideological and political
work is weak by nature and therefore we cannot rouse people to pay atten-
tion to it in spite of our emphasis on it. This, in fact, misunderstands
ideological and political work. Comrade Zhou Enlai once sharply criticized
the practice of looking down upon ideological and political work. He said:
"It is never a fault of the political work itself that our political work
becomes empty talk. The blame lies in our political workers' failure to
carry out genuine revolutionary political work." ("Selected Works of Zhou
Enlai," Vol 1, p 93) This has made a point for us that our cadres should
not only pay attention to ideological and political work and to the educa-
tion among our party members, but should also learn to be good at doing this
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work and do this work very effectively. Have we not said that we should
"strike a chord in people's hearts"? When our ideological and political
work and our education among party. members can strike a chord in people's
hearts, this work and education can be regarded as highly effective.
The report to the 12th party congress points out that the construction of
socialist spiritual civilization relies on four contingents: the contin-
gents of ideological and political workers, cultural workers, scientific
workers and educational workers. The education among the party members
relies mainly on the contingent of ideological and political workers.
According to a rough calculation, this contingent consists of more than
3 million people. This is quite a large number, but the trouble is the
insufficient political quality of this contingent. The responsible comrade
of the Heilongjiang Provincial CPC Committee has gone down to investigate
the situation. He has found that some party committee secretaries could
speak quite a lot about the production, but could not give any clear idea
about political work or education among party members. He called these
comrades "directors of factories in the true sense, but false secretaries."
I think that this is a reasonable criticism. Of course, a director of a
factory should also do ideological and political work. It will not do for
a "director in its true sense" to fail to do ideological and political
work. It seems that some people have a few muddled ideas on the problem
of being professionally competent. Originally, our advocation of being
professionally competent meant that our cadres should be experts in their
jobs. This means that those who take charge of management should be
management experts, those who undertake horticulture should be expert
horticulturists, those who engage in education should be education experts
and those who do ideological and political work should be expert ideologi-
cal and political workers.
If a secretary of a party committee or a director of the propaganda or
organization department does not understand the basic theory of Marxism-
Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought, is not familiar with the history of the
party, does not have basic knowledge about the party, does not know how
to talk with the masses, give party lectures or do ideological and polit-
ical work, he cannot be regarded as being professionally competent. This
should be included in future evaluation regulations. We should gradually
form an idea that ideological and political work and the work of education
among party members is a type of science. It is a science for running the
party and the state. The millions of cadres holding posts in this work
should strive to become versed in this science, and thus a large number of
them will become experts in doing ideological and political work and will
be able to fulfill the task assigned them in the new period.
The idea that the key to the implementation lies in cadres has another even
more important implication, that is, our cadres must take the lead. in
observing and implementing the new party constitution. For a long time,
some of our comrades had a kind of erroneous idea. It seemed to them that
the ideological and political work meant only how to educate the masses and
it seldom struck them that this also meant that leading cadres must first of
all receive education. This had already been made very clear in Comrade
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Yaobang's article entitled "On the Problem Related to Ideological and Polit-
ical Work." We must correct this erroneous idea. In the northeast, there
is a county called Sunwu County where a loud cry for changing the party work
style was raised for a long time. But no substantial results were achieved.
Later, the criticism of the masses made the comrades of the county CPC com-
mittee see their errors. The masses said that the committee spoke loudly
about changing the party work style, but it was anxious only in words and
slack in deeds and it only blew the bugle but never began its march a step
forward." In accordance with the masses' criticism, the county CPC com-
mittee fist rectified itself. It sorted out and corrected one by one all
the unhealthy practices of the leading group of the committee in the past
few years, including using public funds to give banquets, embezzling public
property and shifting the rural residence register of their relatives into
nonrural residence registers. The committee published all this, making the
news available to the whole county. The leadership disclosed without
reserve to the masses all its unhealthy practices and how these practices
were being corrected and requested the lower levels and the masses to
supervise it. This showed a Marxist's breadth of vision and was also the
best method for education. By doing this, the leadership, in fact, called
on the lower levels and the masses as if saying "I have corrected my errors,
now what are you going to do?" However, this time the call was no longer
given in vain because it was not a call criticized by the masses for being
loud in words but slack in deeds. This method is very effective. Now in
Sunwu County, a new situation in party work style and the general mood of
the people has already emerged.
Some comrades who have studied the ideological and political work have
given the following viewpoint: The argument that can teach people is half
formed by words and half formed by deeds. I think that this is a correct
viewpoint and it conforms to the argument that those who educate others in
Marxism must themselves receive education first. If an educator acts in a
way different from what he orally advocates, he criticizes the people from
the platform, but is criticized by them behind his back, what right does he
have to teach the others? Here I should furthermore mention that the
cadres whom we regarded as being the key to the implementation of the party
constitution are not only the cadres in charge of ideological and political
work, but are also all the cadres, especially the leading cadres of the
party at all levels. In July this year, the Shanghai Municipal CPC Com-
mittee held a forum of fine party members. At this forum, Comrade Ding
Shie, a well-known Shanghai opera actress, presented a very moving idea.
She said: "First, I must treat myself as a party member and I should not
treat myself as being an artist first," thus I will be able to overcome the
tendency of treating myself as being special and becoming self-important.
Here, she has put forth a very poignant question: Should our party members
who~are engaged in theoretical, educational, scientific and technical or
literary and art work, or who hold leading posts, treat themselves first
as being party members or first as being experts, well-known personages or
leading cadres? Indeed, this question is worth the deep consideration of
some of our comrades. In this activity of education in the new party con-
stitution that is being carried out throughout our party, we should remind
those comrades who do not observe the party constitution and disregard party
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discipline that the criteria for a "qualified party member" is the same
for any party member and that our party welcomes those of its members who
are brave to correct the mistakes they have committed, but will not allow
any special party members, who cling to refusing to implement the party
constitution, to remain in the organization of the pioneers of the prole-
tariat.
CSO: 4004/16
29
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SAFEGUARD THE CONSTITUTION'S DIGNITY, ENSURE ITS ENFORCEMENT
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 24, 16 Dec 82 pp 17-18, 33
[Editorial]
[Text) Being deliberated and approved by the Fifth Session of the Fifth
NPC, the Constitution of the PRC has been officially promulgated. This is
a great event in the Chinese people's political life. This is another
great achievement in the building of a high degree of socialist democracy
and a high level of socialist civilization, with things being set to rights
since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee. The new
constitution has won the warm support of the people of all nationalities
throughout the country. Its enforcement will inevitably guarantee the
further consolidation of the political situation in China, guarantee the
development of socialist democracy and the improvement of the socialist
legal system, and guarantee the smooth development of our socialist
modernization.
By carrying forward and developing the basic principles of the 1954 con-
stitution and overcoming the drawbacks of the 1978 constitution, the new
constitution has summed up the rich experiences of developing socialism
in China over the past 30 years and more and has concentrated the will of
the people of all nationalities. Both the current situations and future
prospects have been taken into account in the new constitution. It is
really a Chinese-style constitution that tallies with the needs of socialist
modernization in the new historical period and it will remain unchanged for
a long time to come. The new constitution adheres to the socialist road,
the people's democratic dictatorship, the leadership of the CPC and
Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. It is formulated with the four basic
principles as the general guideline. It prescribes the general task in the
new historical period and lays down principled stipulations on China's
system of the people's democratic dictatorship, the socialist economic
system, socialist spiritual civilization, the fundamental rights and duties
of citizens, the state structure, the unifying of the nation and the unity
of nationalities and the independent foreign policy. For example, the
restoration in the new constitution of the formulation that China is a
socialist state under the people's democratic dictatorship is not a simple
restoration of the formulation and its contents in the 1954 constitution;
instead, it accurately states the present condition of the classes in China
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and the broad basis of our political power. It truly reflects the fact
that a socialist economic system has been established in our country and
that it is growing ever stronger, affirms socialist public ownership of the
means of production as the basis of our socialist economic system and the
individual economy of the working people in urban and rural areas as a
complement to the socialist public economy, and also stipulates that the
planned economy should play a dominant role while the supplementary role
of regulation by market mechanism should also be brought into play. It
restores the principle of the 1954 constitution that all citizens are equal
before the law and stipulates citizens' fundamental freedoms and rights as
well as their basic duties to the state and society. All contents and
stipulations in the new constitution reflect the achievements in the work
of setting things to rights since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC
Central Committee, represent the fundamental interests of the people and
embody the uniformity of the party's decisions and the people's will.
Thus, they are in conformity with our country's conditions and people's
wishes. The new constitution is a good statute for administering our
country in the new period. It is the state's fundamental law, which has
the highest legal authority, and functions as the foundation for general
legislation. Thus, its legal authority is higher than other laws. As
Comrade Ye Jianying pointed out in his speech at the closing meeting of
the NPC session, the promulgation and enforcement of the new constitution
will certainly push the building of our socialist democracy and legal sys-
tem to a new phase and will certainly push our modernization construction
to a new stage.
It was through more than 2 years of work under the guidance of the party's
correct line and through the nationwide discussion which pooled the wisdom
of the masses that the new constitution was formulated in a time when our
country was experiencing a great historical change. The course of formu-
lating the new constitution was in fact a course in which the people of all
nationalities fully exercised their democratic rights. Ours is a socialist
state under the people's democratic dictatorship, led by the working class
and based on the alliance of workers and peasants. The workers, peasants
'and intellectuals constitute the three basic social forces and are the
masters of the country. All power in our country belongs to the people.
The organs through which the people exercise state power are the NPC and
the local people's congresses at different levels. The people administer
state affairs and manage economic, cultural and social affairs through
various channels and in various ways in accordance with the law. The
people not only have the right to participate in the discussion and formu-
lation of the nation's fundamental law, but also have the right to super-
vise its enforcement. This is a fundamental sign of socialist democracy.
Our socialist democracy is enjoyed by most people and is characterized by
the people being the masters of the country. Thus, it is a high degree of
democracy. The bourgeois democracy can never compare with it.
Once being promulgated, the new constitution came into effect; it now has
a universal binding force. The new constitution stipulated: "The people
of all nationalities, all state organs, the armed forces, all political
parties and public organizations and all enterprises and undertakings in
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the country must take the constitution as the basic norm of conduct, and
they have the duty to uphold the dignity of the constitution and ensure
its implementation." This is to say, all political parties and organiza-
tions, all departments and units, all groups and individuals should reso-
lutely act in accordance with the constitution and no person is allowed to
violate it. The NPC and its Standing Committee have the function and power
to supervise the enforcement of the constitution; local people`s congresses
at all levels have also the function and power to guarantee that the con-
stitution is abided by and implemented in their respective administrative
areas. It should be noted that there are now many favorable conditions for
the enforcement of the new constitution. Our party has successfully com-
pleted its task of setting the guiding ideology to rights. Developing
socialist democracy and perfecting the socialist legal system are our
party's unswerving principles. After drawing a deep lesson from the 10
years of domestic turmoil, the party and the people have all realized the
great importance of the constitution and other laws in maintaining our
nation's unity and stability and in the development of our cause. Through
the propaganda work and education in the socialist legal system in recent
years, the vast number of cadres and masses have been strengthening their
awareness of the legal system. If all our 1 billion people have the idea
and habit of abiding by and safeguarding the constitution, this will con-
stitute a huge strength. All kinds of obstructions will inevitably be
overpowered by this strength. We should have full confidence that the new
constitution can be complied with and implemented well.
To effectively guarantee the implementation of the new constitution, we
must do a good job in three areas, namely, making it known to everybody,
abiding by it and safeguarding it. To make it known to everybody, we must
do a great deal of propaganda and education work in a planned, methodical
and systematic way so as to let the masses understand the constitution.
Party committees at all levels should take the propaganda and education
work in this field as a matter of importance. In general, the people in
our country, including cadres at all levels, are less aware of laws and
legal knowledge. This is particularly the case for the vast number of
youths. Now we should strengthen education in the legal system through
the study and publicity of the new constitution. Leading cadres should
take the lead in the study and should personally explain the constitution
to other cadres and the masses. It is necessary, through all kinds of
media and means of propaganda, to publicize the principled spirit and
specific stipulations of the new constitution and to make them known to
every household so that the new constitution can strike root in the hearts
of the people. Through propaganda and education, we should improve cadres'
and the masses' sense of responsibility in being masters and strengthen
their awareness of the socialist legal system so that cadres and the masses
can all consciously comply with the new constitution and guide their actions
with it, thus being citizens who have lofty ideals, moral integrity, educa-
tion and a sense of discipline.
Abiding by the constitution is the sacred duty of every citizen. Party
organizations, leading cadres and all party members must abide by the new
constitution and be the models of implementing the new constitution. A
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qualified party member or cadre must first be a qualified citizen or a
model citizen. Our party is the party in power. It not only leads the
people in formulating the constitution, but also leads the people in
putting the constitution into effect. Only when the party requires its
organizations at all levels and all its. members, and particularly leading
cadres, to set examples with their own conduct and play an exemplary role
in complying with the new constitution can other social organizations and
the masses be required to follow suit in complying with the new constitu-
tion. Cadres in our party and state, no matter in what positions they
are situated, should never regard themselves as special citizens who need
not confine their conduct within the limits of the constitution and laws,
still less can they utilize their functions and powers to seek private
interests for themselves or to gain profit for themselves by bending the
law. The whole party must follow the stipulation in the new party consti-
tution that its activities must be carried out within the limits of the
constitution and laws. People's governments and judicial departments at all
levels must act strictly according to law and ensure the enforcement of the
new constitution.
By safeguarding the constitution we mean that we must safeguard its dignity
and dare to struggle against all illegal and criminal activities. We
should cultivate a prevailing custom that people always dare to protect
good people and good things and dare to oppose evil people and evil things.
We should create a strong public opinion that abiding by discipline and law
is the most glorious thing while violating law and committing cximes is
the most ignominious thing. We should encourage the revolutionary spirit
of not hesitating to dedicate one's life to safeguarding the dignity of the
constitution. All fronts should energetically commend and support good
people and good deeds that consciously comply with the constitution, guard
state secrets, cherish public property, abide by labor discipline and public
order, respect social morality and resolutely struggle against evil people
and evil things. People who disregard law and discipline and sabotage the
socialist legal system should be exposed and punished. In particular, we
must expose and crack down on the hostile forces that undermine the social-
ist cause. All actions in violation of the constitution and other laws
must be dealt with according to state law. No lawbreakers should be allowed
to escape the net of justice. '
Every one of us must understand that the people are the masters of our coun-
try and society and that the constitution is the fundamental norm for the
people to exercise their duty as the masters. According to the constitu-
tion, no persons in our country can be free from being supervised by other
people and no person can give up his duty of supervising others. This
represents both the right and the duty of being a master. Every one of us
should fully exercise this right and faithfully carry out this duty, being
both a model in abiding by law and a brave fighter in defending law, so that
we can certainly ensure the thorough implementation of the constitution.
