APPROVAL OF ATTACHED PAPER ENTITLED PERSECUTION OF CHRISTIANS IN NICARAGUA FOR A WHITE HOUSE DIGEST
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CIA-RDP86M00886R001400140038-4
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K
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Document Creation Date:
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Document Release Date:
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Publication Date:
January 19, 1984
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MESSAGE NO. 110 CLASSIFICATION IA1=Z4S PAGESf
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WASHFAX RECEIPT
THE WHITE HOUSE
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225X1
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25
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
January 19, 1984
Executive Registry
84 ' t jai
SUBJECT: Approval of attached paper entitled
"Persecution of Christians in
Nicaragua" for a White House DIGEST
MEMORANDUM FOR: RICHARD DARMAN
FROM: FAITH RYAN WHITTLESEY
Please find attached a revised edition of the paper
entitled "Persecution of Christian Groups in Nicaragua."
previsions were suggested by State, Defense and the
CA `i: in the course of their review.
(~:_ i We/would like to make the attached paper a White Mouse
/ DIGEST as soon as possible. The NBC has reviewed and
cleared the paper. Thank you.
7,I 43fi
Attachment
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PER5ECOTION Or CBRISTIAN GROUPS IN $ICAAAMGUA
The religion of the workers has no God, because it
seeks to restore the divinity of Man.' Marl Marx
"Every religious idea, every idea of a god, even
flirting with the idea of a god, is unutterable vileness of the
most dangerous kind. 'contagion' of the most abominable kind.
Millions of sins, filthy deeds. acts of violencep and physical
contagions are for less dangerous than the subtle spiritual idea
of a god. Lenin
History has shores us that Communist regimes inevitably
seek to either eradicate the Church or to subvert it.
Ideologically, the Church's existence is repugnant to this.
Allegiance to God prevents total allegiance to and subjugation by
the State, which, according to Marx, is the salvific vehicle for
the secular transformation of man into god.
The Comunists cannot tolerate this limitation on their
absolute power. Thus, in the Soviet Union all but a tin
percentage of churches have been closed and religious affiliation
routinely brings the lose of precious privleges and sometimes
brings more serious persecution.
In Nicaragua, the self-admitted Marxist-Leninist leaders of
the government are following the the same path. largest They picaeasee seeking to
turn the Catholic Church, by far an arm of the government.
A small number of Catholic clergy have the goverersnt's
official approval and sponsorship. They are used to generate
support for the government, to spread the idea that only Marxists
are true. Christians, to defame. and divide the mainstream Church,
and even to assist the Sandinista government in the enforcement
of Communist-style internal security.
Meanwhile, the Sandinistas have harrassed, persecuted and
defamed legitimate church leaders, including Pope John Paul II.
Church telecasts are subject to prior censorship and the
Sandinistas seek to isolate the Church leadership from the
people.
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Suppression of minority Protestant groups has been such more
brutal. Dozens of Protestant churches have ebeen bburrnedzted.
Protestant leaders have been arrested'
Certain Protestant churches have been officially denounced as
instruments of American nape
THE CHURCH VS. S(MOEA
Under the Somoza dictatorships forefront was of thrownnoiil979,
the Catholic Church had been in
calling for reform. Indeed, in 1979 the primate of Nicaragua.
Archbishop Obando y Bravo, took the extraordinary stop of
announcing that the Soomoseege h rebeco a intolera~.le and that
Christians could in good conscience
At that time, the revolution against Somoza was broad based
and included most of the mainstream leadership of Nicaragua.
revolution was publically committed to democracy and pluralism.
but, shortly if the military oustb~antto coC nidatsaits power.
of
the control
Despite early ive danger gowrn~nta~~ was
initially supportive ?
THE VIRST STEP
But, in October of 1960, the Sandinistas took their first
real step toward the dual Communist goal of a) limiting the
Church's influence, and b) coopting what is left of that
influence for the government.
