ON TUESDAY, CONGRESS RAISES CURTAIN ON IRAN-CONTRA AFFAIR
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Document Creation Date:
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Publication Date:
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l ~ ARTICLE APP RED 3 May 198 aI y -.7 ' -J '
ON PAD
On Tuesday, Congress Raises Curtain on Iran- ontra air
By Dan Morgan and Walter Pincus They also expect him to provide new
Wavorg n Pant Staff Wnten details on the sale of U.S. arms to Iran, in-
cluding how the money was handled.
When Sen. Daniel K. Inouye (D-Hawaij) pounds his gavel in Secord, however, may have a different
the historic Senate Caucus Room Tuesday morning to open agenda, according to an informed source.
what could be the most significant three months of televised He may insist that he acted as a private
congressional hearings since Watergate, a new test will begin businessman who was convinced that both
for President Reagan, his administration and Congress, too. the contra and Iran operations were pri-
As in the Watergate hearings 14 years ago involving the vately run commercial ventures that did
Nixon administration, the most publicized questions center
NEWS
ANALYSIS
on the president's knowledge and his actions. Did not use U.S. government funds.
Reagan know about the diversion of funds from Secord may claim that "the weapons
the secret sales of arms to Iran to aid the Ni- component of the [Iranian) arms deal was
caraguan contras? And did he know about White House coor- handled as a commercial transaction, not
dination of possibly illegal military aid to those Nicaraguan reb- government to government," the source
el groups after Congress prohibited such assistance in 1984? said.
The stakes for the president are enormous. Wounded by the That is not how congressional investi-
loss of the Republican Senate majority in the 1986 elections, gators see it. Privately, they argue that Se-
his political standing could collapse if it turns out, after his cord was only the facilitator of White
many denials, that he knew of or approved illegal actions by his House-directed programs in Nicaragua and
aides. On the other hand, his administration could be revived if Iran. The selling of U.S. arms to Iran, corn-
the congressional hearings only repeat what already is known. mittee sources have said, was a govern-
Congress also is on trial. For four months, the House and
Senate select committees on the Iran-contra scandal have funds s generated raaced ted were e the the program
been ov the
Uin which .S. govern-
investigating the affair, which, unlike Watergate, involves the nation's key national security institutions and some of the ment's.
Former national securit
most sensitive foreign policy operations. y adviser Robert
Revelations already have affected relations with important C. McFarlane, who is to address policy is-
allies, such as Israel, broken a trust between Congress and the sues after Secord has provided the initial
president, and suggested misuse of the National Security chronology, has appeared before several
Council, the Central Intelligence Agency and the Federal Bu- congressional committees and the Tower
reau of Investigation. commission and at times has given differ-
Senior administration officials misled Congress about White ing versions of the same event.
House support for the contras, Chairman Lee H. Hamilton (D- On Oct. 7, 1985, McFarlane wrote Ham-
Ind.) of the House select committee said last week. And the ilton, "There is no official or unofficial re-
president did not inform Congress for nine months of his au- lationship with any member of the NSC
thorization of secret arms sales to Iran. staff regarding fund-raising for the Ni-
Therefore, some congressional investigators have said, it caraguan democratic opposition." But it
now falls to them to examine questions less obvious than was revealed last week in court that less
where the money went-less obvious, but perhaps more pro- than a month before McFarlane wrote that
found in what they reveal about the Reagan government.
Was what happened just a matter of bad judgment, Lt. Col. Oliver L. North, then on the
sloppi- National Security Council staff, and fund-
ness and had communication? Or did the president and a few raiser Carl R. (Spitz) Channell met in Dal-
trusted advisers operate in a calculated manner outside the
law and their own regulations to carry out policies that circum- las with three potential contributors to a
vented Congress and critics with the administration? foundation that raised money to help the
And, once the arms sales to Iran became public, did the contras who are fighting the government of
president or his aides attempt to cover up their past activities? Nicaragua.
How the committees handle the first two witnesses could As the House-Senate hearings progress
set the tone for much of what follows, investigators said. in June and July, the committee will be fur-
Committee investigators want their surprise first witness, ther challenged when former national se-
retired Air Force major general Richard V. Secord, to describe curity adviser John M. Poindexter and
for the first time the infrastucture of the clandestine private North, who was fired from the NSC staff
network that carried arms to the contras during the two years last November, testify. A third individual
in which direct U.S. government military aid was prohibited by who investigators believe could have first-
Congress. hand knowledge of these events and par-
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ticularly the president's role-former Cen-
tral Intelligence Agency director William J.