CSO: 4004/16
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A PLAN TO LAUNCH THE NATIONAL ECONOMY ON A PATH OF HEALTHY DEVELOPMENT--ON
THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SIXTH 5-YEAR PLAN
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 24, 16 Dec 82 pp 19-24
[Article by Fang Weizhong [2075 4850 0022]; passages within slantlines
published in boldface]
[Text] The Sixth 5-Year Plan for China's economic and social development
has been examined and approved by the Fifth Session of the Fifth NPC. It
is thus the second quite well-conceived 5-year plan following the First
5-Year Plan, a plan which is fairly comprehensive in content and relatively
appropriate in target terms.
Since the carrying out of our economic construction in a planned way in
1953, China has executed five 5-year plans altogether. Except the First
5-Year Plan which had a fairly comprehensive plan and was successfully ful-
filled, the remaining four 5-year plans had merely suggested quotas or plan
outlines and moreover, due to the impact of the "Great Leap Forward" move-
ment or damage during the decade of domestic turmoil of the "Great Cultural
Revolution," coupled with the influence of "leftist" thinking, some of the
plans characterized by impetuosity and rashness and excessively high targets.
failed to be smoothly implemented and even brought about serious setbacks
to the development of the national economy. The Sixth 5-Year Plan has
appeared before the people with a brandnew look. It is characterized not
only by its comprehensive contents but still more by its unique style, that
is, it has conscientiously summed up the positive and negative experience of
the prolonged economic construction in the past, embodied the strategic plan
for the economic development in the coming 20 years charted by the 12th
party congress and the new principle for developing the national economy
defined by the Fourth Session of the Fifth NPC and taken a new path of
socialist modernization.
The report on the Sixth 5-Year Plan delivered by Premier Zhao Ziyang at the
Fifth Session of the Fifth NPC profoundly expounds the basic tasks of the
Sixth 5-Year Plan, sums up the implementation of the Sixth 5-Year Plan in
the first 2 years and formulates the key measures for the overall fulfill-
ment of the Sixth 5-Year Plan. This report indicates that the plan is a
well-conceived and worthwhile one based on actual conditions under which
production targets will be carried out in an orderly manner and step by step
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and that the measures adopted to fulfill this plan are geared to actual
circumstances and are firm and effective. This report substantiates and
enriches some correct principles formulated in the past and significantly
subjectivizes them, thus bringing the people of the whole country tre-
mendous confidence and power to fulfill this plan.
Such being the case, in what aspects do the characteristics of the Sixth
5-Year Plan find expression?
/First, decide the plan targets in accordance with the existing conditions
rather than by wishful thinking./
In the previous five 5-year plans, some targets were decided by wishful
thinking, not in accordance with existing conditions. The gross error of
the "10-year program" formulated in 1978 was that the tasks of the plan were
incorrectly defined. Just when there were serious disproportions in the
national economy and life was extremely difficult for the people due to
damage during the decade of the "Great Cultural Revolution," readjusting
the economy and allowing the people to rest and build strength should have
been decided as the principal tasks of the plan but at that time, ignoring
this basic situation and proceeding from wishful thinking, some people
demanded that a new leap forward should be organized. This resulted
adversely in worsened imbalances in the economy and the aggravated diffi-
culties in economic life, and alterations of the original plans had to be
made.
The reformulation of the Sixth 5-Year Plan started with a serious analysis
of the economic situation. The CPC Central Committee and the State Council
have repeatedly pointed out that thanks to the endeavors to bring order out
of chaos since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee and
the economic readjustment carried out in 1979, great achievements have been
scored in various aspects. However, longstanding accumulated problems can-
not be completely solved in a brief space of time. Since no fundamental
turn for the better has been achieved in the state's financial and economic
situation, the task of the Sixth 5-Year Plan is therefore to continue to
implement the policy of readjustment, restructuring, reorganization and
upgrading, make further efforts to seek solutions to the various problems
left over from the past which hamper economic growth, win decisive victory
in achieving a fundamental turn for the better in the financial and
economic situation and lay a better foundation or create more favorable
conditions for economic and social development in the Seventh 5-Year Plan.
This formulation of basic tasks is entirely in conformity with the present
economic conditions and with the objective law of economic development.
By mentioning that the longstanding accumulated problems have not been com-
pletely solved and no fundamental turn for the better has been achieved in
the financial and economic situation, we mainly refer to the following
facts: No fundamental turn for the better has been achieved in the fairly
irrational enterprise organizational structure and in the chaotic situation
in operation and management; there exist a variety of problems in industrial
structures and product mix; economic results are still very poor in such
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fields as production, construction and circulation and the waste is quite
amazing. All this has resulted in the fact that under a situation in which
the state has greatly increased its expenditure on the improvement of the
well-being of the people, state financial revenue has increased slowly or
even decreased due to poor economic results, which has made it hard to
strike a balance between state financial revenue and expenditure. There-
fore, in order to achieve a fundamental turn for the better in the finan-
cial and economic situation, that is, to achieve a balance between financial
revenue and expenditure on condition of ensuring a gradual increase in the
funds for economic and social development and a gradual improvement in the
people's living standards, we must conscientiously carry out the overall
reorganization of existing enterprises, gradually rationalize the industrial
structure, the product mix and the enterprise organizational structure, and
continue to reform the economic administrative system in an orderly manner
so as to achieve a marked improvement in the economic results of such fields
as production, construction and circulation. All these tasks cannot be
accomplished altogether during the Sixth 5-Year Plan period but various
measures should be adopted to make some significant headway in these fields
and to win a decisive victory in achieving a fundamental turn for the
better in the financial and economic situation. Practice has proved that
doing a good job in the readjustment and reorganization of existing enter-
prises and in the restructuring of the economic administrative system,
eradicating the various malpractices existing in the economy, harmonizing
proportionate relations and putting the relationships of the various
quarters and sides concerned in proper order can yield good results and
bring about high speed. This is the best preparation we should make for
the economic development during and after the Seventh 5-Year Plan period.
If we do not concentrate our efforts on this matter and the features of
operations and management remain unchanged, to accelerate the development
of the economy is fundamentally out of the question. On the contrary, the
financial and economic difficulties will go further from bad to worse.
Of course, to lay a sound foundation and create conditions for economic
development during and after the Seventh 5-Year Plan period, a lot of work
should be done in material conditions, science and technology and in the
training of qualified personnel. If we fail to pay close attention to the
work in these fields, it will also be impossible to speed up the development
of the economy.
Continuing the implementation of the policy of readjustment, restructuring,
reorganization and upgrading is a matter of overall importance which has a
bearing on whether or not we can, in the 1980's, lay a sound foundation for
the economic rejuvenation in the 1990's. The Sixth 5-Year Plan, with the
continued implementation of this policy as its basic task, has thus seized
the principal contradiction and the main tasks. In this matter we must
preserve a high level of political consciousness and strictness and carry
it out with great attention and in a down-to-earth manner.
/Second, with the improvement of economic results as the center, strive
for a steady increase in the economy./
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The biggest disaster we suffered in the prolonged economic construction in
the past was caused by the policy of concentrating on the growth rate of
output and output value and on high targets at the expense of economic
results. We suffered in 1956; we suffered a great loss during 1958 and
1960; and we again suffered quite a few disasters over a long period of
time after 1970. In order to realize unrealistic targets, we had to work
out a high rate of development. Excessively high targets would invariably
give rise to all sorts of problems and result in more haste, less speed.
They can seriously dampen the initiative of the masses of the people rather
than arouse and protect the enthusiasm of the masses of the people for
labor.
In the course of drawing up the Sixth 5-Year Plan, the CPC Central Committee
and the State Council advanced an important principle, that is, we should
not seek high goals in economic affairs any longer, and pointed out that the
growth rate for the Sixth 5-Year Plan should be a growth rate devoid of
exaggeration but with staying power; an active growth rate which allows
some leeway; and a growth rate which has as its prerequisite the attainment
of better economic results rather than vice versa.
The growth rate devoid of exaggeration we have mentioned here demands that
targets should be practical and reliable, product quality should be up to
standard, product varieties and designs should meet the needs of society,
the consumption of materials per unit-product should be substantially
reduced and that we must not indulge in exaggeration and not concentrate on
speed at the expense of product quality, material consumption and product
marketability. Such practices are bound to lead to the emergence of the
phenomenon whereby "in industry, good news ,is announced while in commerce,
bad news; in warehouses, there is overstocking while in finance, there are
~~
only nominal increases and must not strive for undeserved reputation, a
practice which invites real harm.
The so-called active plan which allows some leeway demands that the various
departments and localities should make energetic efforts to tap potential,
devote a lot of energy and effort to improving quality and reducing con-
sumption, and increase production while practicing economy rather than
accept the status quo and drift along. Once a plan target is worked out,
we must guarantee its fulfillment and strive to exceed it in its imple-
mentation. A growth rate devoid of exaggeration which allows some leeway
means a growth rate with staying power. So long as quality is really
improved and consumption reduced, a benign cycle will take shape and a
steady increase will be achieved in industrial production.
The "Sixth 5-Year Plan" stipulates that industrial and agricultural produc-
tion will increase at an average annual rate of 4 percent and that efforts
should be made to bring the figure up to 5 percent in the course of carrying
out the plan. This is a good embodiment of the above-mentioned principle.
It is a growth rate which lays emphasis on better economic results and
strives for higher efficiency rather than a growth rate which blindly
strives for increases in output and output value at the expense of economic
results. Considerable efforts will have to be made to attain this plan and
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a marked improvement in economic and technical targets is a must in this
respect. For example, during the Sixth 5-Year Plan the average annual
growth rate of energy will be 1.4 percent and the growth rate of industry
will be 4 or 5 percent. This demands that the energy consumption rate in
industry must reach 2.6 to 3.5 percent a year. This plan gives full con-
sideration to the various possibilities and can be attained so long as
efforts are exerted. The results of the carrying out of the 1980 and 1981
plans surpassed their scheduled requirements. This has proved that this
plan is appropriate.
The 12th party congress demands that the whole of economic work should be
shifted to the path with the attainment of better economic results as its
center. To meet this demand is not an easy job and a lot of painstaking
and meticulous work should be done in this respect. However, we must act
as required by the party Central Committee and first bring about a serious
change in our guiding ideology and set strict demands on ourselves in our
practical work.
/Third, exercise strict control over the volume of total investment in
fixed assets, concentrate funds, hasten the completion of key development
projects and actively promote the technical transformation of existing
enterprises./
Historical experience has indicated that high targets invariably cause over-
extension of the scale of our capital construction. Blindly undertaking new
construction stalls and going in for starting more new projects regardless
of building costs and construction cycles is the most serious malpractice
which has existed for a long time in our capital construction. The several
major setbacks which have occurred in our economic construction since the
founding of the PRC are all closely related, economically, with the exten-
sion of the scale of our capital construction. Capital construction pro-
jects sprang up all over the country in 1958 and we repeated this mistake
by rushing without forethought into a lot of capital construction several
times after 1970.
Overextended and excessive capital construction and too many construction
projects have brought about dire consequences in two aspects: On the one
hand, many construction projects were started in haste due to lack of
proper prior preparations and all kinds of problems emerged in the process
of construction; as a result, construction projects had to be carried out
in an intermittent manner, with their designs being revised while construc-
tion was under way. Many production projects had to stop working awaiting
the supply of raw materials from lack of material and equipment supply. As
a result, huge amounts of funds and materials were overstocked in the
process of capital construction and failed to come into play as soon as
possible. On the other hand, many funds including the renewal and trans-
formation funds of enterprises were diverted to capital construction. As a
result, the equipment of large numbers of enterprises failed to be updated
and their technology failed to be transformed, their equipment became worn
out and useless and labor productivity was decreasing day by day. This
state of affairs has brought about a vicious circle: The more new
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const~ruc~tion projects Mere undertaken, the more serious the damage to old
construction projects would be. The more often people failed to speed up
the production of old enterprises, the more anxiously they wanted to extend
the scale of production and in addition, the larger the scale of production,
the poorer the returns from investment would be. Cutting flesh to cure a
boil can only make both sides suffer. .The overextension of the scale of
capital construction caused disproportions in the national economy, inter-
rupted the balances of the, national economy, interfered with the smooth
progress of existing production and affected the commodity supply on the
market. While it was roved hard to sustain any longer, some readjustments
had to be carried out and large batches of projects had to be suspended or
discontinued. Capital construction has suffered grievous losses from this
kind of large-scale construction and discontinuation.
While drawing up the Sixth 5-Year Plan, the CPC Central Committee and the
State Council have time and again stressed that we should not repeat this
mistake and demanded that we should resolutely curtail the total volume of
investment in capital construction so as to make it correspond with
national capabilities and at the same time, the funds for the renewal and
transformation of enterprises should be increased. The total volume of
investment in the whole fixed assets should be put under the unified
management of the State Planning Commission, that is to say, we must
ensure investment in key energy and transport projects on the one hand and
in technical transformation of existing enterprises on the other and reso-
lutely slash ill-considered projects launched so as to increase the
capacity of the ordinary processing industries. In light of this spirit
and in accordance with the plan, the total investment in capital construc-
tion throughout the country in the 5 years will be 230 billion yuan of which
the state-budgeted investment will be 118.2 billion yuan, constituting 20
percent of the total state expenditure. This is very much lower than the
35 percent in the "Fifth 5-Year Plan" period. Altogether 890 large and
medium-sized projects will be undertaken in these 5 years--far fewer than
during the previous 5-year period. Funds earmarked for updating equipment
in the existing enterprises and for their technical transformation are more
than during the previous 5-year period, amounting to 130 billion yuan in
the 5 years and averaging 26 billion yuan a year. The proportion of such
funds in the total investment in fixed assets is increased from the previous
about 20 percent to 36 percent in the Sixth 5-Year Plan.
Of the total volume of investment in capital construction in the 5 years,
the investment in energy and transport projects will be 88.4 billion yuan,
accounting for 38.5 percent. With theincreased investment in these
aspects, the capacity of construction of coal, electricity, petroleum,
railway and water transport will also increase. For example, the total
production capacity of China's coal industry in the 5 years will be 220
million tons and in addition to a production capacity of 80 million tons
to be made available before the end of 1985,. the production capacity
to be carried forward into the Seventh 5-Year Plan will be 140 million
tons. This figure is almost 70 percent higher than the production capacity
of 83 million tons which was achieved by the end of 1980 to be carried for-
ward into the Sixth 5-Year Plan. The total 'electric power in the 5 years
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will be 36.6 million kw. Of this figure, 12.9 million kw will be available
before the end of 1985, while work on the remaining 23.7 million kw will
continue in the "Seventh 5-Year Plan" period. This figure is bigger than
the electric power capacity of 184 million kw which was closed in the end
of 1980 and to be continued in the "Sixth 5-Year Plan." The exploration of
oil in the western regions of the country and the exploration of offshore
oil will be speeded up. In communications and transport, on the one hand,
the technical transformation of some of the present railways must be accel-
erated aid on the other, several new major trunk railways for transporting
coal and additional deepwater berths of coastal harbors will be constructed.