In a publicly promulgated policy on religion, the
Sandinistas declared that Christians were not permitted to
Moreover, only those
evangelize within Sandinista organizations.
religious who fully accepted the objectives of t the Roollutio to as
put forth by the Sandinista leadership, were take an active role in public affairs. (1)
The Bishops responded swiftly and firmly, saying that such
attempts to limit the influence of the Church were
"totalitarian." Totalitarian systems."the Bishops argued, seek
to turn the Church-into an "instrueebt by tolerating only those
activities the government finds convenient. (2)
Edgard Macias served the Sandinista government as vice
Minister of Labor, but left Nicaragua when he realized the
Sandinistas were intent on establishing a totalitarian
Marxist-Leninist regime. Of the Sandinistas' attempt to turn the
Church into an "instrument" Macias writes:
"The FSLN (the governing Sandinista organization) has
had its plan of action drawn from the beginning, including
unremitting harassment and ah~rreduction and wish pto sindvice of
the--social programs o
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them [the churches) do a strictly liturgical function, which
would be to keep them within their temples...the.social
pastoral of the churches should not exist since it "aerates
an influence that 'interferes with the unique leadership
that the Front pretends to be' (3)
For some time after this exchange between the Bishops and
the Sandinistas, the Church went out of its way to say
conciliatory things about the regime. hoping to salvage a
relationship. The Sandinista leadership is attempting to
publically represent itself as being pro-Church, something the
doubts.
overwhelming a
reservations.
rilarecord underscores these clergy
The hiso
PRIESTS AND POLITICS
In 1981, responding to Pope John Paul II's desire to keep
the Church free of political entanglements, the iicaraguas
Bishops called on all Catholic clergy to limit their political
activities to something less fthan ofull time devotion to the
regime, or to any political
A long controversy ensued. The Sandinista clergy refused to
leave their posts. The Bishopso stymied, agreed that the
ad long
Sandinista priests t~rpristly functions.
as they did not
These high-ranking Sandinista priests that chose to
discontinue their priestly functions while continuing to occupy
political office are: Miguel D'Escoto, Minister of Foreign
Affairs; Fernando Cardenal, director of Sandinista youth
organizations and his brother Ernesto, Minister of Culture.
Since that time, the Sandinistas campaign to set up a new
government-controlled church steadily intensified. Priests who
reto leave siga the the
have expressed adesire
Junta that they cannot
Edgard Macias.
TEE 'PEOPLE'S CHURCH'
The first step was to coopt and expand a unique Latin
American institution called the Christian base coemunity.
The base co.unity is a neighborhood group of Catholics who
meet for prayer and religious services but.who_also work together
for social and political reform. Over the years, most of these
groups have not been Marxist, but have worked for reforms that
most Americans would recognize as basic.
However, the bishops had long recognized that the base
communities have had the potential to become wprisoners of
political polarization or fashionable ideologies which want to
exploit their immense potential.' (4)
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The Sandinistas began to exploit that potential. Many base
communities have remained loyal to the Catholic hierarchy, but
many have been made instruments of the revolution, part of what
the Sandinistas refer to as 'the People's Church," a church
subservient to the government.
The Sandinistas began to speak openly of two churches, one,
the "Popular Church' which is the friend of the people, and the
other which oppresses'the people.
Macias again:
'It is ridiculous to see the 'revolutionary commanders'
(who are declared Marxist-Leninists) using Christian
terminology and even ... giving homilies on what the role of
religion and the bishops should be. They say that while
there is Sandinismo (PSLN) there will be Christianity,
letting it be understood that outside of themselves them is
no Christianity ...No better example of how a political group
can 'appropriate' religion and model it to its objectives
can be found ... Remember that the structure of the PILN as a
political party is fascist and anti-dewwaratic, where the
National Directorate has been artificially mythified... (S)
In reference to the traditional and "popular church',
Sandinista junta member Sergio Ramirez stated that one of these
'churches' was not revolutionary, but the other church vast
'a church of change. This church became the people's
ally. This church boosted the revolution and committed
itself to this revolution. This church is participating in
the revolutionary process and is incorporating the patriotic
and revolutionary priests of whom we are very proud into the
government.' (6)
In response, Archbishop Obando y Bravo has condemned "those
who are trying to divide the Church' and spread the idea that
there is 'one bourgeois church and another church for the poor."
The Vatican has become so alarmed at the attempt of the
Sandinistas to divide the church in Nicaragua that the Pope
issued a Pastoral letter on June 29, 1982 which criticized
advocates of the 'popular Church' for their
'...infiltration of strongly ideological connotations
along the lines of certain political radicalization of the
class struggle, of acceptance of violence for the carrying
out of political ends. It is not through a political role,
but through the priestly ministry that the people want to
remain close to the Church."