Casey-is reportedly too ill to appear.
Evolution of a Scandal
The Iran-contra affair surrounded the
Reagan administration gradually.
It began to surface with the shooting
down of a C123K cargo plane delivering
arms over Nicaragua last Oct. 5 and the
capture of one of the Americans on board.
The White House distanced itself from this
"private" operation.
The affair took a new turn Nov. 3, when
Al Shirra, a small Beirut weekly, disclosed
that there had been a secret delivery of
U.S. arms as part of a clandestine visit to
Tehran by McFarlane. Reagan said the re-
port had "no foundation."
It finally burst into a full-fledged scandal
Nov. 25, when the president announced
the resignation of Poindexter, McFarlane's
successor as national security adviser, and
the firing of North from the NSC staff, and
Attorney General Edwin Meese III dis-
closed that funds had been diverted from
the sale of U.S. arms to Iran to aid the con-
tras.
Since then there have been congression-
al hearings by four committees, a report by
the Senate Select Committee on Intelli-
gence, a more detailed report by a pres-
idential commission headed by former sen-
ator John G. Tower (R-Tex.), two General
Accounting Office studies, a continuing in-
vestigation by independent counsel Law-
rence E. Walsh that has already produced
one guilty plea, and four months of inquiry
by House and Senate investigators setting
the stage for the public hearings that will
begin Tuesday.
Many government officials and legisla-
tors have said that most of the significant
facts about the [ran-contra affair have been
disclosed and that all that remains is to
trace the money, decide who broke the law
and make a final determination of what the
president knew.
But the guilty plea last week of fund-
raiser Channell suggests that may not be
the case.
Channell named North and public rela-
tions man Richard R. Miller as coconspir-
ators. Walsh's bill of particulars alluded to
other coconspirators "unknown" to him.
Among Miller's employes is David Fischer,
a former special assistant to then-White
House chief of staff Donald T. Regan, who
arranged White House meetings with the
president for Channell and his donors, ac-
cording to White House sources.
Driving the investigation is a built-in
competition among investigators.
The Senate and House select commit- seldom follows a script, and whether the
tees eliminated the potential for friction by hearings will once the stories start pouring
deciding to work together. Most witnesses out is an open question.
have been interviewed by House and Sen-
ate staff members together and the forth-
coming joint hearings will alternate be-
tween the two chambers.
However, competitive tensions do exist
between Walsh, charged with investigating
possible criminal misconduct, and the con-
gressional committees, which are man-
dated to disclose as much as possible to the
public and recommend changes in policy or
law if needed.
But Congress is in a special position be-
cause its past failure to exercise vigorous
oversight means it shares some responsi-
bility for what happened.
In the coming weeks, the investigators
will attempt to show just how much was
going on without congressional or public
knowledge.
Members of a secret interagency group
on counterterrorism policy, cochaired by
North, knew about the Iran arms-for-hos-
tages operation activities but could not get
their bosses to try to persuade the pres-
ident to call a halt to the deal.
Their bosses included Secretary of State
George P. Shultz, Defense Secretary Cas-
par W. Weinberger and FBI Director Wil-
liam H. Webster, all of whom publicly were
promoting the administration's declared
policy of inveterate opposition to any ne-
gotiations for hostages or any arms sales to
Iran.
Secret Communications Devices
Several witnesses also are expected to
testify that North used a separate, oper-
ational counterterrorism unit set up at the
NSC in 1986 as cover for possibly unau-
thorized coordination of contra military re-
supply operations.
The Tower commission reported that
North obtained 15 special communications
devices from the top-secret National Se-
curity Agency and distributed the highly
classified devices to a few members of the
secret group helping the contras.
Investigators also want to pursue ques-
tions about North's relationship with then-
CIA Director Casey and certain of Casey's
close lieutenants, such as Ben B. Wickham
Jr., who told associates in 1 that he was
resigning to raise money for the private
network that was helping the contras. His
whereabouts since then are not known.
The investigators, working with care-
fully prepared witnesses in a unique hear-
ing format, have indicated that they want
to stay close to their script. But Congress
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Sen. Daniel K. Inouye
(D-Hawall)
Chairman, Senate Select
Committee
Elected to the Senate in
1962, he gained nation-
al prominence in 1973
as member of the Sen-
ate committee investi-
gating Watergate. In
1976, he became the
first chairman of the
Senate Select Commit-
tee on Intelligence.
In 1981, he at-
tempted to persuade his
Senate colleagues not to
expel Sen. Harrison A.
Williams Jr. (D-N.J.) be-
cause of his involvement
in the Abscam scandal.