Completion of these tasks will provide the development of the national
economy with better energy and transport conditions.
Seen from China's financial and material resources, the total volume of
investment of the "Sixth 5-Year Plan" is by no means small, and in particu-
lar quite a few medium and large-sized projects have been scheduled. Put-
ting these investments to effective control and use can play a great role.
We must learn from the lessons in the past, concentrate strength on doing
a good job in the construction of the projects within the plan, strive to
shorten production cycle, cut down building costs and thoroughly put an end
to the phenomenon in the past whereby construction was undertaken in so
blind and unplanned way that "making an investment became a bottomless pit
and construction projects were carried out in a marathon manner."
Renewal and transformation funds must also be put to effective control and
use and be really used in updating old equipment and adopting new tech-
nologies and new techniques rather than using. them in expanding the produc-
tion capacity of ordinary industries with old techniques. In order to
enhance the existing enterprises' capacity to renovate and transform, the
State Council has decided that in light of the possibilities of the state
financial strength, the depreciation rate of the equipment of enterprises
should be steadily increased.
Whether or not the scale of investment in fixed assets during the "Sixth
5-Year Plan" period can be brought to a rational level and whether or not
key development projects and major technical transformation can be ensured
as required have a bearing on the success and failure of the "Sixth 5-Year
Plan" and on whether or not the national economy can increase in a
sustained way on the basis of steady growth. Therefore, we must pay strict
attention to management in this aspect and not slacken our vigilance or
treat it casually. Once the situation is improving, on no account must we
"have a relapse."
/Fourth, put science and technology and the training of qualified personnel
in an important strategic position./
In the previous several 5-year plans, no proper importance was ever attached
to the development of science and technology and the training of qualified
personnel. The expansion of production depended mainly on extending the
scale of production and on undertaking capital construction rather than
depending mainly on technological advance; work in science and technology
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was not sufficiently combined with economic construction. Educational
undertakings made slow progress and the level of the education the people
have received and of science and technology and culture was remarkably low.
This resulted in a situation in which the level of our production tech-
niques had been in a stalemate for a long time and our work in many aspects
still remained at the levels of the 1950's.
In the course of drawing up the Sixth 5-Year Plan, the CPC Central Com-
mittee and the State Council demanded that science and technology and the
training of qualified personnel should be placed in a strategic position.
The modernization of science and technology is a key link in our four
modernizations. If we do not lay stress on the study of science and tech-
nology or promote technological progress, we cannot possibly realize the
task of quadrupling the annual gross value of industrial and agricultural
production by the turn of this century or narrow the gap in science and
technology between ourselves and the economically developed countries.
Moreover, the development of science and technology depends, in the final
analysis, on training qualified personnel and on fully organizing the
present scientific and technical force and bringing their initiative into
full play. Therefore, particular importance should be attached to educa-
tional work and to the training and rational use of qualified personnel.
The Sixth 5-Year Plan has begun to pay attention to putting the development
of science and technology and education in an important position. The
funds scheduled by the plan for developing education, science and tech-
nology, culture and public services will be 96.7 billion yuan, an increase
of 68 percent over the 57.7 billion yuan appropriated in the Fifth 5-Year
Plan. The total state expenditure during this period will be only 17 per-
cent more than that during the "Fifth 5-Year Plan." The proportion of
these funds in total state expenditure will increase from 11 percent during
the "Fifth 5-Year Plan" period to 15.9 percent. A large portion of the
increased financial revenue during the Sixth 5-Year Plan period will be
appropriated for education and scientific research. Because the problems
left over from the past are many, the funds allocated for these undertakings
now are admittedly insufficient, but appropriations for these undertakings
will gradually increase along with the future growth of our economy.
In science and technology, the present scientific and technical force
should, under the Sixth 5-Year Plan, be rallied to take part in all plan-
ning work, in tackling key problems in the major theoretical problems
raised in the course of the modernization program and in the techno-
economic deliberations and prospecting and designing of major construction
projects. We must create a situation in these aspects and strive for use-
ful achievements. Along with this, we must, in light of the technical
transformation of enterprises, introduce from abroad a large batch of
advanced production techniques and key equipment in a planned way and
enthusiastically do a good job of digestion and assimilation work.
While energetically expanding research in the natural sciences, we should
also attach importance to studies in the social sciences. We should do our
best to expound and solve the major theoretical and practical problems
raised in the course of our socialist modernization.
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In the training of qualified personnel, it is scheduled according to the
plan that on the premise of improving quality, we should develop higher
education and increase the number of newly admitted full-time students in
institutions of higher education, continue to restructure secondary educa-
tion and set up more new secondary vocational schools of different types.
We should strive to make primary school education universal or almost
universal by 1985 in most counties and to make junior middle school
education universal in the cities and vigorously eliminate illiteracy
among young and middle-aged people.
In order to raise the ideological and political level and the level of
modern science and technology and production skills of the broad masses of
cadres, technical personnel and workers, we will widely run various kinds
of regular universities and colleges, regular schools and training courses
in rotation so as to put the education of staff and workers on a regular
basis in a relatively short time.
Putting science and technology and the training of qualified personnel in
an important strategic position is a remarkable change in the state's
guiding ideology in economic construction. We must realize the great
significance of such a change and make energetic efforts to adapt our-
selves to such a change, achieve genuine unity in thinking and put it
into practice in real earnest.
/Fifth, combine development of the national economy with social develop-
ment and pay attention to both the building of material civilization and
that of spiritual civilization./
Our plan in the past was mainly a development plan of the national economy.
Although it contained the content of social development, the latter was
quite incomplete and furthermore the content of the building of socialist
spiritual civilization was insignificant. One important reason for this
state of affairs is that there existed a serious one-sidedness in our
guiding thinking; that is, we excessively chased the rate of increase of
production and construction at the expense of the improvement of the well-
being of the people and the solution to social problems; we attached great
importance to the planning of material production to the neglect of the
planning of the production of man and the rational use of manpower; and we
devoted much attention to the building of material civilization but under-
estimated the importance of the building of spiritual civilization and more
and more social problems piled up as a result.
In the course of drawing up the Sixth 5-Year Plan, the CPC Central Com-
mittee and the State Council instructed that we should bring social develop-
ment into line with the plan, correct the erroneous idea of underrating
the importance of cultural development and ideological education and give
consideration to creating fine standards of social conduct. Economic
growth is indispensable to social development. Otherwise, it will become
aimless and lose its social guarantee. Material civilization provides an
indispensable foundation for socialist spiritual civilization which, in its
turn, gives a tremendous impetus to the former and ensures its correct
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orientation. In all economic work, we must not only give consideration to
the expansion of production but also to the building of socialist spiritual
civilization, and to the bringing up of generation after generation of
socialist new people. With the establishment of the socialist system, we
already have the possibility to and still must develop social production
in a planned way and at the same time, promote social development and
build spiritual civilization in a planned way. The Sixth 5-Year Plan has
changed the tendency of not attaching importance to social development
planning. phis is a great change and a big step forward.
The part on social development in the Sixth 5-Year Plan includes plans for
population, labor employment, the income and consumption of the residents
in urban and rural areas, urban and rural construction and social welfare
undertakings, cultural undertakings, public health and physical culture,
environmental protection and preserving good public order. At the same
time, it demands that in the various economic construction undertakings,
we should strengthen ideological education so that more and more staff and
workers will become working people with lofty ideals, moral integrity,
education and a sense of discipline, overcome all sorts of unhealthy prac-
tices, strike resolute blows at the serious criminal activities in the
economic and other spheres and at other serious criminal activities and
create a general improvement in public order and order in production and
other work for the realization of the Sixth 5-Year Plan.
From the above-mentioned contents we can see that the Sixth 5-Year Plan
is a 5-year plan which continues the implementation of the policy of
readjustment, restructuring, reorganization and upgrading and launches the
national economy on a path of healthy development and a 5-year plan which
takes a new path of socialist modernization in light of China's existing
conditions. This is the result of bringing order out of chaos since the
3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee and the crystalliza-
tion of implementing the party's practical and realistic line. Earnest
implementation of this 5-year plan will significantly raise the level of
the whole of economic work, help the national economy steadily grow in the
course of readjustment, help the modernization program move forward a step
further and help continue to improve the people's livelihood. Provided we
successfully fulfill the Sixth 5-Year Plan, we can be certain that the
growth rate for the Seventh 5-Year Plan will be higher than that of the
Sixth 5-Year Plan. Proceeding from this basis, the growth rate for the
eighth and ninth 5-year periods is certain to be still higher. In this
way, we will have the possibility of realizing the magnificent objective
of quadrupling the annual gross value of industrial and agricultural pro-
duction by the end of this century.
Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, significant
improvements have been achieved in China's planning work. The formulation
of the Sixth 5-Year Plan has made a degree of progress in many aspects com-
pared with the previous ones. However, this is only a beginning. Owing to
the .complexity of economic life and the restriction of the level of planning
work, though earnest efforts have been made ,to conduct investigation and
study and to achieve an overall balance in preparing the plan, there may be
points needing further deliberation, which will be readjusted as required
and handled properly in accordance with concrete conditions in the course
of its implementation.
CSO: 4004/16
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COMRADE SUN YEFANG'S CONTRIBUTIONS TO ECONOMIC THEORIES
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 24, 16 Dec 82 pp 25-30
[Article by He Jianzhang [0149 1696 4545] and Zhang Zhuoyuan [1728 0587
0337]]
[Text] Comrade Sun Yefang is a famous economist in our country. In his
theoretical research activities over the past decades and particularly in
the past 30 years, he based himself on Marxist basic theory and put forth
major questions according to the practice of our socialist construction.
He conducted deepgoing and intensive studies, boldly created new things,
dared to argue, continually challenged erroneous traditional concepts, and
put forward a complete system of socialist economic theory embodying his
original views. Particularly noteworthy is that, based on the results of
his own scientific research, he has put forward a whole series of bold and
richly enlightening suggestions and ideas on the reform of China's finan-
cial and economic management systems and on the major problems encountered
in the practice of China's socialist construction. Recently, although
gravely ill, he has remained greatly concerned for socialist construction,
and wrote an excellent article entitled "There Is a Technical and Economic
Guarantee as Well as a Political Guarantee for Quadrupling in 20 Years,"
which dealt with the idea that it is necessary to rely mainly on technical
transformation in order to quadruple total industrial and agricultural
output value and consequently he was praised by leading comrades from the
CPC Central Committee and the State Council.
The theoretical activities of Comrade Sun Yefang have created a good exam-
ple for the broad masses of theoretical workers in overcoming difficulties
and in daring to climb the peak of science. His socialist economic theory
is characterized by giving prominence to economic efficiency and it is
based on the law of saving time or the law of value as it is termed by him.
This theory is opposed to the theory of natural economy and the theory of
will but on the other hand it pays very much attention to the important
significance of technical progress in developing social production, stresses
the importance of the broad masses as masters of their land and advocates
that enterprises should play their roles as independent economic accounting
units. He began by studying the double nature of products and daringly
probed into the question of reforming socialist political economic system
from the simple to the complex aspects through analyzing the process of
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direct production, the process of circulation and the whole process of
social production. The following is a brief introduction to the important
significance of his economic theoretical views in the implementation of
socialist modernization program in our country today.
I. Gaining the Greatest Results From the Least Spending Is the Supreme
Principle in Socialist Economic Activities
In early 1960, the sphere of economics was generally subject to the influ-
ence of "leftist" ideology. Textbooks of political economy stressed the
importance of class struggle with political slogans replacing economic
analyses. At the same time, in actual economic life, economic law was
replaced by objective will, coupled with making rash advances blindly and
giving no consideration to economic efficiency, and all these resulted in
serious losses and waste. But Comrade Sun Yefang rose against the tide and
put forth his famous concept that the supreme principle in socialist
economic activities is to gain the greatest results from the least spend-
ing. The Economic Research Institute of the Chinese Academy of Sciences,
which was then under his management, followed the directives from the CPC
Central Committee and organized all research personnel to compile the
book "On Socialist Economy." Disregarding opposition from some people, he
insisted that the book must give prominence to the importance of seeking
economic efficiency. He said that the textbooks of political economics
must pay attention to economy. What is economy? The answer is to gain the
greatest achievements with the least spending. We must prove through
analyzing the relationship of socialist production that the relation of
socialist production is in a better position than capiromote thegdevelopment
achievements with least spending and consequently to p
of the social economy.
Comrade Sun Yefang time and again stressed that political economics must
have a value economic category. He sharply criticized a wrong view that
"'spare no expense' seems to represent boldness of spirit in carrying out
socialist construction. According to his view, under the socialist system,
value decision still plays a governing role in the distribution among
various forms of production whether in the readjustment of labor time or in
social labor. He stressed that it is necessary in a socialist economy to
respect the role of the law of value so as to enable the "backward, medium
and advanced enterprises constantly to engage in competition for the purpose
of decreasing the average labor needed by society" and he said that this~~is
a socialist "broad road for developing production and social prosperity.
But this demand of seeking economic efficiency in all economic activities
and the theory of respecting the law of value were termed as being in
opposition to putting proletarian politics in command and denying class
struggle. During the "Great Cultural Revolution," this concept was even
labeled as "counterrevolutionary revisionism." Since the 3d Plenary
Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, the CPC Central Committee has
spared no efforts in eradicating "leftist" mistakes both in theory and
practice. It demanded that we must take a new road for developing the
national economy and the core of this task is to seek economic efficiency
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in all economic activities. Practice has proved that Comrade Sun Yefang's
view of taking economic efficiency as the supreme principle in socialist
economic activities is totally correct.
II. Attaching Very Great Importance to Economizing and Making Rational Use
of Socialist Capital
It is an actual problem that we lack capital for our socialist moderniza-
tion program. Therefore the question of economizing and making rational
use of limited capital are closely related to the question of whether our
construction can be carried out smoothly. As early as the 1950's, Comrade
Sun Yefang was aware of the importance of economizing and making rational
use of construction funds. He proved this view theoretically and put forth
some practical suggestions.
In order to check the results in using the capital, he advocated the use of
capital profit rate as a comprehensive norm for checking the results of
business and management of enterprises and production costs, and the basis
for defining prices of products. This view was put forth during the debate
around 1956 on the question of whether the price of heavy industrial
products should be decreased or not. He was opposed to a decrease in the
price of heavy industrial products on the grounds that although the profit
rate of such products was relatively high, the capital profit rate was low.
