NEAR EAST/NORTH AFRICA REPORT NO. 2029 BALUCHESTAN: POLITICAL, GEOGRAPHIC, HISTORICAL APPRAISAL

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP09-00438R000100160001-1
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 59
• Document Creation Date: December 27, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 26, 2013
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: October 9, 1979
• Content Type: REPORT

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,JPRS 74331
9 October 1979
?hiliffi3F46
Near East/North Africa Report
No. 2029
Baluchestan: Political, Geographic, Historical Appraisal
FBIS
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9 October 1979
NEAR EAST/NORTH AFRICA REPORT
No. 2029
BALUCHESTAN: POLITICAL, GEOGRAPHIC, HISTORICAL APPRAISAL
Tehran AYANDEGAN in Persian 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31 Jul 79,
1, 2 Aug 79
[22 Jul 79, pp 5,8]
[Text] The province of Sistan-Baluchestan, for various reasons, has been
Iran's most deprived and problematic region. First, because of its remoteness
and lack of centralizing facilities. Second, because of climatic and geogra-
phic conditions, this desert land requires more jobs and funds for development.
Third, the culture and world outlook of its people, during the despicable
history of the Shah's regime, have, time and time again, served as a pretext
for aggression and contempt by egocentric and discriminatory Iranian govern-
ments.
Chronic oppression by former Iranian governments has now made the situation
highly explosive in Baluchestan. And now that the Islamic Revolution provides
the opportunity of liberation for Iran's oppressed ethnic groups, the Baluchis,
too, wish to use that "talisman" in order to throw off the heavy burden of
hundred years of oppression, and became the masters of their actions, thoughts,
and work. The Baluchis wish to speak their own language, a language which,
for centuries, has been considered a foreign tongue by rulers and has always
been suppressed.
At present the Baluchis wish to cultivate their dry farmland. They resent
their people's forced vagrancy and wanderings.
The Baluchis wish to speak, read, and write their own language, and wear their
national garb. However, while the Baluchis wish to preserve their ethnic
characteristics, they also wish to remain Iranian.
When, in the remote village of Khash or the sandy Sarball you see a miserable
Baluchi coming out of his dwelling and inviting you to join him in a meal,
you wonder why wealthy officials cruelly brand him a bandit, a highway robber,
a savage, while he who hardly owns anything besides woven mats and is starving
himself, is civilized enough to dispense hospitality.
1 [III - NE & A - 121]
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The names of Baluchi villages, Shuregaz PCrowing in Salt Marshes"),
Tallesiah ["Black Heap"], Shahresukhteh ["Burnt Town"], etc. reflect
the calamities they have suffered.
In Saravan, while the only ice-making plant has been shut down for some
time, the town is full of goods imported through rthe port" RIlabelar]
and across the border. Mang the assortment of luxury items, there are
electrical appliances, machine-made rugs, cowboy costumes, chic rubber
shoes, eau de cblogne, and perfumed soaps. This is the first point of
encounter with the self-alienation of the Baluchi's culture. For example,
in Chabahar, you can see a Baluchi student with a lei costume, wearing a
foreign cologne, insisting that he is imitating the Persians.
Throughout Baluchestan, finding employment is rare. Except for 20 percent
of its population engaged in farming, and a smaller percentage working
as petty traders, storekeepers, and employees, the rest, especially lately,
have been engaging, on a massive scale, in smuggling goods. Because of its
pervasiveness and chronicity, smuggling in Baluchestan has came to be viewed
as a regularandrrostly honorable occupation. For long years and under all
pressures the only thing the Baluchi has managed to preserve has been his
pride.
In Baluchestan we can never observe concentrated power: various agents and
elements are wielding power, namely:
The Mowlavis [dervishes] who exert religious influence among the people;
the Sardars [military leaders], and Khans [tribal chiefs] who control the
people politically; bandits and highway robbers who, by instilling fear
in the people, extort tributes fram them, or strip them naked at every
mountain slope.
However, there are always disputes and scuffles within these power structures
themselves. Thus, some time ago, an armed conflict burst out between 2 large
tribes over a simple and commonplace matter. Peace was restored only after
the intercession of Sardars.
For the Baluchi, there are no borders: despite strict restrictions imposed
by governments, because of cultural, religious, and political affinities,
Iranian, Pakistani, and Afghan Baluchis regularly cross over one another's
borders. What is more, many Baluchis possess 3 I.D. cards: Iranian,
Pakistani, and Afghan.