THE CHURCH AND THE SECRET POLICE
One of the first steps the Sandinistas took was to combine
many of the so-called Sandinista Defense Committees with
Christian base communities. The Defense Committees provide a
network of informers and neighborhood surveillance, and have the
authority to bestow certain privledges, such as internal travel
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permits aralsonfoundein.the These Sasic units of
Union, EasterntBlocaandn
control ontrol are
Cuba.
According to Edgard Macias these these "people's churches,"
made up of the combination of the base communities and the
defense committees, are under the supervision of Interior
Minister Tomas Borge, whose portfolio includes the internal
security/secret police apparatus.
The People's Church accounts for only an insignificant
fraction of Nicaraguan Catholics. But the Sandinista controlled
media pays enormous attention to their every action in support of
the regime. The government endorses 'liberation theology, the
doctrine of the People's Church that portrays Christ as a Marxist
revolutionary.
An underground publication from Honduras designed for group
study, entitiled 'Reflections of an Honduran Christian Marxist,'
gives the typical perspective on 'liberation theology's 'clove
for the poor) consists not only in giving then food, but in doing
away with the cause of their poverty, that is their
capitalist/imperialist system. And in order to do this a
Christian not only can be, but must be a Socialist,
Marxist-Leninist, violent revolutionary.'
Geraldine O'Leary Macias, Edgard's wife, was for many years
a Maryknoll missionary in Nicaragua where she worked for social
reform. She has seen first hand the Communists' attempt to coopt
genuine Christianity for their own purposes:
'The Marxists have been very astute in using liberation
theology to make it appear Marxist, making being a Christian
synonosous with being a Sandinista, and defining revolution
a^ Marxism. The only major change in this approach has been
brought about by the non-Miearagun Marxists. As the Cubans,
Bulgarians and East Germans have taken major roles as
advisors to the police, army and militia, their
anti-religious fervor has made apparent the
Nicaragua re _want and
contradictions between what the people
what the Sandinistas want.'(l)
CENSORSHIP
While publicizing the People's Church, the Sandinistas, by
July of 1961, had begun to cut off the Church's access to the
media. Customarily, the Archbishop, or a priest designated by
him, had celebrated mass every Sunday on Managua television,
giving a sermon in the course of the Mass.
But in July, 1981, the Sandinistas' announced that televised
Masses would beSrotated andinistaamong 'prief s'i~+ould bepriests.
chosen,~selused~I
seeing that p -
The televised Masses were cancelled.
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According to Macias:
The Archbishop's television Mass was suppressed
when Commander Tomas Borge, Minister of the Interior,
decided to impose a system that would eliminate his
presence, substituting his for Sandino-Christian priests.
The strategy was to substitute the authority of the
Archbishop and his faculty of leadership of his faithful
with the authority of the Supreme Chief of State Security
(Borge) and his small group of loyal priests." (8)
Cathoilc Radio has since fallen under heavy daily
censorship. Since March 1982, the independent newspaper La
Prensa, through which the Archbishop also communicated with the
peo i , has fallen under censorship at times far more severe than
that of the Somosa dictatorship. However, the Archbishop is
still permitted to publish his homily in La Prensa.(9)
By Easter of 1982, church leaders were required to submit
their homilies to the Minister of the Interior, Tomas Borges to
be approved for broadcasting.
CENSORING THE POPE
In June 1982, the Pope sent a pastoral letter to the people
of Nicaragua denouncing the government's attempts to establish a
parallel Church, but publication of the letter was initially
refused.
Archbishop Obando y Bravo has commented extensively on the
Pope's letter. His comments shed light on some of the specific
groups and mechanisms the Sandinistas have used to create a
parallel church:
"I believe-that there is a true internal intention of
dividing the Church as is mentioned by His Holiness. When
we speak of a 'Popular church' we should understand that in
Nicaragua there are sev*Qal centers that support it. Five
centers have been created, all very well supplied and
organized: Centro Antonio'Valdivieso, CEPA, Eje Ecumenico,
CEPAD, and the Instituto Historico Centroamericano. Their
resources are abundant, they have full-time employees,
theologians and laity, recording and printing facilities and
abundant international aid. These groups enjoy exclusinve
access to the - tate communications network which runs 1000
of the television ch4nnels, 90% of the radio stations and
two out of three newspapers..