He said: We made tremendous investments in our heavy industrial enterprises
with the capital accumulated by the broad masses of workers and peasants
throughout the country through their blood and sweat; why cannot these
enterprises make profit? To judge the price of products through capital
profit rate means that it is imperative to economize and rationally use
socialist capital, pay attention to the efficiency of using the capital
and to check capital profit rate.
It was once a commonly held wrong view to mix the profit of socialist
enterprises with that of capitalist enterprises and oppose paying atten-
tion to socialist profit and checking capital profit rate; it was under
such conditions that in 1963 Comrade Sun Yefang wrote a research report
entitled "The Profit Norm of the Socialist Planned Economic Management
System." In this report he advocated that it was imperative, according
to state planning, to "define the orientation of production and the rela-
tions of coordination, strictly implement supply-production-sales contracts
and observe planned prices while the amount of profit represents a compre-
hensive norm to show the standard of an enterprise's technical level and
its business management level. The social average capital profit rate is
a level that has to be reached by each enterprise; those that have exceeded
this rate are advanced enterprises and those that are lagging behind this
rate are backward enterprises."
During the "Great Cultural Revolution," these views of Comrade Sun Yefang
were labeled by Kang Sheng, Chen Boda and the "gang of four" as "putting
profit in command" and criticized. But he did not make a self-criticism.
Following the downfall of the "gang of four," he wrote the first important
thesis under the title of "Boldly Grasp Socialist Profit." According to his
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view, each socialist enterprise must persist in socialist orientation and
under the premise of implementing party principles and policies, create
more profits through technical reform and improvement of management. He
has always advocated that the enterprises with more state capital should
have the obligation to hand over more profits to the state. One of the
important parts of the current reform of the economic management system in
our country is to gradually get rid of the capital supply system and change
possession of capital without reward to the one with reward; in defining
the prices of various categories of products, it is necessary to consider
the funds possessed by these products; encourage enterprises to make more
profit for the state and enable them to combine the results of their busi-
ness, including the amount of profit, with their own economic interest.
All these views of Comrade Sun Yefang are of practical significance for us
today in reforming the economic management system.
III. Actively Advocating the Reform of the Economic Management System
As early as 1956, Comrade Sun Yefang began to write articles in which he
advocated the correct handling of the relationship between the planned
economy and the law of value, and the reform of the socialist economic
management system. In June 1961, he wrote a research report to the CPC
Central Committee for internal reference in which he suggested the posi-
tion of the system in socialist political economics and pointed out the
necessity theoretically of reforming the current economic system and a
series of the measures for carrying out the reform.
Comrade Sun Yefang pointed out: The core central issue of the financial
system is the autonomy of enterprises, their responsibilities and their
relations with the state, and all these mean the management autonomy of the
enterprises. According to his view, it is not difficult to solve other
problems in the system such as the relations between the central and local
governments and the relations between rules and regulations and depart-
ments once the autonomy of enterprises is resolved. Following the tortuous
path traversed over the past 20 years, we eventually began reforming the
economic management system of our country .by starting from expanding the
autonomy of enterprises and up to today we have made considerable achieve-
ments in this aspect through practice. When we recall the above-mentioned
views expressed by Comrade Sun Yefang in his research report at that time,
we can see even more clearly the value of his views.
Comrade Sun Yefang held that under a socialist system, enterprises must
become independent accounting units. Of course, enterprises with the
ownership by the whole people only have the right to possess, use and con-
trol state finance and the state is the owner of this finance. Therefore
the independence of socialist enterprises is relative. But since enter-
prises are independent accounting units, it is within the rights of the
enterprises to sign contracts on supply and sales among themselves, and
to discuss the volume of supply and sales and the specifications of
products according to the original production orientation and within the
original sphere, and the state and localities have no right to interfere
with this. Some people worried that with their autonomy expanded, the
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enterprises would be bent solely on profits. But Comrade Sun Yefang argued
and pointed out that when enterprises are able to improve their management
and constantly improve their technology, individual labor consumption will
be lower than the average necessary labor volume and such benefit is gained
mainly through the objective effort of the staff and workers of the enter-
prises. Therefore we cannot limit such benefit. On the contrary we must
encourage it because it is in the interest of improving labor productivity
and developing social production.
Comrade Sun Yefang has also defined the theory and the limit of the
autonomy of enterprises. Enterprises have "small autonomy" over the
management of the capital value of simple reproduction. The state, on the
other hand, has "big autonomy" over the capital value of the expansion of
reproduction such as investment on new enterprises and the expansion of
old enterprises and all these must be put under strict control by the state.'
If the state includes those matters that should be managed by enterprises
under its control, then the control over enterprises will become too rigid;
as a result, the state itself will be busily engaged in routine work and
it will relax its control over major plans of state long-range construction
and comprehensive balance work of the national economy. Contrarily, if
the right over the amount of capital value of the expansion of reproduction
is totally handed down to enterprises, it will easily give rise to dupli-
cated construction and production and spoil the balanced development of the
national economy.
To enable the hundreds of thousands of enterprises to display their initia-
tive and creativity, Comrade Sun Yefang made a series of proposals for
reforming the systems of planning, finance, goods and materials and price.
IV. Holding That Doing a Good Job in Circulation Is an Essential Condition
for Developing Socialist Socialized Mass Production
Comrade Sun Yefang is the first economist in our country that has been
opposed to regarding socialist economy as natural economy. Over the past
decades, there existed a wrong view in economic theory and economic practice
in our country that regarded the socialist economy as having no process of
circulation. In fact, such a "theory of no circulation" advocated the
management of the socialist economy with the methods used in managing a
self-sufficient economy, a method characterized by a system of rationing
of goods and blockading regions from each other. Such a theory seriously
hinders the development of production socialization and the development of
the production and exchange of socialist commodities. Comrade Sun Yefang
pointed out that such a theory confuses the functions of exchange and
distribution and attempts to replace exchange with distribution. In fact,
without exchange and distribution, there would be no way to develop
socialized mass production. At the same time, the "theory of no circula-
tion" confuses the division of technical work within enterprises with social
division of work, improperly regards the economy with the ownership by the
whole people as a big factory and in this factory in which there exist only
division of technical work among various workshops and sections and not
social division of work. In fact, the socialist economy with the ownership
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by the whole people is composed of hundreds of thousands of enterprises
with independent accounting and among these enterprises there exists social
division of work. If enterprises do not carry out exchange of commodities
among themselves, it would not be possible for the whole society to carry
out reproduction smoothly.
In the late 1950's and early 1960's, Comrade Sun Yefang pointed out that
Volume 1 of "Das Kapital" has more contents than the other two volumes
suitable fob us today in organizing and managing the socialist economy.
It is only recently that this View has been accepted by more comrades and
this situation has been proven by the fact that since last year, the broad
masses of cadres who are responsible for economic work and theoretical
workers have in general begun to study Marxist theory of reproduction.
Comrade Sun Yefang has always opposed the system of rationing and advocated
that the circulation of the means of production be included in commerce so
that production can be directly linked with sales. According to his view,
it is not necessary for state planning bodies and economic management
organizations to directly control supplies and sales that should be
resolved by the hundreds of thousands of the relatively independent enter-
prises directly through contracts. The state must control only how to bal-
ance the difference. He also held that it is unnecessary to redistribute
goods every year. Is it necessary for a husband and wife to hold a wedding
ceremony every year? The state work of achieving overall balance must be
based on contracts for production, supply and sales made by grassroots
enterprises and must be carried out from bottom to top.
According to Comrade Sun Yefang's view, the socialist economy is termed a
planned economy because following the introduction of public ownership, the
production within each enterprise is carried out in a planned way while the
production-supply-sales relations among various enterprises, that is the
process of circulation and marketing, are organized in a planned and uni-
fied way. Comrade Sun Yefang particularly agreed with the following view
of Comrade Liu Shaoqi: Circulation is the most sensitive; all the various
problems in production are reflected in circulation and therefore in carry-
ing out the study of economics it is imperative to pay attention to circu-
lation.
At present, a number of problems have cropped up in the activities of the
national economy because we did not organize circulation well. There are
unsalable products and stockpiling of goods because production is carried
out without directly linking it with sales while some other products are
also unsalable because of regional blockades; some enterprises have failed
to meet demand or have suspended production due to lack of materials, and
the service of exclusive business of certain units has also dropped. All
these things show that it is an urgent and very important task to solve
the problem of socialist circulation by combining theory with practice.
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V. Attaching Importance to Technical Progress and the Technical Reform of
the Existing Enterprises
Comrade Sun Yefang always advocated the study of the relations of produc-
tion by relating them to productivity and he was against carrying out the
study without connecting it with productivity. He paid very much atten-
tion to the role displayed by technical progress in promoting production
and its great influence in social economic relations. He held that under
the socialist system, thepe also exist invisible losses and he resolutely
opposed the management method over equipment that is characterized by
freezing technical progress and "duplicating antiques." He said that
enterprises must mainly depend on constantly improving technology in
increasing economic efficiency, labor productivity and profits.
Comrade Sun Yefang pointed out that in developing both industry and agri-
culture, it is necessary to rely on both planning and scientific technology.
The task put forth by the 12th party congress to quadruple the annual gross
industrial and agricultural output value by the end of this century and
particularly the task of industrial departments to more than quadruple
their annual gross output value must mainly be grasped through the techni-
cal reform of the more than 400,000 existing enterprises. In developing
production, we can no longer follow the old road of resorting to capital
construction and building new enterprises, nor can we expand productivity
on the basis of the original equipment, technology, raw materials and
products. While the number of newly built enterprises is very limited,
existing enterprises are very great in number. If, in developing produc-
tion in the future, we are able to rely not only on the very limited new
enterprises but also mainly on technical reform of the majority of the
existing enterprises, we will consequently be able to develop production
even faster and with higher economic efficiency and unified speed and
efficiency. In the past decades, industry in the Soviet Union developed
slowly and so did our industry in the past 30 years and consequently there
appeared a wrong feeling that industry had "big basic figures and slow
speed." In fact, the important reason for this situation is that the
related economic management system hindered the technical reform of the
existing enterprises and the transformation of the enterprises themselves.
As a result, the majority of the old enterprises have failed to develop
production and by solely relying on some newly built enterprises it is only
natural that production is developing more and more slowly.
In order to enable the hundreds of thousands of existing enterprises to
carry out technical reform in a planned way and step by step, Comrade Sun
Yefang suggested increasing the depreciation rate of fixed assets. He
suggested that in the First step, the depreciation rate may be increased
from about 4 percent to about 10 percent and depreciation funds may be
handed down to enterprises for renewing their equipment. He also suggested
that measures must be taken through economic management so that enterprises
will have both motive force and pressure to carry out technical reform.
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Comrade Sun Yefang has his own original system of socialist economic theory
and his own incisive ideas on socialist construction because he persistently
links theory with reality, engages in bold probing and dares to uphold the
truth.
He paid very much attention to the study of Marxist theory. In the mid-
1920's, he studied Marxism-Leninism in the Soviet Union, and later was
responsible for interpreting courses on political economics with his rich
theoretical experiences. In the 1940's, he was working with the party
school in central China and he found that within the party there existed a
tendency of empiricism to neglect theoretical study. He wrote a letter to
Comrade Liu Shaoqi in which he stressed the significance of theoretical
study in guiding the Chinese revolution to victory. This view was fully
affirmed by Comrade Liu Shaoqi. Following liberation, he was posted in
leading positions in professional departments and research departments and
in these departments he time and again stressed that theoretical study was
perfecting "basic skills." He also attached great importance to studying
and investigating economic life and from these activities he made theoreti-
cal summaries to direct practice. In the early 1930's, he used Marxism as
guidance to study and investigate the economy in China and particularly the
rural economy. Thanks to his deep investigations, he was able to correctly
analyze the nature of the society in China, refute the fallacies of Trotsky-
ist faction and popularize the party principles and policies about demo-
cratic revolution. The above-mentioned views and suggestions were made
possible after he grasped numerous reference materials from reality. He
suggested that research departments must establish contact with professional
departments and demanded that the Economic iesearch Institute of the
Chinese Academy of Sciences be put under the leadership of both the CPC
Central Committee and the State Planning Commission. In this aspect, he
was supported by Comrades Zhou Enlai and Li Fuchun. He actively suggested
research units to build "experimental fields" in factories, shops and rural
areas. He led a number of research personnel to stay in selected factories
to help improve their work and gain firsthand experience for guiding overall
work. He has also consequently written a number of research reports with
rich contents and particular views. In short, Comrade Sun Yefang has been
able to fully demonstrate the party's fine style of study characterized by
linking theory with practice.
Another outstanding character of Comrade Sun Yefang is that he has the
courage to uphold the truth and conduct criticism and self-criticism.
During the revolutionary war, Comrade Sun Yefang heroically fought against
the enemy no matter whether in his secret fight when he was carrying out
risky underground work or in the battlefield. When he was responsible for
economic theoretical work following. liberation, he also boldly opposed
traditional wrong concepts. His motto is a sentence from a poem by Dante
once quoted by Marx: "As at the entrance to hell, at the entrance to
science we must make this demand: 'Here, all hesitation must be eradicated
and here any cowardice is helpless."' In the early 1960's, he was labeled
by Kang Sheng and Chen Boda as "the biggest revisionist in China"; he was
criticized and dismissed from office. But Comrade Sun Yefang declared: "I
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long ago realized the nature of this question and the argument that might
occur. But it is very risky to try and solve this case that has been pend-
ing for decades." He was jailed during the 10 turbulent years. There
were neither magazines and newspapers nor pen and writing paper in the
prison cell. Nor was he allowed visitors or access to news reports. In
spite of all this he did not give up. He said: "After I was put into
prison, I did not feel sorry about dying, nor was fame important to me.
But my views on economics that I had been studying for a long period could
in no way be discarded; had I died I had to leave these views for the
masses to understand!" On the second day following his imprisonment, he
began to recall the draft for the book "On Socialist Economy" which he
.intended to write many years ago. Excluding the preface, the book has 22
chapters and 183 sections. During the 7 years and 5 days when he was
deprived of freedom, Comrade Sun Yefang worked out in his mind the draft of
the whole program on dozens of occasions. He also used the pen and paper
that were given to him for writing "letters of confession" to write an
article entitled "My Argument With Some Persons in the Economic Sector" in
hundreds and thousands of characters to refute the fallacies of Chen Boda
and the "gang of four." Such is his character of refusing to yield to any
pressure and even imprisonment. No matter how bad the situations were, he
unremittingly fought for the truth. In the first half of April 1975, Com-
rade Sun Yefang was bewildered when he was suddenly released but at the
same time was forced to write the "three correct treatments." But he
openly declared: "I will not change my will, my profession, my views!"