Williams was expelled
anyway, but colleagues
said Inouye's willingness
to take on a thankless
and unpopular cause
was an example of his
character and consisten-
cy.
As chairman of the
Iran-contra inquiry he
has stressed bipartisan-
ship and discipline.
Inouye has warned that
leakers will be dealt with
harshly. And he has set
up a unique format for
the hearings that will
balance Democrats and
Republicans in every
phase of the question-
ing.
Sen. Warren B.
Rudman (R.N.H.)
Vice chairman, Senate
Select Committee
A former prosecuting
attorney in his home
state, Rudman first won
election to the Senate in
1980, and was easily
reelected last year.
He became almost a
household name be-
cause of his cosponsor-
ship of the Gramm-
Rudman-Hollings law
that mandated annual
steps to reduce the bud-
get deficit.
An alter ego for the
more reserved, serious
Inouye, Rudman has
been outspoken in his
criticism of the White
House in the Iran-contra
matter and of the slow
pace of the independent
counsel in his criminal
investigation
HEARINGS SCHEDULE
The Senate and House select committees on the Iran-contra affair
will meet for the first time in public session on Tuesday.
TV coverage: Cable News Network is the only network that plans
gavel-to-gavel coverage. ABC, CBS, NBC plan to break into regular
programming whenever they deem necessary to report significant
events or to carry the live testimony of important witnesses.
Where: Hearings will alternate, on a weekly basis, between a
Senate meeting room and a House meeting room, beginning the first
week in the Senate.
When: The committee will meet generally from 10 a.m. to noon
and from 2 p.m. to 5 p.m. for the first phase of the hearings, which
will focus on the contras, scheduled to last until early June. The
committees have released the following schedule for the first two
weeks:
Week 1: May 5, 6, 7, 8. Senate Caucus Room.
Week 2: May 11, 12, 13, 14. House Judiciary Committee, 2141
Rayburn House Office Building.
Rep. Lee H. Hamilton
(0-Ind.)
Chairman, House Select
Committee
An 11-term Democrat,
he was selected to chair
the Iran-contra investi-
gation because of his
reputation and long ser-
vice in the House.
Has served as chair-
man of the House For.
eign Affairs subcommit.
tee on Europe and the
Middle East, which has
oversight of Iranian is-
sues. Just completed a
two-year term as chair-
man of the House Per-
manent Select Commit.
tee on Intelligence,
which monitored the
Reagan administration's
adherence to legislation
barring military assist-
ance to the contras.
Rep. Dick Cheney (R.
Wyo.)
Vice Chairman, House
Select Committee
Was elected to the
House in November
1978, two years after
leaving the White House,
where he was chief of
staff during the final
years of the Ford admin-
istration. With his exec-
utive branch back-
ground, is more of an
issues spokesman than a
legislator on Capitol Hill,
and as such chairs the
House Republican Policy
Committee.
A member of the
House Intelligence Com-
mittee, he has been a
firm supporter of the
administration in its Cen-
tral America policy and
worked on Capitol Hill to
restore military aid to
the contras after the
1984 cutoff.
Arthur L. Liman
Chief Counsel, Senate
Select Committee
One of the top litigators
in the nation, Liman's
private clients have in-
cluded corporate raider
Carl C. Icahn, fugitive
financier Robert L.
Vesco, and (more re-
cently) Dennis Levine,
whose Wall Street activ-
ities led to his indict-
ment for insider training.
Weeks ago, Liman
promised he would get
Swiss bank records when
that seemed all but im-
possible. He did. He has
a reputation for thor-
oughness. The hearings
will show whether his
investigation ranged
widely enough.
John W. Nlelds Jr.
Chief Counsel, House
Select Committee
Served as chief counsel
to the House ethics com-
mittee for its investiga-
tion of South Korean
influence-buying. Later
became the special pros-
ecutor in the Carter ad-
ministration's prosecu-
tion of two former high-
ranking FBI officials.
Reagan later pardoned
the two officials, a step
Nields criticized.
Continued
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President Reagan
Approved Israeli ship-
ment of U.S. arms to
ban in 1985. Authorized
U.S. arms sales to Iran
in January 1986. Argued
that shipments to Iran
should continue, despite
grave misgivings of his
senior advisers in late
1985.
Approved the mission
to Tehran in May 1986,
led by former national
security adviser Robert
C. McFarlane, in an un?
successful attempt to
swap arms for U.S. hos-
tages held by pro-Iranian
extremists in Lebanon.