The virulence of their attacks has already reached the
extreme of physical violence against some bishops.
Externally the promoters of this popular church have mounted
vast international propaganda campaigns... Vehicles for this
are the international editions of Barricada...also their
connections with other organs of Liberation The-olocly and
Win religious groups 61stri ut u out the world. (10)
(Emphasis added.)
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Several of the Centers the Archbishop mentioned are often
cited in this country.
Acordinq to Edgard Macias, the Sandinistas are even trying
to create a new religious rite, the Sandino-Christian rite,
complete with icons to Augusta Sandino, prayers to a new pantheon
of martyred Sandinistas who are to be revered as saints, and even
the beginnings of a cult of resurrection:
"Hung on the front of the old cathedral in Managua
(was) an enormous picture of General Sandino in his most
characteristic pose, but drawn within a white host, which is
bordered by the red and black colors of the FSLM flag ...The
Nicaraguans were not over being surprised by this when on
radio and television the campaign for the third anniversary
of the revolution was spearheaded by a short ad in which the
dead are no longer simply Sandinista heroes, but are now
'the Sandinista saints.' One named Navarrito, it is said
'died with worms eating his feet but he arose the same day,'
thus comparing him with Jesus Christ, who, as we all know,
took three days to do the same.'
The most brazen use of the "People's Church" was made during
John Paul II's visit to Nicaragua when he said mass at a huge
open square in Managua. Film taken by the Sandinista teleion
network clearly shows that the Sandinistas used the occasion to
stage a demonstration against the Pope during Mass.
As happens nearly everywhere the Pope goes, he was received
with fervent enthusiasm by the crowd. During his homily he was
interrupted again and again by friendly applause and cheers and
shouts of "Long live the Popel" The applause was particularly
strong during those parts of his homily in which he denounced the
"People's Church."
However, as the Sandinistas' own television film makes
obvious, the places in the square nearest to the Pope were
reserved for Sandinista activists, preequipped with microphones.
As the Pope came to the end of his homily these activists
began to chant political slogans. When the Pope reached the most
sacred part of the Mass, the consecration of the bread and wine,
the activists equipped with microphones actually began to make
speeches, nearly drowning out the words of consecration. The
speakers demanded that the Pope insert into the mass a prayer for
the Sandnista martyrs -- perhaps as part of the plan to
legitimize the Sandino-Christian rite.
The-nine Sandinista "commandantes," who hold the real power
in Nicaragua, stood on a platform near the Pope. They urged the
demonstrators on, shouting slogans themselves and raising their
fists in the air. At one point, uniformed men led the shouting
activists in a protest march around the altar. Later, reliable
sources revealed that the microphones used by the activists were
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actually being controlled by the same Sandinista technicians
controlling the Pope's microphone.
UNDERMINING THE CHURCH HIERARCHY
The Sandinistas have begun to interfere with the hierarchy's
right to assign priests to parishes. There are reports that
replacement priests appointed by the Archbishop have been
harassed by Sandinista controlled mobs. These mobs, organised by
the Sandinista defense committees and the internal security
forces are referred to as las turbas divinas -- "the divine
mobs . '
Priests who do not preach or accept Marxist 'theology,` are
under continuous harassment by the mobs. Especially in the
countryii-d,-legitimate priests often have their services
interrupted. Sometimes the mobs will turn the mass into a
political meeting.
In Managua the Sandinistas have staged physical attacks
against the legitimate clergy, including the Archbishop Bosco
Vivas, the auxilliary bishop of Managua, who was shoved and
pushed to the ground by a Sandinista mob last August. (11)
The Sandinistas have also mounted campaigns to discredit
Church leaders, such as Father Dissark Carballo, the director of
Catholic Radio and public spokesman for the Archbishop. Saving
been called to the home of a parishoner, he was forced to disrobe
by security force personnel and then forced into the street in
front of T.V. cameras and Sandinista mobs planted in advance.
After the pictures of the incident and the story were
printed in the Nicaraguan press, the Sandinistas were badly
embarrassed by this transparent attempt to frame a major Church
spokesman.