Following the downfall of the "gang of four" and particularly since the
measures taken by the CPC Central Committee to restore order, the criticism
of "leftist" mistakes and the advocation of reforming the economic system
have helped to prove that many of Comrade Sun Yefang's viewpoints are cor-
rect. But amid praise, he said: "My theoretical viewpoints are not and
cannot be '100 percent correct."' He acknowledged that in the past, under
the influence of the "communist wind," he denied the award system and the
system of profit retention by enterprises and said that this view "is
'leftist' thinking." Such an attitude of daring to make self-criticism is
as valuable as his courage in upholding truth.
Comrade Sun Yefang is a veteran communist, with his membership dating
back to the 1920's. He is an acknowledged authority in the sector of
economics in our country. But he remains modest and open-minded. He
sticks to the principle that all are equal before truth and he respects
differing views, including the views of the comrades under his leadership.
Time and again he ordered the editorial department of JINGJI YANJIU to give
priority to carrying the articles that express views different from his own.
He conscientiously replies to letters to editors. He suggested the holding
of open discussions and stressed the importance of protecting the right
of those criticized to debate. He said that criticism and struggles are
not dreadful and that the agony is to have been deprived of the right to
debate. He advocates clear-cut viewpoints, no matter how sharply expressed
they are. He never cares about personal gain and loss and he never bears
personal grudges. Some of the members of the group that is now helping him
in writing books held different views with him in the past and yet he
treats them equally, is concerned with them and is also training them.
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These comrades, on the other hand, have also been completely convinced by
his correct theoretical viewpoints and his lofty character and they have
become his competent assistants.
Comrade Sun Yefang's incisive academic views and strict attitude in study
have a considerable influence in economic circles in our country; they
are generally respected and have also become famous in economic circles
abroad. As his students, we want to follow his example, work hard on the
economic theoretical front end make our contributions toward implementing
the socialist modernization grogram of our country.
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THEY ARE THE MOST LOVABLE PEOPLE
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 24, 16 Dec 82 pp 31-33
[Commentator's article]
[Text] Recently, from newspapers and journals to radio and television
broadcasts, from street corners to numerous families and households and
from urban to rural areas in the vast socialist motherland, the two
glorious names of Jiang Zhuying and Luo Jianfu are being transmitted and
,eulogized. Their stirring deeds and lofty characters have touched and
inspired the hearts of the people, and they can hardly refrain from tears.
People simply do not know what words can be used to express their esteem
and love for these two comrades. We should say: They, and people such as
them, are our most lovable people today!
In talking about most lovable people, people will call to mind the volun-
teers of the war to resist U.S. aggression and aid Korea. During the war
to resist U.S. aggression and aid Korea, the volunteers were generally
acknowledged to be the most lovable. people by all patriotic compatriots.
Among them were heroes like Huang Jiguang, who blocked the enemy's machine
gun with his chest and paved the way to victory for his comrades-in-arms;
great fighters like Qiu Shaoyun, who strictly observed the law of ambush
and remained motionless until his death although his body was on fire;
and such internationalist fighters as Luo Shengjiao who gloriously gave up
his life to save a Korean youth.
Every period has its own most lovable people. Such people as Zhang Side,
Liu Mulan and Dong Cunrui were the most lovable people of the revolutionary
war years. Precisely because of their struggle and sacrifice new China was
born. Peacetime construction was also a battle in another form. In the
battle of the 1960's, we had such most lovable people as Jiao Yulu and Lei
Feng. Today, in the battle to create a new situation in socialist mod-
ernization, we have such most lovable people as Jiang Zhuying and Luo
Jianfu. Their names should be inscribed in golden characters in the
heroic history of the great practice of our communist movement.
In former years the fighters on the Korean battlefield, who endured all
kinds of hardships and persisted in fighting with the motherland in mind,
lived on only mouthful of fried wheat flour and snow. How simple and
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beautiful their words were: "We are eating snow here precisely so that the
people of our motherland will not have to eat snow. They can sit in their
clean, bright and spacious houses, brew pots of tea close to their small
stove, eat what they want and do as they please." Must not such most
lovable people as Jiang Zhuying and Luo Jianfu battling on the forefront
of building material civilization and spiritual civilization also nurse the
same aspiration? "The needs of the state are our responsibility. How can
a scientific worker stand by with folded arms when practical problems crop
up?" This was what Jiang Zhuying said as well as practiced. "In science,
the important thing is the 'result' of research and not !individual'
researcher." This was what Luo Jianfu said as well as practiced. For
years they diligently worked and created under conditions similar to
"mouthfuls of fried wheat flour and snow," willingly served as "paving
stones and were always ready to offer the most valuable scientific
research materials they had mastered to others. People could not help
associating their character with that of the telephone operator who used
his own body as a cable to ensure the smooth function of the communication
network on the Korean battlefield in former years. Jiang Zhuying and Luo
Jianfu were indeed worthy of the title of most lovable people!
The most lovable people on the Korean battlefront in former years were the
indomitable fighters made of special stuff. Although seriously wounded,
they nevertheless gritted their teeth, stuffed the intestines back into
their abdomens, covered the wounds with their broken hands and continued
to give battle. Today, we have the case of Luo Jianfu who, when his chest
was bloated by tumors and his skin was burning with intense pain, still
refused to take pain-killing injections or sleeping pills because that
would interfere with his continued investigation and manufacture of the
"Type III" graphic generator. Likewise, Jiarig Zhuying also bravely bore
the pain of numerous illnesses and continued his battle until his final
breath. How faithful and loyal they were to the cause of the party, the
people and the motherland! Like candles, they burned themselves up and
gave all their heat and light to the socialist cause. This kind of spirit
is on the same plane as that of such heroes as Huang Jiguang and Qiu
Shaoyun. To call them most lovable people is not at all excessive!
As in the case of the tens of thousands of most lovable people from among
the workers, peasants and intellectuals who appeared on the Korean battle-
field, there are also tens of thousands of advanced elements who selflessly
give their all for the country, for society and?for the people in every
field of socialist construction. They came from among the workers, the
peasants, the PLA and also the intellectuals. Jiang Zhuying and Luo Jianfu
were the representatives of advanced intellectual personalities. There are
still many more advanced personalities like them among the intellectuals.
Wang Jiyong has been praised as a "living Jiang Zhuying," Zhang Tongxing
has been praised as a "living Luo Jianfu," and famous economist Comrade Sun
Yefang is still giving counsel in creating a new situation in socialist
construction despite his serious illness. They all are this kind of
advanced personality. They radiate the bright light of communist ideology
and they are the reappearance of the proletarian revolutionaries with com-
munist spirit of the war years under new historical conditions. They
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understand science and have the knowledge, and furthermore, they also keep
on seeking and exploring and use their knowledge to provide the most effec-
tive service for socialist construction. They have made. so many contribu-
tions to the party, the motherland and the people, but they are still not
satisfied and feel that they have not done enough. In material life and
treatment, they ask almost nothing from the party, the motherland and the
people, but they always feel satisfied and refuse what is actually
extremely rational consideration. They freely and unconditionally dis-
solve themselves completely into the socialist cause of the people. Their
greatest happiness is dedicating their all. For the sake of struggling to
uphold the truth, they are never the slightest bit disloyal or half-hearted
no matter under what kind of conditions. "The road may be long and far,
but I will keep on searching from top to bottom." "As this is also what my
heart dictates, though I may die nine times I still have no regrets!" They
are the best offsprings of the party and the most precious wealth of the
people. "What they eat is grass and what they give is milk and blood."
These words are also most appropriate when applied to them. Our people,
our nation and our socialist motherland should take pride in them. They
are also the examples people throughout the country should emulate.
The deeds of Jiang Zhuying and Luo Jianfu have also most clearly showed
that they are indeed worthy to be called the outstanding vanguards of the
working class. Their deeds have also manifested the spiritual features of
intellectuals trained, tempered and tested for more than 30 years. Facts
have shown that most of our intellectuals have ideals, aspirations and
capabilities. They are imbued with the sense of responsibility of develop-
ing China. They have inseparably bound their destiny with the destiny of
the workers, the peasants and the socialist motherland. They have indeed
long become a component of the working class. They are one of the three
basic social forces of socialist modernization. Our socialist construction
must rely on the creativity and labor of the workers and peasants. At the
same time, we also absolutely cannot be short of the efforts and struggles
of the intellectuals. Without a powerful contingent of intellectuals, we
will not be able to rely on the forces of science and technology and the
forces of the intellectuals to promote the development of productive forces,
and we will also not be able to raise the scientific and cultural level of
the whole nation and educate the people to become disciplined workers with
ideals, ethics and culture. Without intellectuals, the task of quadrupling
production cannot be fulfilled, and the building of the two civilizations
will become an empty phrase. Before liberation, our country was an
economically and culturally very backward semifeudal and semicolonial
society, and we had actually very few intellectuals. Since liberation,
along with the development of cultural and educational undertakings, we
have more intellectuals trained by the working class; but because of the
fetters of "leftist" ideology and the concept of small production, the
growth and expansion of the contingent of intellectuals have for a long
time been suppressed. During the 10 years of internal disorder of the
"Great Cultural Revolution, large numbers of intellectuals were prosecuted
and this widened the gap between our science and technology and those of the
advanced contemporary international level. At present, the broad masses of
intellectuals in our country have shouldered the glorious and arduous
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mission of carrying forward the revolutionary cause and forging ahead into
the future, as well as invigorating and developing our scientific, cultural
and educational undertakings. Their tasks are extremely arduous; but their
family burden is heavy, their living and working conditions are poor and
the state of their physical condition is rather serious. This kind of con-
dition is also particularly noticeable among middle-aged intellectuals such
as Jiang Zhuying and Luo Jianfu. All these have more clearly manifested the
importance and urgency of implementing the policy toward intellectuals and
giving full play to the role of intellectuals.
However, even now, the mentality of belittling and despising intellectuals
still finds a certain market. Some comrades still do not acknowledge that
like the workers and peasants, the intellectuals are a reliable force for
building socialism. Some comrades have remained indifferent to the fact
that the treatment for intellectuals is inclined to be too low, and even
resented improving the treatment and working conditions of intellectuals.
Some comrades have assumed airs as representatives of workers and peasants
and raised objection to the all-round implementation of the policy toward
intellectuals. In their eyes, it seems as though putting the stress on
knowledge and intellectuals means negating the value of physical labor and
the role of the workers and peasants. This viewpoint of setting the intel-
lectuals against the workers and peasants is extremely wrong and runs.
counter to the opinion of the workers and peasants working diligently and
conscientiously on the frontline of production. The working masses under-
stand best the role played by science and technology in production as well
as in lightening and protecting labor. They also clearly see the gap
between the contribution and treatment of scientific and technical
personnel. They fully understand the need for closely integrating physical
labor with mental labor and the fact that the workers and intellectuals
cannot be separated from each other. After the practice of the production
responsibility system, the broad masses of peasants have a strong desire
for scientific knowledge, and it is no longer news that technicians have
become targets whom the peasants are competing for. This mentality of not
acknowledging that complicated labor is worth more than simple labor, not
acknowledging the fact that mental labor requires certain working condi-
tions and therefore not agreeing to improving the working conditions of
intellectuals to heighten and enhance the efficiency of mental labor, is
detrimental to the development of productive forces and to the early
realization of modernization, and therefore, also does not conform to the
basic interests of the workers and peasants. The workers and peasants have
all along regarded the intellectuals as indispensable members of their own
working class. They call upon all units with intellectuals to correct their
understanding and attitude regarding intellectuals, conscientiously imple-
ment the party's policy toward intellectuals with a high degree of con-
sciousness and fully trust and protect the intellectuals. In particular,
they must pay attention to taking care of and cherishing the group of out-
standing intellectuals, who are hardworking like Jiang Zhuying and Luo
Jianfu and have genuine ability and learning, let them boldly put their
ideals and aspirations for building socialism to use and bring into play
all their wisdom and strength.
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Let us emulate our most lovable people and protect our most lovable people!
We must work hard at our posts with the zeal of "moving with the speed of
a shooting star and taking two steps of the stairs at the same time" of
Comrade Jiang Zhuying to offset the loss caused by his premature death.
In particular, party committees at all levels must consciously use this
kind of drive to implement the party's policy ,toward intellectuals and to
avoid further losses. This is the most fitting way for us to commemorate
such most lovable people as Jiang Zhuying and Luo Jianfu!
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MAKING SERIOUS INVESTIGATIONS AND STUDIES IS THE GUIDING PRINCIPLE FOR THE
THOUGHTS AND ACTIONS OF ALL PARTY CADRES
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 24, 16 Dec 82 pp 34-36
[Ideological commentary by Shi Youxin [2457 0645 2946]]
[Text] Today, when reading the series of letters and comments written by
Comrade Mao Zedong in 1961 on investigations and studies, we still have a
feeling of freshness and closeness. One should proceed from reality in
doing everything. He who has made no investigations has no right to
comment. This should become the guiding principle for the thoughts and
actions of party leaders and comrades of the whole party.
Making investigations and studies is the basic means of Marxism. No matter
what we do, and what we work at, it is necessary to bring the subjective to
meet the objective and thoughts to actions in order to reach the expected
goal. If they fail to meet with each other we will run into a stone wall
and meet with failure, which goes contrary to our wishes. Why is subjec-
tivism wrong? Because it does not proceed from reality but from subjective
desires. Comrade Mao Zedong said: 'The Marxist spirit is to make serious
investigations and studies on specific problems and to make concrete
analysis instead of abstract and subjective analysis. Marxist philosophy
is both dialectic materialism and historical materialism. It guides people
to have an accurate understanding of the true colors of the objective world.
Whether it is making revolution or doing construction, no success will be
achieved unless we proceed from the realities of our country and integrate
the universal truth of Marxism with the concrete realities of our country.
And the course of integration is also the course of investigating realities
and learning the objective law. It is not simply a matter of working style
to go deep into the realities of life, make investigations and studies, to
get hold of the large amount of reliable material and then draw forth the
correct strategies, but it is a matter of upholding Marxist epistemology
and the party's ideological line. If one keeps oneself from the colorful
and concrete perceptual knowledge and away from the base and source of
recognition, how can one achieve a correct understanding? Some comrades
stick to the old habit of having no contact with reality which was formed
over years, and some are used to copying word for word the instructions
from senior authorities when issuing orders. Instead of taking into con-
sideration the concrete situations of one's own local area and unit,
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suggesting new methods and blazing new roads, they either seek uniformity
regardless of real conditions or give vague and general instructions.
The problem lies in the fact that their thinking is detached from reality.