Has consistently said he
knew nothing about the
diversion of money from
the Iran sales to the Ni-
caraguan contras.
Will not be a witness.
Two paramount issues
throughout the hearings
will be whether the pres-
ident was informed of
the diversion of funds
and whether he was
aware that White House
aides were supervising a
secret war in Nicaragua,
contrary to congressional
edicts.
Donald T. Regan
White House chief
of staff, 1985.87
Participated in key
1985-86 meetings on
the ban arms initiative
and managed White
House response after
the deal became public
last November
If he is a witness, he
will be questioned onifks?
earlier sworn testimony
treat Reagan did not give
prior approval for the
transfer of arms to Iran
by Israel in September
1985.
Via President Bush
Sat in on many meetings
associated with the Iran
arms sales and, although
he supported the initi-
ative, has said he raised
some doubts about it.
Bush also has been a
vocal supporter of the
contra program.
Unlikely to testify.
Donald P. Gregg
Assistant to the Vice
President for National
Security Affairs
A former CIA employe
who had close ties not
only to agency personnel
involved in the contra
program but also to Lt.
Col. North.
Expected to be asked
about his relationship
with Felix Rodriguez, a
former CIA operative in-
volved in the contra re-
supply operation who
called Gregg immediate-
ly after the C 123K air
transport carrying Eu-
gene Hasenfus was shot
down over Nicaragua
last Oct. 5.
Peter J. Waillson
Former White House
counsel
Learned of the Iran arms
deal after it became
public and was assigned
by Reagan to conduct
initial White House in-
quiry.
To be asked about
preparation of Reagan
for his controversial
news conferences and
appearances before the
Tower- iavieiie 'i board `
Questions likely to focus
on the president's
changed testimony
about what he remem.
bered about granting
original authority for Is-
raeli shipments to Iran.
George P. SMdfs
Secretary of State
Firm supporter of the
contra operation who
agreed to have his dep-
uties solicit $10 million
in funds for Nicaraguan
contras from the sultan
of Brunei. Did.not follow
up on how money was
used after deposit in
Swiss bank account.
Twice opposed arms
sales to Iran at White
House meetings but did
not pursue matter pri-
vately with Reagan. Crit?
icized by Tower board for
not pressing harder to
have operation reviewed
and terminated.
Expected to be ques-
tioned about Brunei
funds and repeated fail-
ure to raise questions
about Iran arms program
with Reagan.
Elliott Abrams
Assistant Secretary of
State for Inter-American
Affairs
Served as the State De-
partment's point man on
managing the contra
program since July
1985, working closely
with Lt. Col. Oliver L.
North of the National
Security Council.
To be questioned
about his knowledge of
North's private network
and his role in soliciting
$10 million from the
sultan of Brunei on be-
half of the contras.
Lewis Tambs
Former U S. ambassador
to Costa Rica
Told the Tower special
review board that, on
assuming his ambassor.
snip in July 1985, he
received instructions to
help the contras set up a
'southern front" from an
interagency group that
included Abrams and
North. Twice asked the
Costa Rican government
to allow a private contra -
resupply operation 'to
use a Costa Rican air-
port near the Nicaraguan
border, according to
sources.
Not expected to tes-
tify
Edwin Mesas fit
Attorney General
Sat in on While House
discussions of presiden-
tial intelligence author-
ization for arms sales to
Iran; provided opinions
that the operation was
legal and that Congress
did not have to be in-
formed. At the request
of Poindexter, had the
FBI and Customs Service.
delay inquiries into
Southern Air Transport
Inc., which were pert of
investigations into the
contra resupply sysfsrri.
Later, in advance of
confessional hearings
into the Iran operation,
Meese begat inquiry to
determine what had hap-
pened. During that in-
quiry, Meese's staff un-
covered memo at the
White House describing
plan to divert funds to
the contras from sales to
Iran. He subsequently
questioned North on the
matter.
Expected to be ques-
tioned about his inter-
vention in the FBI contra
inquiry and why he did
not bring the FBI in ear-
lier on his own investi-
gation.
William H. Webster
Director,. Federal Bureau
of Investigation
At the request of Attor-
ney General Edwin
Meese III, Webster or-
dered a delay in an FBI
investigation of Southern
Air Transport's role in
the contra resupply op-
eration. Meese told Web-
ster that the investiga-
tion could endanger
'some sensitive hostage
negotiations now under
way."
Unlikely to be called
as a witness.