8y September 1982 the situation had gotten so serious that
Archbishop John R. Roach, the President of the U.S. National
Conference of Catholic Bishops, issued a statement criticising
the Sandinistas:
'In recent weeks, institutions and persons of the
Church, including bishops, have been subjected to attacks of
a serious, at times disgraceful nature ...We cannot fail to
protest in the strongest possible terms, the attempted
defamation and acts of physical abuse directed at prominent
clerics, the inappropriate exercise of State control over
the communications media, including those of the Church, the
apparent threats to the Church's role in education,. and,
most ominous of all, the increasing tendency of public
demonstrations-to result in bloody conflict.' (12)
Edgard Macias sums up well the treatment of the Catholic
Church by the Sandinistass
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"it (religionl is something to be provisionally
permitted because it already exists and despite their
wishes, has to be permitted as a 'lesser evil' that cannot
be immediately eliminated. But it has been sentenced to a
gradual and progressive extinction.'(13)
PERSECUTION OF PROTESTANT GROUPS
Persecution of Protestant groups has been even more direct
and brutal because their smaller size has left them more
vulnerable.
While the Sandinistas were still consolidating their power
immediately after the revolution, they did little to harass the
Protestant groups. According to Humberto Belli, a former editor
of La Prensa, the only independent newspaper in Nicaragua, up
throug there was little persecution except for harrassment
of some village pastors.
Says Belli:'the Protestant pastors...were conscious of their
vulnerability and tried to abstain from any kind of commentaries
touching'the political field. Som of them even preferred to
reassure the government of their loyalty.' (14)
Occasionally groups of 'revolutionary Christians' published
leaflets attacking Protestant denominations as agents of V.I.
imperialism. The government controlled media often propagated
the.. charges.
In 1982 these attacks became direct. According to Belli:
"In March, just a few days before the governmment
cancelled all individual rights and decreed a state of
emergency, Barricada, the official newspaper of the
Sandinistas, published two front-page, 8 column reports on
the Protestants, entitileds 'The Invasion of the
Sects.'...In that Report most Protestant churches were
protrayed as groups of fanatics and superstitious people who
liked to manipulate people's emotions and were part of a
world-wide strategy of cultural penetration orchestrated by
U.S. imperialism."
"Shortly--after these publications the attacks grew more
and mere vocal and the first physical threats were issued.
Commander Tomas Borge...said there would be religious
freedom for those who were with the revolution, but for
those who were deceiving people and preaching negative
attitudes their days were numbered."(15)
On July 30, 1982, Radio Sandino covered a speech on the
subject by Borge. According to Radio Sandino:
"Sorge said that the religious sects -- the Jehovah's
Witnesses, the Adventists, the Mormons and other groups
opposed to the revolution -- are under investigation...Me
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noted that a bill is being submitted to the State Council
that will require religious sects to register with the
authorities before they begin operation.'(16)
.In a speech on July 17 Dorge had said:
"There are a large number of sects that are being
funded by the CIA... Some of them have mother churches in the
United States. The most famous sects -- and it is best for
the people to know their enemies -- are: Jehovah's
Witnesses, the Mormons and the Adventists....Other sects are
the Voice of Acclamation and the Wesleyan Church, whatever
the hell that means...It is evident that we have to make a
serious study to counteract their diversionist activity
financed by the CIA of the United States and take measures
of a police nature according to the laws of the revolution
in order to control and neutralize certain activities that
disrupt the country's internal order. To begin with, a
large number of these sects are not registered
with the pertinent government offices, thus making them
illegal.'(17)
Borge encouraged mob action against the Protestant churches.
By August 1982 more than 20 Managua Protestant Churches had been
seized by the 'divine mobs." Some, but not all, of the
confiscated properties were returned, but only on condition-that
the ministers refrain from criticizing the government.
