US MILITARY ACTION AGAINST LIBYA: POSSIBLE IMPLICATIONS FOR A US-SOVIET SUMMIT
Document Type:
Collection:
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST):
CIA-RDP86T01017R000505020001-8
Release Decision:
RIPPUB
Original Classification:
S
Document Page Count:
11
Document Creation Date:
December 22, 2016
Document Release Date:
February 17, 2011
Sequence Number:
1
Case Number:
Publication Date:
May 1, 1986
Content Type:
MEMO
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f, / lG 25X1
Central Intelligence A&-ncy
Y'A /e_ Was hiroon,D.C20505
DATE k 4DIRECTORATE OF INTELLIGENCE
DOC NO 'S/(/ /rJ (6' ?0O ya,X
OCR 3
P&PD I
1 May 1986
US Military Action Against Libya:
Possi a Implications for a us-Soviet Summit
Summary
Soviet actions and recent private comments by East Bloc officials suggest
that Moscow does not want to escalate tensions with the United States over
Libya. Even after the postponement of the meeting between Secretary Shultz
and Foreign Minister Shevardnadze, Gorbachev returned to the subject of the
summit, stating that one could take place 'if the appropriate international
atmosphere' develops. The USSR's rhetorical stance has left open the
possibility of further Soviet action, however, including the deferral of this
year's summit. In considering such a step, the Soviets would have to weigh
the prospects for progress on bilateral issues, and on arms control in
particular, against their concern about losing prestige by proceeding with
preparations for a summit while Washington was pursuing actions perceived as
challenging to the USSR.
This memorandum was prepared by
the Off
ic
e of Soviet
25X1
Analysis. Comments are welcome an
may be d
25X1
the Chief, Strateg
ic Policy Di
vision,
25X1
SOV M 86-20042X
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Shultz- evar na ze meeting was largely a symbolic expression of support for
Libya and a way to save face with the USSR's Arab allies:
Moscow's postponement of the
-- A senior Soviet official in a major West European embassy said to an
American official that in his opinion, the US action had embarrassed
the USSR before its Arab allies and had left it with no choice but to
cancel the meeting. To have gone ahead with the meeting, he said,
would have compromised Soviet interests in the Middle East.
Moscow seems to be avoiding actions that would lead to heightened
tensions with the United States over Libya or that could encourage Qadhafi's
adventurism. While the USSR has offered diplomatic and political support to
Qadhafi and promised to bolster Libya's "defense capability," it has shied
away from any specific commitment to come to his aid militarily:
Moscow's authoritative reaction to the US air strikes--in a government
statement and remarks by Gorbachev--has left open the door for a summit this
year but also laid the rhetorical groundwork for canceling it, depending on
future US actions in the international arena:
-- The USSR Government statement on 15 April demanded an "immediate end"
to US actions against Libya and warned that "otherwise, more far-
reaching conclusions will have to be drawn." It noted that prior to
the latest US attack, the Soviet leadership had warned that continued
US actions against Libya "could not but affect" US-Soviet relations.
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In his speech to the East German party congress on 18 April, Gorbachev
said that Washington and European capitals should realize that such
actions are doing direct harm to dialogue between the United States and
the USSR. He said there "should be no pretending" that US-Soviet
relations can develop independently of US behavior in the international
arena.
Soviet leadership statements and media commentary indicate that Moscow is
not viewing the US air strikes as an isolated incident but rather as a
manifestation of a broader US policy aimed at intimidating the USSR with US
militar stren th
Washington was acting in "quite the opposite direction."
-- In remarks to journalists in Potsdam on 20 April, Gorbachev said that
if the US Government continues its current policies, which he said were
exacerbating the international situation and destroying the spirit of
Geneva, this could "deprive of value all plans for a future meeting."
-- In an address to East German workers on 21 April, Gorbachev said that a
summit could take place if the "appropriate international atmosphere"
develops and it will be justified if it leads to "real shifts toward
disarmament." He said that the USSR was ready for this but that such
readiness was not evident in Washington at the moment and that
In talks
with East German workers on 21 April he cited US policy toward Libya,
Nicaragua, Angola, and Afghanistan as examples of an alleged US policy of
"neoglobalism," and Soviet media have condemned US naval operations in the
Black Sea, the supplying of Stinger antiaircraft missiles to rebel groups in
Angola and Afghanistan, the cutting of the Soviet UN staff, and continued US
nuclear testing. In a speech on 22 April, Soviet Foreign Minister
Shevardnadze also asserted that there was an "organic link" between the
"bursts of bombs" in Tripoli and Benghazi and US nuclear explosions in
Coupled with this purported concern about the overall direction of US
policy are signs of an apparent skepticism in Moscow about the value of
had begun to manifest itself since the Geneva meeting.
Even before the air strikes, Gorbachev had begun to voice increasing
pessimism about the overall course of US foreign policy since his meeting last
November with President Reagan. In an 8 April speech in the Soviet industrial
city of Tolyatti, he charged that the United States had launched, "with new
force," an anti-Soviet campaign. He claimed that Washington was trying to
find "any pretext".to wreck an improvement in the international situation that
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pursuing a dialogue with the United States if it did not lead to concrete
results on arms control issues. In his Tolyatti speech, Gorbachev observed
that the Central Committee had received "numerous letters" of concern from
Soviet citizens who worried that the West would make a "spurt forward in arms"
under the cover of peace and "fruitless" talks. Apparently attempting to
allay any such concerns, he asserted that this would not happen and that the
arms race "will not wear us out." In his address to the East German workers
he reiterated this theme, saying that "Soviet people" often ask whether the
United States "will not deceive us" and use the talks as a cover for building
up its military muscle to acquire military superiority. He said the USSR will
not be deceived and will not permit negotiations "to be used as a
It is unclear what impact the US air strikes may have had on Moscow's
calculations with respect to the summit. If there are differences of view
within the leadeship on the value of holding a summit, the US airstrikes may
have made it more difficult for Gorbachev to proceed with summit planning.
Moscow almost certainly would prefer to play the summit card to influence
the Administration's deliberations on bilateral issues, particularly on arms
control, rather than expend it in reaction to the Libyan situation.
Nonetheless, Soviet commentary and leadership statements suggest that an
underlying concern in the Kremlin is the extent that US military and foreign
policy actions make the USSR appear lacking in resolve, unsupportive of its
allies, and weak-nerved in the face of demonstrations of US military
strength. Against this backdrop, another US military action against Libya
might well prompt Gorbachev to announce that the Kremlin's planning for a
possible 1986 summit has been deferred. Such an action, or even a stronger
statement, would be motivated less out of interest in showing support for
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Libya than by a perceived need to demonstrate resolve toward Washington in the
face of a variety of US actions perceived to be challenging the USSR. Moscow
would weigh the consequences of such a move against its assessment of the
potential political, diplomatic, and propaganda value of a summit to its
efforts to moderate the Administration's policy by engaging it in a political
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