William J. Casey
Director of central intel-
Iigence, 1981-87
Introduced a new activ-
ism in CIA covert actin
ities to support the Rea-
gan doctrine of aiding
anticommunist forces in
the Third World. Encour-
aged development and
arming- of the Ni-
caraguan rebels to op-
pose the Sandinista re-
gime. CIA mining of Nic-
aragua's harbors, how-
ever, led to a catgras-
sional cutoff of U.S. mih-
itary assistance and the
begivmmg of a White
Houoa~supporlllld PI We
network suppl iing the
contras.
Casey also peninitted
his agency to involved in the Iran become
arms
initiative, after recogniz-
ing the president's ob-
session with freeing U.S.
hostages. Shortly before
the first public disclo-
sures last November,
Casey was informed by a
former business associ-
ate and CIA officials that
individuals financing the
arms sales believed they
had been cheated and
might make the issue
public.
He was accused by
members of Congress of
misleading them on de-
tails of the Iran-contra
affair and hiding his
knowledge that funds
may have been diverted.
Removal of a cancerous
brain tumor in December
and subsequent hospi-
talization for complica-
tions makes it almost
certain he will not be
able to testify
Robert M. Gafss
Acting CIA Director
Served under Casey last
year during the Iran op-
eration and received the
first indication from a
CIA analyst that funds
may have been diverted
from the arms sales to
the contras. With Casey.
he took this information
to the White House but
did not pursue it. Direc-
ted the preparation of
Cam's
tedwifflorw
Capitol
was P wrtsidsrsd ktcan-
Piste.
Not expe~clsd to tes-
Duce. CtwiMp
CIA otfieisi
Helped organics the con-
tras in 1981 and super-
vised then activities
through 1984. Was
forced out of the contra
operation after Congress
reacted to the mining of
Nicaraguan harbors. In
December 1985, at the
request of the White
House, he arranged CIA
assistance for Israeli
shipment of Hawk an-
tiaircraft missiles to Iran.
Later, worked with North
on the secret NSC coun-
terterrorism panel.
If he appears as a
witness, will be ques-
tioned about the contra
operation and his assist-
ance to the Israeli arms
shipment without re-
quired authorization.
Stanley Sporkin
Former CIA general
counsel
Drafted the belated Iran
'finding' of January
1986. which included a
Tomas Castillo (pseud- provision that the CIA
onym) not inform Congress as
Former CIA station chief required. The finding
in Costa Rica gave the CIA retroactive
Assisted North in super- legal authority to assist
vising arms drops to the the NSC in the Iran
contras at a time when arms-for-hostages deals.
p.come a fed,
any~CIAArol`e inn- iovi i """erN~lOiP'`i .. '.._
military aid to the con- If he testifies. Sporkin
tras. Was reprimanded would be asked about
after the Iran-contra af- legal advice he gavb on
fair became public. Iran and on the contras.
Not expected to tes-
tify.
*Nftw
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t
Robert C. McFartan s
National security
adviser, 1983.85
Central figure in the Iran
arms sales and U.S. as-
sistance to the contras.
Continued to provide
guidance for both oper-
ations after he left the
White House in Decem-
ber 1985, and made a
secret trip to Tehran in
May 1986 to exchange
arms for hostages.
Received reports dur-
ing 1985 from It. Col.
Oliver L North of the
National Security Coun-
cil staff on the supply of
arms to the contras, ac-
cording to the Tower
report, but reassured
Congress that year that
North was not violating
laws prohibiting U.S.
government from sup-
plying weapons. After
the Iran arms operation
was publicized, McFar-
lane initially tried to limit
disclosure of Reagan's
involvement, then tes-
tified before Congress
giving additional details
on the president's role.
Will be questioned on
details of contra oper.
ation, including alleged
contribution from Saudi
Arabians. Will also be
asked for further expla.
nation of how the Iran
operations began and
continued.
Row Adm. John M.
Pehrdexter
National security
adviser, 1985-86
Assumed management
of both the contra and
Iran arms operations af-
ter succeeding McFar-
lane in December 1985.
Came to the NSC staff
originally in 1981 as mil-
itary adviser and became
McFarlane's deputy,
handling coordination of
covert operations and
serving as the note-taker
in meetings with the
president.
Took over manage-
ment of the Iran arms
initiative after McFarlane
resigned and assigned
prime responsibility to
North, who chaired the
NSC's counterterrorism
panel. Kept Secretayof
State George P. Shultz
out of final drafting of
intelligence finding that
authorized arms sales to
Iran.
Was aware of the di-
version of funds from
the arms sales to the
contras. When McFar-
lane's trip was publicly
disclosed last November,
tried to keep Iran arms
program secret in hopes
of getting other hostages
freed.