Among the Christian organizations forced out of Nicaragua is
the Salvation Army, whose charitable and religious activities
there ended in August, 1980 after 'ominous verbal threats from
authorities, and, finally, instructions to close up the program
and leave the country.' (18)
Religious persecution has also affected the small Jewish
coa-unity in Nicaragua. The community had been so intimidated by
Sandinista actions and rhetoric during and after the revolution
that virtually the entire community has fled the country. An
article by Shoshana Bryon in the Wall Street Journal summed up
the situation well when it said:
"There are some who believe the actions taken against
Jewish citizens were the result of severe Sandinista
threats, the immediate confiscation of businesses and
private property, the torching of Managua's synogoque (and
later its confiscation) and the arrest and harrassment of
Nicaragua's Jews were not examples of burgeoning
socialism... Other small, politically vulnerable communities
in that area may suffer a fate similar to the Jew s in
Nicaragua, where the PLO is assisting the Soviet Union in
the export of revolution and anti-Semitism.'(19)
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RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION OF THE INDIANS
Perhaps the most tragic case of religious persecution is
that of the Miskito, Sumo, and Rasa Indiana of Nicaragua's
isolated Atlantic Coast.
Most of the members of these tribes are members of minority
Protestant Churches, especially the Moravian church. Living in
isolation from most of Nicaragua, they have had little to do with
any government. The Moravian missionaries filled the gap by
providing most of the schools, hospitals and support
organisations that maintained the area.
The campaign of persecution against the Indians has thus far
been directed largely at their religious leaders and institutions
for it is through then that these groups are united and
strengthened.
As Belli explains,"When the Sandinistas came to power in
1979, they immediately announced that their top priority was to
'rescue' the Atlanitc Coast.' Cuban and Nicaraguan personnel
began to flood into the area.
The'Sandinistas began a heavy-handed attempt to redesign the
lives of the Indians along Marixist lines, and 'started to
replace the people's own leaders with (the Sandinistas') own
authorities -- many of whom were Cuban teachers and strangers.'
Resentments, repression, and riots followed in short order.
Reports Belli:
'The Sandinistas blamed the events on counter-
revolutionary and CIA inspired forces, and began attacking
the most influential Moravian pastors. Some of them were
jailed and others expelled, stimulating new waves of protest
and repression. (The government) stepped up its attacks and
dismantled the network of charitable organisations that,
after a century of work, the Moravians had established.'(2O)
The Sandinistas sealed off the entire Atlantic coast.
Travel to the region was allowed only by special permit. Indians
were drafted into the militia. Those who refused were shot or
forcibly relocated. Villages were forcibly evacuated and them
burned. According to Edgard Macias, by midsumaer 1912 the
Sandinistas had destroyed 55 Moravian churches.
Ministers who are still allowed to preach in the region must
submit their sermons to local Sandinista censors. Indian leaders
have been rounded up and jailed. The three-tribe umbrella
organization created to represent the Indians' interest to the
government was shut down.
Two of the most prominent Moravian leaders, Rev. Norman Bent
and Rev. Fernando Colomens had been prevented from staying in the
Atlantic Coast area. The Moravian Social Action Comittee has
been closed by the FSLN.
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In November of 1982, the Kurata Council of Ancients
(elders), the legitimate representatives of the people of the
three tribes, officially denounced the Sandinista government
before the Organization of American States.
In that denunciation the Ancients explained that, despite
their 'active participation in the struggle for liberation
[against Somoza] and our decided support for the revlutionary
government headed by the Sandinista National Liberation
Front...,' their people had been subjected.to 'intense
repression, lack of respect for our religious beliefs and
traditions, imprisonment of our leaders, massive captures of
peasants, women, the aged and children, rapes, beatings, torture,
and the death and disappearance of prisoners...
'The situation has progressively worsened... They have
expelled us from the land we received from our ancestors...
Thousands of members of our communities are at this time kept, on
Nicaraguan territory, in concentration camps under strict
military vigilance, while more than 1,500 Indians have been
obliged to seek refuge in the'sister republic of Honduras...
'They live in refugee camps,-almost at the mercy of the
elements, with grave health and nutrition problems especially
amongst the children who walk around practically naked and suffer
from parasites and many illnesses.'
The details of this persecution are particularly horrifying.
According to the Council of the Ancients, in January and
February of 1982:'the FSLN with the pretext of 'spreading
national sovereignty' destroyed 49 comrmunities, burning more than
4,000 houses, and thin, so that no one could return to their land
of origin, cut down the fruit trees, shot all the domestic
animals ... and forced the persons that lived there to begin a
forced march that took 11 to 15 days in order to arrive at the
different concentration camps.t"
*During the forced march ... the invalids, lams, blind and
paralyzed persons were gathered together in the village of
Tulinbilia, they were put inside the Church and they were burned
-- 13 persons thus-died.'