A great number of facts in real life have shown that whoever goes investi-
gating among the masses, his thinking will be liberated and he will be able
to create a new situation for the work. Whoever fails to make investiga-
tions and studies, his thinking will be rigid and he will get nowhere.
Therefore it should always come first to uplift our spirit, do a harder job
in making investigations and studies and straighten out the ideological
line.
If we only recall history, we will come to realize that whether we make
investigations or not has a direct bearing on the prosperity and success
of the course of revolution and construction. In the years of revolu-
tionary warfare, owing to subjectivism which did not make investigations
and studies, and which did not proceed from realities, our party suffered
great losses, most of the revolutionary bases collapsed and over 90 percent
of the revolutionary forces were lost. Comrade Mao Zedong put forward the
road of having the countryside encircle the urban areas, and a whole series
of principles and policies on new democratic revolution. The fact that
they could lead the Chinese revolution to victory is simply because Comrade
Mao Zedong did not copy exactly the experiences of other countries, but
through investigations and studies he got to know the national conditions
of China and then concentrated the wisdom of the whole party and made con-
crete use of Marxism to bring things into conformity with the realities of
our country. After the founding of our country, we had similar experiences
and lessons. In any period that attached importance to investigations and
studies, such as the early fifties and early sixties, party principles and
policies were relatively in conformity with the objective realities and
the various items of work got on very well and the achievements were
remarkable. In some other periods, the guiding principles and policies
were seriously separated from reality. This gave rise to great losses.
One of the important reasons is that few or no investigations were made.
Since the 3d Plenary Session of the party's 11th National Congress, the
party Central Committee has repeatedly stressed seeking truth from facts,
liberating one's mind and proceeding from reality. Resuming and encourag-
ing the fine tradition of making investigations and studies has again
brought the various principles and policies in conformity with the realities
of our country as well as with the aspirations of the party and the people.
As a result, our party is once again full of vitality and prosperity just
as in the times of Yenan and the period just after the founding of the
country. Historical experiences have proved that the rise and the decline
of the party's course is closely related to the growth and the dis-
appearance of the style of making investigations and studies. It is at a
great cost that our party has come to realize the importance of making
investigations and studies.
Comrade Mao Zedong said: Making investigations and studies is extremely
important. There are three conditions to doing a job: 1) To have a clear
picture of the situation; 2) great determination; and 3) right methods.
Among these three, to have a clear picture of the situation is the basis.
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Only if one has a clear picture of the situation can the resolution one
makes be correct. The stronger the right resolution, the better can one do
the job. On the contrary, if one makes up one's mind before making sure
of the situation, it might be resolution to do a wrong action, and the
stronger is this resolution the worse the matter might turn out to be.
These kinds of examples are not uncommon. To have a clear picture of the
situation is the precondition of correct methods. An important reason for
our winning battles in the past is that our warfare tactics--the deployment
of army forces, the selection of breaches, the confirmation of the time of
attack--met with realities. Correct deployment could only come from
previous thorough reconnaissance and studies of the situation. In 1936,
Comrade Peng Dehuai led the Red Army to attack Shanxi. He made surveys by
himself for a week in order to decide when to cross the Yellow River. In
1949, in attacking Taiyuan, we had over 200,000 troops yet he still could
not set his heart at ease. He again led the scouting officer round Taiyuan
himself and investigated the place for 4 days. Now we should create an
overall new situation. The problems that are waiting to be solved are much
more complicated than fighting battles. The tasks are even harder. They
are badly in need of "commanders" at various levels, commanders who will
personally go investigating at the front line.
At present, the situation is developing at a rapid pace. New experiences,
new creations, new situations and new problems in different spheres and
respects keep emerging. Under this situation, being a leader should not
just mean having one's own thinking keep up with the development of the
situation but should also mean making a timely summary of the masses'
experiences and creations and then raising them to a higher level, which
in return might further guide the masses' practice. Furthermore, leaders
should foresee the trend of development of matters and stand in the front
to guide them. From the laws of cognizance, once the events and conflicts
that people face are more complicated and variefied the change will be
faster, with that, the more should we take care to avoid simple, one-sided
and rigid recognition and the more need we go deep into reality to make
investigations and studies. At present, there are some comrades who do not
have much determination in doing things. They lack confidence and means.
One important reason is that they have stayed in the office for too long a
time and have made too few investigations and studies of realities. We are
dialectic materialists, not idealists. Our determination and confidence do
not come from subjective imagination which has no factual basis, instead,
they are built on the basis of knowing the realities and the objective law.
When we have a thorough understanding of a certain matter or a certain job
and find the law, we will naturally be filled with determination and con-
fidence.
The same thing applies to methods. The various conflicts in social produc-
tion and social living mostly take place and are exposed at the grassroots
level. It is the cadres at the grassroots level and the masses who know
every detail of the various contradictions. Inexhaustible wisdom is buried
deep among them. There are many wise and capable persons who have rich
practical experience. Every day they deal with different kinds of contra-
dictions. They are all there analyzing and solving contradictions,
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therefore they are also good hands at solving different kinds of contradic-
tions. There are many problems that we could not find solutions to by
racking our minds in the office. Once we have had discussions with the
masses and the cadres at the grassroots level, there will be solutions.
Any leaders who have boldness and means, who can make a breakthrough in
the working situation despite complicated contradictions, are leaders who
are good at discovering, summarizing and spreading the experiences and
creations of the masses from investigations and studies. Different forms
of systems of contracted responsibilities with payment linked to output
have been created by. the masses. The party Central Committee discovered
this creation and encouraged it. This has given rise to a great readjust-
ment in the relationship of production in our country's rural areas. As a
result, the development of productive forces has been vigorously pushed
forward. Comrade Mao Zedong always said in Yenan that sometimes he was
uncertain about something and felt upset, but once he got in touch with
reality and with the masses and cadres at the grassroots level, he would
know what to do. Even a leader like Comrade Mao Zedong with a high level
of Marxism, profound learning and rich experiences had to get his ideas
and methods by learning from reality and the masses. Should not we do just
the same?
Some comrades think that they can have a clear idea of things and give
working instructions by listening to reports and reading written reports
brought to them from grassroots units. Of course this method is necessary,
yet it is quite insufficient. Amore important and basic means to grasp
reality is if the leaders take a direct part in making investigations and
studies. Only by so doing can they obtain basic knowledge about various
problems as well as a wealth of firsthand material. Only by doing so can
they listen directly to the voices and opinions of the masses and have a
better understanding of their experiences and creations. Things and
happenings found out in such a way are more authentic and reliable than
material retold or written down by some other people. For they are facts
seen and heard by the leaders themselves when they make their personal
appearance at the forefront of practical activities. They find out the
facts directly from the participants of the event on production and work,
therefore they are vivid and concrete, true to life and original as well,
whereas items in written reports are generally polished. They are naturally
influenced by the thinking method, level of understanding, analyzing ability
and writing skill of the report writers. Some might add inflammatory
details to the account, changing one to two things; some might be poor at
summing up, making analysis and expressing themselves, so as a result, some
very good experiences are not properly presented. Even though what the
leaders read are reports written after making serious investigations, (this
is of great use) yet to the leaders themselves they are still indirect
experiences though they are something of direct experience to other people.
Therefore, it is still necessary for us to make investigations ourselves.
Self-acquired firsthand material is the base, and some other written
reports and data are then referred to. As far as our horizon and insight
are concerned, it will make a lot of difference if we have not looked into
the matter. Having done so, it will enable us to grasp the main contradic-
tions, experiences and problems. Furthermore, it will enable us to analyze,
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select and make use of the material in the written reports on a higher
plane. Finally, we can combine them with what we find out in our investi-
gations, from which we might come to some essential conclusions which we
take as our guiding principles.
The purpose of making investigations is to solve problems and to bring the
subjective in conformity with the objective. Therefore, it is necessary to
adopt an honestly scientific attitude in making investigations. This is a
basic demand on making investigations and studies. In 1932 Comrade Mao
Zedong pointed out: "one of our slogans is that he who has made no investi-
gations has no right to make comments. The other is that he who did not
make proper investigations has no right to make comments either." The
second slogan can be said to be a development of the first one. This shows
that the method of investigation encouraged by our party does not mean any
kind of investigation, but the right investigation. Any investigation that
goes against objective reality such as sticking to first impressions, seek-
ing proof, especially for oneself, with bias, or investigation which does
not speak the truth though knowing only too well there is falsehood will
not only be unable to reach the right conclusion but the label of "making
investigations and studies" might do a lot of harm. We have learned not a
few lessons in this respect. We should be on our guard against that. No
matter under what conditions, we should make a comprehensive analysis and
summing-up of our investigation material. We shall not be cheated by
various false phenomena, nor should we be satisfied with observation that
are isolated, one-sided, and that might shut our eyes to the law of
development of matter. Nor shall we be afraid of listening to different
opinions. Above all, we should not be afraid that the judgment and deci-
sion we have already made might be toppled by the trial of practice.
Making investigations is something of significance. Responsible leaders
of the party committees at various levels should personally set the ball
rolling. Some comrades have emphasized that they are too busy with their
work to go to grassroots units. It is a fact that they are busy and they
need to squeeze in time to go down. Leading comrades of the party Central
Committee are occupied with a myriad of state affairs every day. Doubt-
lessly, they are the busiest of all. However, they still squeeze in time
for making investigations and studies in the four corners of the country.
We should learn from their examples. Here, making investigations and
studies and improving the style and method of leadership are closely
related and help each other forward. If we do not make investigations and
studies the more easily will our leading energy get trapped in trivial
affairs; as a result, the less time we will have to get to basic units.
In order to change this vicious circle, we should begin with making inves-
tigations and studies. Leading organizations at various levels, especially
the main leading comrades, shall take the lead in changing their leading
style and improving their method of leadership. Seize a major period of
time and go deep into the realities of life. This will not only help one
do one's own job as a leader well, but can give the juniors an example to
follow. Similarly, this might well create conditions for the junior
organizations to change their style and improve their working methods.
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There is a giant in Greek mythology called (Antai), the son of the sea god
Poseidon and the earth goddess Gaia. When fighting, he can continuously
absorb strength from his earth mother and therefore be incompatible on the
condition that his body does not leave the earth. We can say that the
people and the masses are the mother of us communist people. As long as
we do not keep ourselves away from the masses and reality, and make investi-
gations and studies, and seek truth from facts, as long as we proceed from
reality in doing anything, we can incessantly absorb inexhaustible strength
from the mother. Our course will surely be to win one victory after
another.
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[1HAT COUNTS MOST IS TO SOLVE IDEOLOGICAL, UNDERSTANDING PROBLEMS OF LEADING
BACKBONES
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 24, 16 Dec 82 pp 37-39
[Commentator's article]
[Text) At present, cadres throughout the country are studying the docu-
ments of the 12th CPC Congress and this vigorous mass drive is developing
in depth. The gains of this study campaign are notable. The majority of
cadres have more or less gained the same understanding of the program,
principle and policies formulated by the 12th CPC Congress and have begun
to solve some ideological problems. However, it must be realized that
this is merely a good start and the achievements are still initial ones.
There are still many problems both in the intensity and scope of study
which require us to develop this study drive in depth. However, the lead-
ing bodies of some localities and units do not quite understand this.
After leafing through the pages once, they thought they had "already
studied" the documents and grasped their essence "sufficiently well."
Thus, they slackened their efforts in study. In reality, they have not
grasped the essence of the documents. They have not found out, in rela-.
tion with their actual thinking, the principal ideological obstacles to
the implementation of the guidelines of the 12th CPC Congress in all fields
of work and conscientiously solved the major problems of understanding in
the leading bodies. This method of study will invariably affect the imple-
mentation of the guidelines of the 12th CPC Congress.
In order to truly master the documents of the 12th CPC Congress, deepen our
understanding and bring our thinking into line with the tasks, principles
and policies formulated by the congress, it is first necessary to unify the
ideology and understanding of the leading bodies at all levels, particu-
larly the leading backbones at and above the county level. Practice since
the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee shows that how
fast a locality, department or unit can develop depends on whether or not
the leading body follows a correct ideological line, whether it has achieved
unity in ideology and understanding and whether it is truly at one, polit-
ically speaking, with the Central .Committee. Where a good aob has been
done in studying and grasping the guidelines of the 12th CPC Congress, the
political awareness of the leading backbones is high and no time has been
lost in emancipating the mind, things will develop swiftly and there will be
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a new situation in all work and rapid progress in production and other
fields of construction. On the contrary, if the leading cadres of a
locality or unit are slow in becoming politically awakened and adopt a
wait-and-see attitude, the initiative of the masses of cadres and people
will not be brought into full play and work and production will lag behind.
Therefore, in the present drive to study the guidelines of the 12th CPC
Congress, leading cadres at all levels must learn from this experience,
avoid "going through the motions" and concentrate first on solving the
problems of ideology and understanding of the leading backbones. Leading
backbones must pay special attention to this task and we must pay special
attention to the leading backbones. Each level must keep an eye on the
other and it is necessary to grasp the work down to the grassroots level.
This is the key to mastering the documents of the 12th 'CPC Congress.
The guidelines of the 12th CPC Congress are the development and improvement
of the line, principles and policies since the 3d Plenary Session of the.
11th CPC Central Committee. In linking with one's actual thinking, it is
first necessary to lay stress on linking with one's actual thinking since
the 3d plenary session and gain a deeper understanding of the line, prin-
ciples and policies since then. Leading backbones at all levels must
earnestly review the party's principles and policies since the 3d plenary
session and find out which of these have been implemented quite well and
where they fall short and why. They must also find out if there are ideas
in their own locality or department which are inconsistent with the guide-
lines of the 12th CPC Congress. On the basis of review and sorting out,
they will be able to find out the principal ideological obstacles to the
implementation of the guidelines of the 12th CPC Congress, seize on some
major problems of ideology and understanding and work out specific solu-
tions. For example, a small number of cadres, including some leading
cadres at and above the county level, feel uneasy about some of our present
policies and fear that these policies "show deviations" and are "inclined
to the right" because they have not thoroughly rid themselves of the "left"
ideological influence. They welcome diversified economic undertakings in
practice but are not convinced on a theoretical level. In particular, they
.are still skeptical about the socialist .character of the production respon-
sibility systems instituted in the countryside. Some of them think that
we are drifting farther and farther away from communism. In the past,
undertakings were "large in size and collective in nature." Now they are
"small in size and private in nature." For another example, some cadres
are one-sided in their understanding of the relationship between economic
construction. and the building of spiritual civilization. They think that
once production and the people's standards of living have gone up, spiritual
civilization will be built as a matter of course. They fail to understand
the importance of ideological and cultural education and the fact that
education and science are one of the strategic priorities of economic
development. They think that these are "light tasks" that can be dispensed
with. Some of them still entertain "left" prejudices about intellectuals
and. ref use to recognize that intellectuals, like workers and peasants, are
forces we must rely on in building socialism. They think that "intellec-
tuals were subjected to too much criticism in the past but are too lavishly
praised now." They even ask: "With the intellectuals becoming so popular,
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what will become of the Communist Party?" In dealing with this kind of
major problem of ideology and understanding, leading backbones at all
levels must bravely say what is on their mind, be bold in appraising one-
self and consciously expose contradictions in ideology and in work with the
spirit of rectification of work style. They must earnestly unfold criti-
cism and self-criticism and overcome "left" and right errors in ideology
and understanding which are inconsistent with the guidelines of the 12th
CPC Congress. Only in this way will it be possible to remove the obstacles
to the implementation of the guidelines of the 12th CPC Congress.