To be questioned un-
der a granted of limited
immunity about whether
the president knew of
fund diversions, and how
much direction Reagan
gave in the Iran and
contra operations.
ONwr L North
Lieutenant Colonel, U.S.
Marine Corps
His title for most of his
more than four years on
the National Security
Council staff hardly sug-
gested power. "deputy
director, political-military
affairs." But he eventu-
ally became the point
man at the NSC for the
contra war in Nicaragua
and counterterrorism
initiatives.
As early as September
1984, North was gearing
up to help the contras
ride out the loss of direct
U.S. military aid, which
became effective Oct. 1.
1984. His involvement
in private fund-raising
and operational support
for the contras deepened
steadily at the same
time that he was inti-
mately involved in plan-
ning the Iran arms sales.
The committees have
extensive documentation
of North's effort, which
will be used to question
him.
As yet, he has not
received immunity, al-
though the committees
plan to vote on the issue
in June. Under a deal
worked out with the in-
dependent counsel, who
was seeking as much
time as possible to de-
velop his investigation,
North will not testify in
public before June 23.
Michael A. Ledeen
National Security Coun-
cil consultant
Robert L Earl
Lieutenant Colonel, U S
Marine Corps.
A veteran of Marine in-
telligence, he joined
North's counterterrorism
unit at the National Se-
curity Council in early
1986. Previously he
worked for Vice Presi-
Key liaison between the dent Bush's Task Force
NSC staff and the Is- on Combating Terrorism.
n 1 Met Expected to testify
--"~1~11~i11~;.aleMl~yElltrt"~~ NO'Mrd
Minister Shimon Peres immunity. May have the
in May 1985, and re- most detailed knowledge
ported back to McFar- of anyone at the NSC
lane on Israel's interest about North's activities
in selling arms to Iran as in 1986, especially
a way of improving re- North's possible use of
lations. Later became a the counterterrorism unit
contact with the arms as a "cover" for Iran-
merchants who set up contra operations.
the arms-for-hostages
deal with Iran.
Likely to testify. To be
asked about his role in
establishing the initial
U.S.-Israeli contacts with
Iran.
Fawn Hall
Secretary
As Oliver North's secre-
tary at sba.Na1110oal Se-
curity Council, she as-
sisted in the shredding
of key documents on the
night of Nov. 21, 1986.
the day before North
was questioned about
the alleged diversion of
funds to the contras.
She has received lim-
ited immunity to testify
about the shredding.
May be questioned
about North's commu-
nications with the pros-
ident.
Continued
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',
Arturo Cruz
Former contra Wader
Resigned from the con.
teas' chief umbrella or-
ganization, United Ni-
caraguan Opposition
(UNO) after the scandal
broke, saying{ Calera and
his supporters refused to
share control over fi-
nances and other met-
tem. His involvement in
the contra leadership
was seen as crucial to
gaining, support from
congressmen who dis-
trusted the more conser-
vative Calero. Received a
$7,000 monthly stipend
last year, which North
arranged.
Robert Owen
Conservative activist
Acted as an emissary for
North in establishing a
private aid network for
the contras, particularly
in developing a second
front along the Ni-
caraguan-Costa Rican
border.
Expected to be ques-
tioned on how North se-
cretly directed the
contra program.
Richard R. Miller
Public relations execu-
tive
Directed a company, In-
ternational Business
Communications (IBC),
that was hired by con-
servative fund-raiser Carl
R. (Spitz) Channell's
foundation to work on
Central American issues.
Through IBC, $1.7 mil-
lion in tax-deductible
contributions were fun-
neled to a Swiss bank
account used to buy mil-
itary equipment for the
contras.
If he testifies, he will
be asked about his deal-
ings with North and the
Whiles House, which as-
sisted Channell's fund-
raising efforts.
Former Army major gen.
eral
Played a prominent pub-
lic role in raising money
for the contras. Arranged
a $5 million arms deal
for the contras in 1985,
Met frequently with
North and CIA Director
Willian J. Casey.
To be questioned on
his contacts with North
and Casey and what
kind of direction, if any,
he received from them.
Adolfo Calera
Contra Wader
Civilian head of the con-
tras' largest military unit,
the Nicaraguan Demo-
cratic Force (FDN). One
of three main contra
leaders. Oversaw the
contras' financial net-
work and arms pur-
chases during the two-
year ban on U.S. aid.
To be questioned on
the contras' finances,
his repeated claims that
the rebels received no
diverted funds and his
contacts with White
House officials.