In February also, Rev. Sandalio Patron, the leader of the
Sumo Indians, was imprisoned.
Throughout the year the same story was repeated. In the
third week of March, according to the Ancients, four more
villages were burned, all the houses, churches, and domestic
animals destroyed. -
In April, religious leader Rev. Abel Flores and 13 deacons
were arrested, mounted into a government helicopter and whisked
away.. No one is told where they were taken. A community called
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Suma de Euahbul was occupied by the military. The villagers were
forbidden to leave their homes, making normal life, including
food gathering, impossible.
In May all churches in North Stlaya were told they must
submit all messages for publication to the approval of State
Security. The Indian community of Raity was destroyed= half the
population fled to Honduras.
In June the Sandinista troops carried out the massacre of
Musawas. Only the direct words of the Council of Ancients can
adequately convey what happened in Musawas:
'On June 29, 1982, another military regiment of about
40 men appeared at about 9,00 PM. They captured (abducted)
Mrs. Aquilina Robin, Calilda Lopes )and) Virginia Benjamin,
and placed then in the church= about 30 minutes after,
another group of soldiers brought two girls of 12 years
each,[Maria Hernandez and Lodena Lopez] and they too were
placed in the church. The women began to screams about 11
o'clock that night, the relatives of the three woven and two
girls, filled with indignation and family love, approached
the church and asked why they were ill-treating the woven.
They were also taken prisoners and brutally conducted into
the church.'
'Sometime around 12 o'clock that night, the Sandinista
troop took the women out of the church. The girl, Maria
Hernandez, of 12 years, was dragged outs because, after she
was violated by the troop, she was unable to walk...'
'After the five women were carried outside the church,
they were placed face down on the grounds one of the
soldiers yelled 'not even as woman are they any goods not
even satisfaction can they gives I still remain with the
desire, stinking daughters of sluts.' Presently a group of
soldiers came out of the Church and machine gunned them.'
Over the next 24 hours, 15 more villagers were murdered by
the troops. 'This act dispersed the community of Musawas. They
went to the woodland looking how to save their lives.
Thirty-three were captured and held hostage.'
'The Community of Musawas presently in refugee camp in
Mocoron is.witness to all thaQ took place at Musawas.'
In July martial law was declared in the communities of
Tuara, Sisin, Ruaquil,.Boomsirpi and Yulotigni. The villagers
were not allowed to leave their homes or celebrate religious
services. According to the Indian elders, eight armed
Sandinistas raped the 12 year old daughter of Rev. Serainio
Nicho, a religious leader in Ninayeri Sandebay North.
According to the Ancients, the 'months of August, September
and October are a true Calvary for the 10 Indian cosmuniti?s of
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Puerto Cabezas. The communities are put under a state of seige.
The villagers are prohibited from fishing in the ocean, communal
lands are expropriated, villagers are forbidden to leave the
village. Masses and religious services are frequently closed
dawn or can be celebrated only with previous permission.'
The tactic of restricting the villagers to the village and
of prohibiting them from fishing in the ocean or from using their
communal lands is devastating because it can put the villagers on
the brink of starvation. (21)
The Indians have given the Organization of American States
(OAS) many pages of detailed eyewitnesses accounts of torture and
murder by the Sandinistas. There'is no need to recount all the
gruesome stories here.
As the Nicaraguan Commandantes have repeatedly made clear,
'Marxism is the scientific doctrine that guides our revolution
... our doctrine is Marxism-Leninism.' (22) Conforming to that
doctrine, the Sandinistas are systematically attempting to coopt
religious organizations that might threaten the FSIi1's ability to
dominate Nicaraguan political and social life.
Due to the strength of the Catholic Church, the Sandinista
strategy has been to infiltrate, censor and control, rather than
to eradicate outright.
At times, particularly when the weight of foreign opinion
has been high, the Sandinistas have backed off, at least overtly,
their persecution of the Church. During this five-day period,
however, the following actions were taken against the Church:
Midnight, Oct.29, 1913: Mobs began to demonstrate at
twenty-two churches in the Managua area, and at an unknown number
of churches outside Managua. The mobs, which ranged in size from
50 to 200 persons, interrupted-Masses, chanted at churchgoers,
and in several cases threatened priests.