In emphasizing that we must now lay stress on linking with actual thinking,
we are not talking in generalities and it certainly does not mean that we
are not going to solve actual problems of work which can be solved now.
Rather, we must bear in mind the party's. central tasks and try to do a
better job in solving major problems and tackling formidable tasks in
actual work on the basis of unified thinking. For example, the organiza-
tional reform, reforms in the economic system, party rectification and so
on which we are carrying out now or will carry out in the future are all
formidable tasks involving complicated problems and a strong policy bearing.
In order to smoothly accomplish these tasks, leading cadres at all levels
must first of all conscientiously study the documents, deepen their under-
standing and overcome incorrect ideas. If they are content with their
half-baked knowledge and do not conscientiously study the guidelines of the
documents, they will not be able to fight these tough battles well.
As the situation develops, our party will continuously put forward new
tasks to implement the guidelines, of the 12th CPC Congress. For example,
the new constitution adopted by the Fifth Session of the Fifth NPC and
the Sixth 5-Year Plan are more concrete, enriched and developed than their
corresponding sections in the documents of the 12th CPC Congress. We must
study these documents well in order to continuously deepen the drive to
study the documents of the 12th CPC Congress.
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A GOOD EXAMPLE IN USING MATERIALIST DIALECTICS TO SUM UP EXPERIENCE AND
GUIDE CONSTRUCTION
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 24, 16 Dec 82 pp 38-42
[Article by Zhang Jing [4545 4544]]
[Text] Avery important feature of the report to the 12th party congress
is that in summing up experiences in the past or in expounding a series of
major questions in socialist construction, this report has followed the
principle of seeking truth from facts and the scientific ideological method
of materialist dialectics. This view is, in fact, what has been desired by
the whole party and the whole nation in the tortuous path they traversed
over the past many years and it represents a key for guaranteeing the
prosperity of the socialist cause. We must not only conscientiously read
and study each part of this report but must also understand the whole con-
tent so that we will be able to understand the scientific ideological
method represented in this report.
Materialist dialectics is a theory that is within our reach to understand.
This Marxist ideological method requires us to understand things according
to their objective nature and their inner law, without any subjective and
metaphysical elements. Things themselves are complicated and multifaceted
and therefore our understanding must not be simple and lopsided, nor can we
use our lopsided view to study the overall nature of things. Things are
constantly moving, developing and changing and therefore our understanding
must not stagnate. As things themselves include contradictions, it is
necessary for us in analyzing and handling problems to constantly study
the movement of the contradictions of these things and grasp the dialec-
tical relations of the unity of opposites. of the two sides of contradic-
tions. The root cause of our failures in the past was mainly that
ideologically we parted from materialist dialectics and the law of the
unity of opposites and that in some major questions, we seriously com-
mitted the mistakes of subjectivity and lopsidedness. In their attempt to
seize party and political power, the counterrevolutionary cliques of Lin
Biao and Jiang Qing pushed this subjectivity and lopsidedness to their
utmost and consequently subjectivity and metaphysics were rampant. Measures
have been taken since the 3d. Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Com-
mittee to restore order and basically correct subjectivity and metaphysics
ideologically and restore the scientific ideological method of materialist
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dialectics. The reason for the report to the 12th party congress contain-
ing scientific nature and tremendous convincing power lies in the fact
that this report has followed and practiced the demand of materialist
dialectics.
These features of the report are first demonstrated in analyzing and
expounding such questions of major principle as social principal contradic-
tions and the party key works on the relationship between economy and
politics.
We suffered setbacks in the past primarily because we did not proceed from
reality in handling such major questions and we handled them with subjec-
tivity and lopsidedness. After the exploiting class was eliminated as a
class, we still regarded principal contradictions as class struggle and
stressed the importance of taking "class struggle as the key" while under
the situation in which economic construction has become our central task,
we still stuck to the past practice of emphasizing such slogans as "giving
prominence to politics" and "putting politics in command" and launched
political movements one after another. Such practice not only delayed the
shift of key work but also did harm to cadres and the broad masses of the
people and confused normal relations among mankind. As a result, some
comrades became used to "taking the road they are familiar with," that is,
they became used to undertaking political struggle and political movements.
However, some comrades were indifferent to politics and they were sick of
political struggle. This is why, in the process of restoring order
taken since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, some
cadres have failed to totally rid themselves of the influence of the past
"leftist" mistakes and intentionally or. not have taken the old road of
"class struggle as the key.." Some other comrades have disregarded prole-
tarian politics, opposed the "left" with the "right" and even doubted and
denied the four basic principles. In the final analysis, these two tenden-
cies were caused by people's understanding that departed from reality, by
objectivity and by failures in summing up experiences and lessons well and
correctly understanding the changes in social principal contradictions,
shift of key work and the dialectical relations between economy and politics.
An important contribution of the report to the 12th party congress is that
following the "Resolution on Some Historical Questions Within the Party,
Since the Founding of the PRC," this report has further and basically
resolved these problems that are concerned with the whole situation. This
report not only points out that class struggle is no longer the social
principal contradiction and the key work of the party and the state has
been shifted to economic construction but also dialectically expounds the
relationship between the principal contradiction and other contradictions
and the relationship between economy and politics following the shift of
key work. It puts the socialist modernization program in the first place,
but at the same time it in no way neglects the importance of socialist
political building and the party ideological and political work; it has
completely corrected the "leftist" mistakes of "class struggle as the key"
and yet it also points out the necessity of carrying out class struggle
that still exists within a certain sphere. The whole report is charac-
terized by the spirit of economy being the key, politics the guarantee and
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that the modernization program we are implementing is socialist moderniza-
tion. Thus, under the new historical period, the report correctly handles
the dialectical relationship between economy and politics. By following
the orientation pointed out by the report, we will be able to prevent
subjectivity and lopsidedness and avoid the past lesson of going from one
lopsidedness to another and from one extreme to another.
Second, the features. of the report are shown in a series of guiding
ideology and principles and policies with regard to economic construction
and political building.
Economically, the report includes a very important guiding ideology of
paying attention to dialectically unifying speed with efficiency. When
referring to the strategic goal of quadrupling annual gross industrial and
agricultural output value by the end of this century, the report particu-
larly stresses the importance of "constantly improving economic efficiency"
as the premise; it also stresses the importance of defining strategic keys
and strategic measures while the arrangement of the various tasks during
the period of the Sixth and Seventh 5-Year Plans must also be centered on
improving economic efficiency so as to create conditions for unifying speed
with efficiency still better in the future. The report points out that in
realizing strategic goals it is imperative to follow the four major prin-
ciples: concentrate funds for key construction and constantly improving
people's life, persist in the leading position of the state economy and
develop various forms of economy, persist in planned economy as the main
and market regulation as the supplement and persist in self-reliance and
expanding economic and technical exchange with foreign countries. In fact,
these four principles represent the four pairs of contradictions that are
related with the whole situation in carrying out socialist economic con-
stru~tion, the four pairs of the dialectical relationship of the unity of
opposites and the result of deeper understanding of the law of socialist
construction. For quite a long period in the past, there was "leftist"
lopsidedness in these aspects and when we were correcting this lopsidedness,
some people slid down to another extreme. We must acknowledge that in
handling these relations, lopsidedness may easily happen because people
have different ideological levels-and positions. But when we have grasped
materialist dialectics and we are good at carrying out investigations and
consider and analyze problems dialectically, we will be able to see that
the two sides of contradictions contradict and oppose each other and at
the same time to see that they are related to each other and they penetrate
each other. Consequently, we will be able to raise our ideological level,
we will not be limited by our positions and we will be able to decrease
lopsidedness considerably.
Politically, the guiding ideology and principles and policies for building
socialist spiritual civilization and developing socialist democracy men-
tioned in the report are also characterized by materialist dialectics,
objectivity and comprehensiveness. The general guiding ideology in building
spiritual civilization is that the building must be carried out simultane-
ously with the building of materialist civilization. (because these two
aspects condition and are aimed at each other), while in building spiritual
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civilization it is necessary to simultaneously grasp the building of
culture and ideology (because these two aspects penetrate and promote each
other). Theoretically, the report has made new developments and contribu-
tions in its profound presentation of the dialectical relations of the
unity of opposites of these two aspects and therefore it enables us to
understand and carry out in an overall way the socialist construction and
the building of spiritual civilization and avoid lopsidedness in doing so.
For example, the system of our country is the system of the dictatorship
of the people's democracy. On the one hand, this system guarantees that
the broad masses of the people are masters of their land while on the
other, it guarantees to exercise dictatorship over the few antagonistic
elements and these two aspects are dialectically unified. We are deter-
mined to develop socialist democracy but it is not permitted to give the
antagonistic elements that are harmful to society the freedom to carry out
sabotage activities. We are determined to exercise dictatorship over the
few antagonistic elements but we can in no way confuse the enemy and our-
selves, nor is it permitted to harm the people's right of freedom. Another
example is that the building of socialist democracy must be combined with
the building of a social legal system. Without a legal system based on
democracy there will be no legal system to manifest the will of the people.
Democracy without a legal system is neither dependable nor in a position to
guarantee democracy. The right of the people to become the masters of their
land must be legalized and systematized. In addition, it is the obligation
of each citizen to observe and implement law. The party has led the people
in working out the constitution and law while the party itself must carry
out its activities within the range permitted by the constitution and the
law. All these supplement each other and are dialectically unified.
Another example, the implementation of the open-door policy and the policy
of activating economy in the new historical period must be combined with
the move to crack down on serious criminal activities in economic, polit-
ical and cultural sectors. "It is wrong to pay attention to the latter
aspect and doubt the former one and it is dangerous to stress the impor-
tance of the former and neglect the latter." These two policies are
apparently scientific and dialectical.
Third, the features of the report are shown in the art of leadership and
in working method.
Following the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, the
leading work of the CPC Central Committee has once again been characterized
by the fine tradition of seeking truth from facts. No matter whether in
restoring order, in working out and implementing principles and policies
or in handling actual problems, attention has been paid so that in over-
coming one wrong tendency we will not neglect another wrong tendency and
we will be able to correctly launch ideological struggle against a "leftist"
or rightist line. In these aspects, one of the most typical and the most
educationally significant is that mentioned by the report. That is to say,
in the process of restoring order, we have overcome the obstacles from the
"left" and the right. The "leftist" obstacles affirmed everything and
opposed clarifying and criticizing the "leftist" mistakes that had existed
for many years and the mistakes made by Comrade Mao Zedong in his late
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years. The rightist obstacles denied everything in the process of clarify-
ing and criticizing, thus "in throwing away the bath water, they also threw
out the baby too." In treating these two lopsidednesses, our party did not
resort to a simple method of oppression; it relied on the collective wisdom
of the broad masses of cadres and people and gradually solved these problems
through education and enlightenment. As a result, while the past mistakes
were analyzed and criticized, we have also been able to protect the fine
party traditions, the scientific truth of Mao Zedong Thought and the
historical position of Comrade Mao Zedong. As mentioned by the report,
over the past few years, our party has been able to oppose the "leftist"
tendency that attempted to restore the wrong theory and policies to those
during and prior to the "Great Cultural Revolution"; at the same time, it
also opposed the rightist tendency of bourgeois liberalism that doubted and
denied the four basic principles. In this aspect, our party is not only
firm in its clear-cut stand but is also good at carrying out persuasion and
education and making the best use of the circumstances. It has thus shown
excellent art of leadership and scientific working method.
How to estimate situations and treat difficulties is a common problem in
the process of revolution. These problems have become even more prominent
following the serious setbacks suffered by the party and the state during
the 10 turbulent years. In this aspect, the report has also resorted to
the objectivity and comprehensiveness of materialist dialectics in over-
coming certain subjectivity and lopsidedness in certain understanding and
consequently it has been able to help people clarify vague ideology and
encourage them to make .progress. For example, the analyses and comparison
made in the first part of the report about the historical changes that
happened twice during the democratic revolution and the present historical
changes are helpful in guiding people to treat situations and difficulties
dialectically. The analyses made in the sixth part of the report about the
dominant aspects and dark sides in the situations of the party are helpful
in guiding people to correctly treat party rectification and consequently
in increasing people's confidence in striving for a better party style of
work; the analyses made in the conclusion of the report about how Marxists
should treat difficulties are also dialectical and convincing. All these
represent the party's scientific art of leadership and working method.
Our party has become good at summing up experiences and guiding construc-
tion according to materialist dialectics; this ability has been achieved
following the tortuous path taken by the party over the past two decades
and more; this ability is based on deeper understanding of the law of
socialist construction and it represents an important mark, showing that
the party has become more mature in carrying out leadership.
During the democratic revolution, our party began to understand objective
law after it experienced a tortuous path for more than two decades prior
to the seventh party congress and overcame serious subjectivity and lop-
sidedness ideologically. Thus, the party has been able to place a series
of principles and policies on the scientif is basis of materialist dialec-
tics. History will not repeat itself but it often has similarities. Our
party's understanding of the law of socialist construction also became
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overall, profound and firm after the tortuous path that lasted for more
than two decades prior to the eighth party congress.
We cannot but acknowledge that we have paid a high price for the difficul-
ties we met since the eighth party congress. But it is not necessary to
regret tortuous paths in history. It is very seldom that people understand
the law of development in a plain sailing way and to experience a tortuous
path in this aspect is more in line with materialist dialectics. Like the
situations in the period of the democratic revolution after the 6th party
congress, the tortuous development and the repeated comparisons of victories
and failures in the more than 20 years following the 8th party congress have
profoundly educated the party. As a result, we have deepened our under-
standing of the law of socialist construction, our party has become more
mature and it has been able to base its guiding ideology, principles and
policies and leading method on materialist dialectics even more firmly. In
this aspect, we can say that the significance of the 12th party congress
is similar to that of the 7th party congress. That is to say, while the 7th
party congress was able to guide the revolution to victory, the 12th party
congress will guide the construction to victory.