Alfonso Robele
Contra leader
Played a key role by de-
veloping, along with Ar-
turo Cruz, a moderate
faction within the contra
leadership. Received
$100,000, in a series of
payments arranged by
North, to use in political
activities in Central
America.
Not expected to tes-
tify.
Adnan Khaahoggl
Saudi Arabian financier
and arms dealer
Became involved in Iran
arms deals with Iran fol-
lowing May 1985 intro-
duction to Iranian mid-
dleman Manucher Ghor-
banifar. Says he put up
and lost millions of dol-
lars in the arms-for-hos-
tage deals that followed.
Says he had been hoping
to improve relations be-
tween the United States
and Iran and ultimately
his own business inter-
ests as well.
Unlikely to be called
as a witness.
Sit! mon Peres
Prime minister and later
foreign minister of Israel
Met with Michael Le-
deen in May 1985 in the
first known U.S.-Israeli
contact on Iran preced-
ing the arms deal. Re-
ferred Ledeen to several
associates who became
involved in brokering two
arms shipments to Iran
in August and November
1985.
Not expected to tes-
tify.
MAanudw Oborbardfar
Iranian middleman
Main contact between
Iranian and U.S. offi-
cials. He and Saudi busi-
nessman Adrian Kha-
shoggi arranged financ-
ing for several of the
arms deals. Continued to
serve as main U.S. con-
tact even after failing a
polygraph test.
Not expected to tes-
tify. Investigators have
interviewed him at
length in Europe about
his middleman role.
David Klamehs
Israeli foreign ministry
official
Close contact in mid-
1985 with national se-
curity adviser Robert
McFarlane. Recom-
mended the use of Iran-
ian middleman Manu-
cher Ghorbanifar and
urged McFarlane to get
U.S. approval for the
sale of weapons to Iran
by Israel in hopes of
freeing U.S. hostages in
Lebanon.
Not expected to tes-
tify.
Amlram NN
Counterterrorism adviser
to Israel's prime minister
Chief contact between
the United States and
Israel on Iran arms sales
in 1986. Briefed Vice
President Bush in July
about the deals with
Iranian radicals. North
claims it was Nir's idea
to divert profits from the
Iran arms sales to the
Nicaraguan contras.
Not expected to tes-
tify. The Israeli govern-
ment has prepared a
report for the commit-.
tees on the involvement
of its citizens.
Yaacov Nbnrodl and Al
Sahwhmmm
Israeli arms dealers
Nimrodi served as a de-
fense attache in Iran and
Schwimmer is a top Is-
raeli aircraft company
official and close friend
of former Israeli prime
minister Shimon Peres.
Both dealt with Iranian
middleman Manucher
Ghorbarnfar in trying to
sell arms to Iran as early
as 1984. They were key
figures in the first two
sales of arms to Iran in
the fall of 1985, deals in
which millions of dollars
have not been traced.
Continued
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7.
Carl R. (Spitz) charwnll
Lobbyist, fund-raiser
Worked closely with
North in raising money
from private contribu-
tors, some of whom met
with President Reagan.
Used a tax-exempt foun-
dation, the National En-
dowment for the Pre.
servation of Liberty, to
collect the money, at
least $2.12 million of
which went to bank ac.
counts used by the con.
tras to buy military
equipment. Became the
first person to be con-
victed in the Iran-contra
scandal, pleading guilty
Wednesday to conspiring
to defraud the U.S. gov-
ernment by depriving it
of tax revenues. If called
as a witness, will be
asked about White
House involvement in his
fund-raising activities.
d
Richard V. 3ee0
Retired major general,
U.S. Air Force
Acted as North's princi-
pal private sector oper-
ator in both the contra
resupply effort and the
U.S.-Iran arms sales.
Working with his busi-
ness partner, Iranian-
American businessman
Albert A. Hakim, Secord
established an extensive
private network that
helped deliver arms to
Iran and arranged for
the purchase and trans-
portation of weapons to
the contras. A Secord
company received $9.5
million from a contra
bank account, part of
$33 million in payments
that investigators believe
was provided by King
Fahd of Saudi Arabia.
He put two associ-
ates, Richard B. Gadd
and Robert C. Dutton,
in charge of the contra
resupply effort that op-
erated from bases in El
Salvador and Honduras.
They were in charge of
hiring and maintaining
air crews, setting up
communications, leasing
and purchasing planes.
Secord is expected to
be the leadoff witness,
having agreed to testify
voluntarily after previ-
oust' invoking his con,
stitutional right against
self-incrimination. To be
questioned about the
origins of the private net-
work and possibly the
circumstances of the
large Saudi payments to
the contras in 1984-85.