0800 Oct. 30: A mob armed with clubs arrived at San Judas
church in Managua. According to the pro-government press, the
mob was acting against a church planned demonstration against the
new national military seriice law. The mob interrupted Mass, and
reportedly struck Father Silvio Fonseca. The mob refused to
allow Monsignor Bosco Vivas to enter the San Judas area. A
second mob prevented the holding of a church bazaar (kermesse)
later that day.
1030 Oct. 30: Catholic Church leadership (Curia) decided to
cancel Masses for the day. Curia was unable to contact some
priests, who carried out scheduled activities.
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1700 Oct. 30: A mob armed with clubs interrupted Have at the
San Francisco church in the lolonia area of Managua, breaking
church windows and vandalizing cars.
Night of Oct. 30: A mob gathered in front of the Santa Maria
church in the San Juan neighborhood of Managua. Another mob
burned a tire on the front steps of the Santa Carmen church.
Oct. 31: The government revoked the residency of two foreign
priests, in effect exiling them. The two priests were Luis
Corral Prieto, of Spain, and Jose Maria Pacheco, of Costa Rica,
respectively the director and assistant director of Salesian
school in Masaya.
Oct. 31: The Government announced the arrest of a father
Antonio ( a citizen of Italy) for allegedly preaching against the
national military service and advocating counterrevolutionary
activities.
Nov. 2: The Catholic Church leadership postponed religious
services for November 2, (All Souls' Day), calling instead for a
day of fasting and prayer. The postponed masses were held
Novesber.3.
Sixty-five years of applied Marxist-Leninist doctrine have
shown that communism will not accept co-existence with any
religion that does not concede supreme authority to it. To the
extent that Marxist-Leninist regimes allow churches to operate
they do so because they are forced to, as in Poland, or for
tactical reasons aimed at the ultimate objective of eradicating
religion from society.
The overwhelming evidence of the wide-spread persecution of
Christian Churches in NicaragQa is a sad reminder of the
sometimes forgotten nature of Marxism-Leninism and its total
antipathy for freedom of religion.
FOOTNOTES
1. 'Comeunicado Oficial de la Direccion Nacional del
FSLN sobre la Religion,' Barricada, October 7, 1980.
2. 'Contestacion al Comunicado del FSLN sobre la
Religion (October 17, 1980),' Revista del Pensamiento
Centroamericano, July-December, 1980.
3. Macias, Edgard; "The Sandinista Revolution and
Religion" presented to the White House Outreach Working Group on
Central America; (July, 1983).
4.."Jesucristo y la Unidad de su Inlesia on Nicaragua,'
(Carta Pastoral, October 22, 1980), Revista del Pensamiento
Centroamericano, July-December, 1980.
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5. Macias, op. cit.
6. Radio Sandino, Managua, June 10, 1981.
7. Geraldine O'Leary de Macias: 'Christians in the
Sandinista Revolution,' (January, 1983).
8. Macias, op. cit.
9. Washington Times, July 26, 1983.
10. Archbishop Obando y Bravo, "Ccmments on the Papal
Letter,' La Prensa, Managua, August 14, 1983.
11. Archbishop John R. Roche, comments on the United
States Catholic Conference, Washington, D.C., September 9, 1982.
12. Roche, op. cit.
13. Macias, op. cit.
14. Humberto Belli, "Persecution of Protestants in
Nicaragua: The Neglected Story,' 1983.
15. Belli,.op. cit.
16. Foreign Broadcast Information Service, (PBXs)
Central America, August 2, 1982, p. 7.
17. FBIS, Central America, July 21, 1982, p. 13.
18. Letter, September 12, 1983 from Salvation Army LTC
Ernest A. Miller.
19. Shoshana Bryen, The Wall Street Journal, August 24,
1983.
20. Belli, op, cit.
21. Miskito Indian Council of Ancients of Misurasata.
Testimony presented to. the Organization of American States, May,
1981 - October, 1982.
22. Humberto Ortega, quoted by Branko Lazitch in Eot_
Quest (Paris) August 25, 1981.
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