An important feature of the report to the 12th party congress and an impor-
tant content of general guiding ideology is that the party is good at sum-
ming up experience and guiding construction by making use of materialist
dialectics. If we spare no effort to understand how to use materialist
dialectics in summing up experience and in guiding construction, we will
eventually be able to considerably improve our ideological level and lead-
ing ability. If we do not work hard to improve our way of thinking and
overcome subjectivity and lopsidedness, we will not be able to profoundly
understand and grasp in an overall way the principles and policies of the
party Central Committee although they are scientific and dialectical and
consequently we will not be able to carry out these principles and policies
correctly and we may even make mistakes.
The report to the 12th party congress deals with general guiding ideology
and some major principles and policies and therefore in studying this
report, we must relate these guiding ideology and principles and policies
to our own thinking and practical experiences so as .to see what kind of
thinking and ways of working are in line with materialist dialectics and
should be persisted in and developed and what are contrary to materialist
dialectics and should consequently be overcome and corrected. The report
deals with the whole and general situations while the situations, experi-
ence and practice of various fronts, regions and units are partial and
individual. To understand the whole situation and the general spirit is
in the interest of studying partial situations and analyzing individual
situations; on the other hand, in linking with partial situations and
individual situations we will be able to understand the whole situation
and the general spirit still better.
Some comrades considered the study of materialist dialectics to be the
business of philosophers. According to their view, it is the "business of
the above" or the "business of the CPC Central Committee" to use materialist
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dialectics in summing up experience and guiding construction and this work
has nothing to do with them. But it is not so in reality. As a universal
law of nature, society and ideology, materialist dialectics exists every-
where and all sectors belong to this sphere. As scientific ideological
methods, materialist dialectics is the soul of all methods and in the final
analysis, any leading method and working method cannot but take materialist
dialectics as their core.
Take the economic work situation for example. A major feature in major and
masses production is that various departments, enterprises and links are
closely linked and they condition each other. They are constantly moving
and changing and in the process of their development there exists dialec-
tical relationships of various contradictions and various unity of oppo-
sites. These relationships include those between industry and agriculture,
light industry and heavy industry, accumulation and consumption, planning
and freedom, centralization and decentralization, quantity and quality and
speed and efficiency. This situation demands that in studying economic
problems ,and guiding economic work, we must resort to the scientific think-
ing of materialist dialectics, consciously study the movement of contradic-
tions in the economic sector and correctly handle various dialectical rela-
tionships of the unity of opposites. Some advanced regions and units have
been able to develop production vigorously and develop economy .rapidly and
naturally they have good experiences that merit our studying. If we carry
out meticulous study, we can find that the most basic reason is that the
comrades who are responsible for leading production are good at considering
economic problems dialectically and that their ways of thinking and working
accord with materialist dialectics and the law of unity of opposites. For
example, the experience of the so-called "coordinated process" in industry
in fact represents a correct handling of the relations of the unity of
opposites between specialization and coordination while the experience of
"united body of scientific research and production" represents a correct
handling of the relations between production and scientific research (the
so-called production provides the subject and scientific technology writes
the article). Another example, the success of the introduction of produc-
tion responsibility system in rural areas is that because this system has
correctly handled the dialectical relations between individuals and collec-
tive and between collective and the state. On the other hand, the reason
why the practice of ."everybody eating from the same big pot" obstructed the
development of production is that it opposes the dialectical method in
economic life.
Is it possible to carry out management and define policies without resorting
to materialist dialectics? Comrade Chen Yun said: "In studying problems,
defining policies and deciding planning it is necessary to compare various
schemes"; "it is necessary to consider problems from various angles and
study various conditions and feasibilities."' These words represent a con-
sciousness in using materialist dialectics. A book about management said:
"Correct policies can be achieved from among positive and negative opinions."
This view also accords with dialectics.
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The situations are the same in other works. Our forefathers said these
words in talking about writing articles: "The method of writing articles
is combining flexibility and rigidity" while in creating works, artists
resort to the method of "strength and grace" and "images and appearances."
All these mean using materialist dialectics in summing up experience and
guiding creation consciously or unconsciously. Any sector that has
achieved good and successful experience is in line with materialist dialec-
tics. Any work has its own relations of the unity of opposites but as long
as we are able to handle well these relations, we can promote our work and
reach and surpass advanced standard.
The report to the 12th party congress points out: "In the new historical
period, it is one of the greatest creative project of mankind to build an
originally backward country in both economy and culture such as China into
a modern and powerful socialist country." To finish such an arduous and
complicated project it is even more important to grasp the scientific
ideological method of materialist dialectics than any other creativity.
Should there be any doubt over this question?
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WHAT ARE THE DIFFERENCES AND RELATIONS BETWEEN THE COMMUNIST SYSTEM,
IDEOLOGY AND MOVEMENT?
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 24, 16 Dec 82 p 43
[Article by Lu Chen [7120 1057]]
[Text] In the report to the 12th CPC Congress, three concepts have been
used in connection with communism, namely, the communist system, the com-
munist ideology and the communist movement. What are the differences and
relations between them?
The authors of Marxist classics used the term "communism" in different con-
texts. First, as a social system in the higher phase of development of
human society. Marx and Engels scientifically brought to light the objec-
tive law that capitalist societies will invariably develop into socialist
and communist societies. They also put forward a number of scientific
assumptions regarding the future of communism as a social system. In
their opinion, communist society must go through the socialist and com-
munist phases in its development. In communist society, which is a higher
phase of development, the productive forces are highly developed, the means
of production are publicly owned by the whole ,society, class distinction and
social inequalities are completely wiped out and the principle of "from each
according to his ability, to each according to his needs" is implemented.
It is the most advanced, the most reasonable and the best social system in
the history of mankind. Therefore, the authors of Marxist classics often
used the term "communism" to show.the ultimate objective of communists.
Second, as a scientific ideology or theory that guides man in his struggle
for communism. Engels once said: "Communism is teaching concerning the
conditions for the emancipation of .the proletariat." This teaching is the
theory of scientific socialism established by Marx and Engels. It provides
the proletariat with a powerful ideological weapon for winning their emanci-
pation. Third, as a movement toward the goal of communism. Marx and Engels
held that the realization of communism as a social system in any country
involved a protracted course of practice and required the relentless efforts
and struggle of the proletariat and the revolutionary people. Therefore,
communism is more than just a social system. It is above all a movement.
Marx and Engels said: "We call communism a real movement which abolishes
the present state of things."
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The above shows that the communist ideology, the communist movement and the
communist system are interrelated. First, without the guidance of the com-
munist ideology, there will not be any communist movement. Only by edu-
cating the working class in communist ideology can we make the workers see
the essence of the exploitative relations of capitalism, understand the
historical mission of the working class and organize their own political
party--the communist party. It is only under the leadership of the com-
munist party and with the guidance of the communist ideological system that
practical activities with the realization of the communist. system as their
ultimate objective--the communist movement--can take place. On the other
hand, the communist ideology is established by Marx and Engels; but it is
not an immutable, ossified dogma. It is a revolutionary theory constantly
enriched and developed through practice in the communist movements of vari-
ous countries. The communist ideology must be integrated with the concrete
practice of the communist movements of various countries before it can
truly guide the proletariat and the working people in their struggle for
emancipation.
Communist ideology, the communist movement and the communist system are
also inseparable because it is impossible to set a movement apart from its
objective. Communism as a social system can definitely be achieved. This
is an inexorable law of the development of human society. However, this
does not mean that the communist system can spontaneously emerge in a
capitalist society.. It must first go through a socialist revolution
involving the replacement of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie with the
dictatorship of the proletariat and also the building of socialism. This
is also the course of development of the communist movement. The communist
movement has the communist system as its ultimate objective and the com- ,
munist system can only be realized ~in full through the constant development
of the communist movement. It is precisely in this sense that the report
to the 12th CPC Congress emphasized that "communism is above all a move-
ment." China has now entered the first phase of communism--socialist
society, and communist ideas and actions have long been part of our actual
life. Therefore, the view that communism is but a "dim illusion" and that
it is no longer necessary to publicize communist ideas is wrong.
However, while recognizing their interrelations, we must not lose sight of
their differences. Although the communist movement has the communist system
as its ultimate objective, we must not equate one with the other. The com-
munist system can only be realized when the social productive forces are
highly developed, when all members of the society have greatly heightened
their awareness of communism and when science and education have been greatly
developed and become universal. This requires the protracted efforts of
several generations. Therefore, the communist movement is divided into
stages according to different historical periods, and different stages
have different historical missions. We must not mix them up. Although we
now stress communist ideological education and the extension of the com-
munist movement, it does not mean that we must now practice the future
social system of communism. We must use communist ideology to guide our
socialist construction and fulfill our tasks in the historical period of
socialism. We must also set demands on the CPC members, CYL members and
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all advanced elements according to the communist ideology and moral ethics
and, through them, to educate and influence the broad masses to work for a
high level of socialist spiritual civilization. Besides, the different
policies followed by the party at different historical periods are worked
out under the guidance of the communist ideology in the light of actual
conditions. In order to fight for communism, we must carry out the party's
policies for different historical periods. At present, we must carry out
the party's policies for the period of socialism, such as the policy of to
each according to his work. Therefore, it is completely wrong to confuse
the differences between communist ideology, the communist movement and the
communist system and not to conscientiously carry out the party's policies
for the stage of socialism.
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'IGNORE THE STRONG POINTS AND BRING INTO PLAY THE WEAK ONES' AND 'DEVELOP
THE STRONG POINTS TO OFFSET THE WEAK ONES'
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 24, 16 Dec 82 inside back cover
[Article by Jiang Xia [3068 7209]]
[Text] Our forefathers said a lot about the philosophy of employing
people. Some of the more sensible theories were that we must "make use of
the strong points and ignore the weak ones" and must not "ignore the strong
points and bring into play the weak ones" or "employ a person to do some-
thing which he is not skilled in." Some people even came up with this
extreme comparison: "If everyone develops his strong points to offset the
weak ones, there will not be a single person under heaven who is unfit to
be employed. If everyone ignores his strong points and brings into play
the weak ones, there will not be a single person under heaven who is not
to be rejected." This highlighted the importance of appropriately handling
people's strong and weak points.
We often come across sayings to this effect in "Zhenguan Zhengyao" [6297
6034 2398 6008] ["Political Records During the Reign of the Taizong Emperor
of the Tang Dynasty"], "Zizhi Tongjian" [6327 3112 6639 7003] ["A Synopsis
of History"], "Guwen Guanzhi" [0657 2329 6034 2972] ["The Best of Classical
Writings"] and even in some poems. These sayings give equal weight to
reasoning and analogy. They are vivid, incisive and enlightening. However,
although their reasoning and analogy show keen insight, they also reveal
certain weak points. For example, "the employment of persons" is often
simply likened to "the use of tools," "a carpenter's choice of wood," "the
picking of a horse" or "the buying of a piece of jade." Without knowing,
they obliterate the characteristics of personnel matters and turn people
into things. Thus, man's dynamic role disappears and his strong and weak
points become innate and unalterable. This gives rise to corrupt practices.
In "Qingshi Biecai Ji" [3237 6108 0446 5932 7162] ["Selected Poems From the
Qing Dynasty"], there is a poem by Gu Sixie [7357 0843 0588] entitled
"Zaxing" [7177 5281] ["Miscellaneous Thoughts"]. The poem says: "A fine
horse can undergo adventures, but it cannot be compared with a cow in work-
ing the fields. A firm and solid cart can carry heavy things, but it cannot
be compared with a boat in crossing rivers. If we ignore the strong points
and bring into play the weak ones, even a wise man will be at his wit's end.
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What makes our production tools useful is that they serve our needs. We
should take care not to be overcritical." The idea of this poem is no doubt
correct insofar as employing a person according to his skill and ability"
is concerned. However, things are not that simple when we consider the
needs of the situation and changes in the development of human resources.
No one knows everything and no one can do everything. In this connection,
it is metaphysical, unpractical and even a breach of common sense to "ignore
the strong points and bring into play the weak ones," demand perfection and
try to make somebody do something which he cannot do. However, some of
man's weak points are just signs of neglect, narrow-mindedness or one-
sidedness. If these are not properly overcome and offset, they will hinder
the full development of the strong points. At a time like this, "bringing
into play the weak points" becomes our starting point in "offsetting the
weak points." If we indiscriminately reject "bringing into play the weak
points," we are not far .from "shielding our faults." People who "shield
their faults" are unwilling to know their weak points and to make an effort
to improve. How can these people begin to talk about progress and advance-
ment!
.Some people quote this saying by our forefathers every time they are
assigned tasks which they do not know much about: "If we try to make
everybody do things which he cannot do, we will find that there are not
many capable persons." They make it quite plain that they are unwilling
to do the job or are merely working with great reluctance or in a slapdash
manner. They do not understand that when we start an undertaking, there is
no way to avoid unfamiliar territory. People have dynamic power. They
have the ability to learn new knowledge and grasp new skills. As long as
we make a conscientious effort to study and to temper ourselves, our "weak
points" can be turned into "strong points" and "things we cannot do" will
become "things we can tackle with ease." If we retreat every time we come
across difficult problems, how can we master new skills and special
knowledge?
In the final analysis, the strong and weak points of a person are by no
means innate (the idea of "my ability is bestowed by heaven"). ?. They are
shaped by the history of society and the needs of the times. When new
historical events arise, a series of changes will take place, both in the
overall structure of the strong and weak points of human resources in
society as a whole, and in the established state of the strong and weak
points of the individual. Some strong points and special skills may con-
tinue to be useful and some weak points and shortcomings need to be offset.
Nevertheless, the bulk of the work is to cultivate new skills according to
new needs. At a time like this, we must answer our cause and do or learn
things which we are not skilled in at the moment. This may appear to be
"-bringing into play the weak points" or "demanding perfection," but
actually it is the only way to advance our cause and to develop human
resources.
At present, we are endeavoring to create a new situation in socialist mod-
ernization. There is now a much greater need for qualified persons in all
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fields. Qualified persons in different fields also have more opportunities
and occasions to put their ability to good use. Society has an endless
need for qualified persons. Under such circumstances, it seems that while
continuing to pay attention to the policy of "ignoring the weak points and
bringing into play the strong ones," we also have to lay stress on "develop-
ing the strong points to offset .the weak ones" on the question of employing
human resources. We must serve the needs of the development of our cause
and cultivate, through training, new strong points which were lacking in
the past but are particularly needed now.
"Bringing into play the weak points" and "demanding perfection" are not to
be tolerated. Similarly,."shielding one's faults" and "noninterference"
are also not to be tolerated. Our cause needs and is bringing up all kinds
of qualified persons. Qualified persons in all fields must serve the needs
of our cause and actively push our cause forward. This is probably the gist
of the question of human resources.
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