Both Dutton and
Gadd have received lim-
ited immunity and are
expected to testify.
Albert A. Halm
Financier, deal-maker
The man who knows
about the money. As
Secord's business part-
ner, he served as finan-
cier, interpreter, and ne-
gotiator in many phases
of the U.S.-Iran arms-for-
hostages initiative. He
also helped set up, or
had access to, key bank
accounts in Switzerland
from which arms sales
funds were diverted to
the contras.
Hakim, in Paris,
turned over records of
Swiss bank accounts to
investigators and has
received limited immu-
nity. If he testifies, ques-
tions are expected to fo-
cus on his knowledge of
the money trail.
Cofft "d
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O (R?Utah) v
SEATING IN THE SENATE CAUCUS ROOM
Rep. Edward P.
Boland (D?Mass.)
Rep. Bill McCollum
(R?Fla.)
(Rep. William S.
Rep. Thomas S.
Foley (D-Wash.)
Committee members have been assigned to 1%.../ f Rep. Peter W
question specific witnesses. When their Rodino Jr. (D-N.J.)
witnesses appear, members will move to
seats opposite the witness table.
Sen. William S.
Cohen (R?Mame)
O - Sen Paul S
Continued
Sen. James A.
McClure (R?Idaho)
Sen. George J.
Mitchell (D?Maine)
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CHRONOLOGY
Separate foreign
policy initiatives
eventually became
intertwined and led
to President
Reagan's greatest
crisis.
IRAN
March 1981
Reagan administration decides to
back anti-Sandinista rebels, also
called contras.
Jan. 23, 1984 March 16, 1984
Reagan administration places Iran William Buckley, CIA station chief in Beirut,
on.a list of countries subject.to is kidnaped and held hostage by Islamic
strict export controls, accusing Jihad, pro-Iran Moslem extremists. Efforts to
Iran of supporting international free Buckley become a top prtority in the CIA.
terrorism.
CIA oversees mining
of Nicaraguan
harbors, angering
Congress when it
became public two
months later
V V 1\ I fnM CIA formally given control over aiding contras.
Amendment, banning direct or
indirect U.S. military assistance to
the contras.
AugustSaptember 1985
FolldwMg secret discussions between U.S. and
Isvaelit officals, first two planeloads of
Israeli?ar vVed arms are sent to Iran. National
security adviser Robert C. McFarlane tells Israel
tWt the United States will replenish Israeli stocks
June 12, 1985
Congress approves $27 million in
7umanitarran aid for contras.
Dec. S. 1982
Congress passes first Boland
Amendment, prohibiting use of U.S.
funds to overthrow the Sandinista
government.
Nov. 18, 1983
Congress limits
contra aid to $24
million.
Y.
Jan. 8, 1985
The Rev. Lawrence M. Jenco is kidnaped in
Lebanon, where he was director of Catholic
Relief Services, followed within a few months
by kidnaping of Terry Anderson, David P
Jacobsen and Thomas Sutherland.
January 1985
Using money from private sources,
reportedly Saudi King Fahd, the contras
arrange to buy weapons through North
associate Richard V. Secord.
Jan. 17, 1986
Reagan signs a secret intelligence
finding authorizing arms shipments to
Iran and orders that it be kept secret
from Congress. First direct U.S. shipment
takes place the following month
January 1986
Secord begins to put together an air
resupply operation to drop weapons to the
contras
AprI 1986
North writes a memo outlining plans
to use $12 million in profits from the
Iran arms sales on behalf of the
contras-the first clear link between
the Iran arms deal and the contras.
May 25. 1986
Former national security adviser
Robert McFarlane flies to Tehran
with a shipment of spare parts,
hoping to negotiate release of
hostages. Mission fails.
June 26, 1986
Reversing the Boland Amendment, Congress
approves $100 million in military and
humanitarian aid, to begin Oct 1.
July 26, 1986 Nov. 3, 1986
Jenco is freed. Al Shirra, a Beirut weekly, published
a story about McFarlane's visit to Tehran.
Aug. 3, 1986 Oct. 26.29, 1986
Shipment of Shipment of arms to Iran.
weapons to Iran. Jacobsen is released three days later.
Oct. 5, 1986 Nov. 25, 1986
C123K cargo plane, part of the resupply Meese discloses diversion of funds. Reagan
operation set up by Secord, is shot down announces resignation of Poindexter, firing
over Nicaragua with cargo of weapons. Two of North.
American pilots killed; Eugene Hasenfus
captured.
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