The worst crime of the Pahlavi regime vis-a-vis the Baluchis has been to
leave them uninformed of the political developments and problems of the day:
the Pahlavi regime was afraid to enlighten the Baluchis and knew full well
that a Baluchi awakening wouldrasan the end of the chronic tyranny and exploi-
tation in that region. Keeping the Baluchis unenlightened in political matters
and brainwashing them with "reverence for the Shah" by the former regime re-
presents the problem of today's Baluchestan, a problem which can be easily
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eradicated by respecting Baluchi rights and qaining'their confidence. The
series of articles entitled "Baluchestan: Land of Oppression" describe the
features of today's Baluchestan with all the prevailing malevolence and
hardships. TO analyze such hardships is not to exacerbate them, although
today, some interpret discussions of problefflt, shortcomings, and grievances
as "efforts to sow dissension" and "fanning up rebellions."
We are firmly convinced that it is absolutely imperative that we urgently
recognize the ills in order to forettall,their snowballing into an explosion,
even though same people prefer to ignore the facts and brand discussions of
problems as provocations.
What today we call Iranian Baluchestan is in fact part of Greater Baluchestan,
which British colonialists divided into 3 parts: the Iranian, Pakistani, and
Afghan Baluchestans in order to forestall a unified and strong Baluchestan.
The 2,500-year old history of Iranian Shahs is replete with references to
tyranny and crimes by such rulers against the Baluchi people. The earliest
historical documents recounting the despotism of aggressors and their
domestic stooges against the Baluchis go back to the period of Anushirvan
Sasani.
Sistan has been developed since the migration of the Saka tribe in 128 A.D.
Legends refer to it as "the Land of Nimruz," where Garshasb battled with
Zahak to liberate the people and conquered that territory.
Elsewhere, history recalls that Alexander the Great, during his military
expedition to India, was confronted with the Baluchis and slightly wounded.
During the Arab conquest of Iran, side by side with other oppressed Iranian
peoples, the Baluchis fought the giant Arab imperialism. Finally, in 250 A.H.
[871 A. p.] Ya'qub Lays, with the support of the Baluchis, inflicted a heavy
blow to the Abba-side rule.
The Delemyan and Ghaznavian dynasties, under pretext of "pacifying the
region," subjected the Baluchis to the worst massacres.
Later, Teymur Gorgani, known as Teymur Lang [Teymur the Limping], in 800 A.H.
[1421 A.D.], ravaged Baluchestan. Subsequently, the Safavids used a new
pretext by invoking their Shiism, to deal a blow to the Sunnis, including
the Baluchis. Sardar Gonja'elikhan dispatched troops to Baluchestan for
purposes of slaughter.
During the treacherous reign of the Qajars, the kings of that dynasty once
more responded to the legitimate demands of the Baluchis with pitiless
slaughters and massacres. That is why the Baluchis still call every Persian
and non-Baluchi a "Qajar," recalling the calamities and sorrows the
Baluchis suffered under the Qajar regime.
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In 1256 A.H. 11877 A.D.] Mohartmad Shah Qajar ordered his artillery
commander, Habibollahkhan, to overpower Aqakhan Mahalati, who, with England's
?
support, had incited a rebellion in Baluchestan. In the course of this
attack, they dastardly used the Naru'i Baluchi tribe as buffer. -
During the vizierate of Amir Kabir, government forces sent Tahmaseb Mirza,
governor general of Kerman. to crush the Baluchis, and pacified Baluchestan
by force.
Nasreddin Shah, under pretext of subjugating Mbhammad 'Alikhan Sistani, who
was aspiring to power in Bampur, shelled Bampur's fort. As a result, many
Baluchis lost their lives.
Finally, in 1287 A.H. [1908 A. D.] England's infamous plan led to the
secession of Afghanistan and a portion of Iranian Baluchestan.
Under the constitutional monarchy, when Eastern Baluchestan (present
Pakistan) and Afghanistan were within England's colonialist zone of influence,
Baluchestan, intimidated by England's proteges, the Khans, became calm.
In 1307 A.H. 11928 A.D.] Brigadier-General Amanollah Jahanbani and
Davarpanah were commissioned to crush the Baluchis who had rebelled.
During World War II, the Allies, by occupying Sistan-Baluchestan and paving
the Kerman-Zahedan Road, took maximum advantage of that strategic area.
Under Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the feudalists and Khans had lost their privileges
because of the emergence of imperialistic capitalism. They set about to
become intermediaries among strugglers, brigands, and the gendarmerie. Their
role in that connection was, on one hand, to subjugate the Baluchis, and, on
the other hand, to connive with the government apparatus by sitting as repre-
sentatives in the bogus Majles. The reactionary culture of "reverence for
the Shah" among the Baluchis is a vestige of the infamous power of those
Khans.
Now, the Baluchis, proud of their ethnicity and Iranian citizenship, wish
to forestall the sad repetition of their history and erase the effects of
centuries of tyranny from their midst.
Mowlavi 'Abdol'aziz is the most influential religious leader of Baluchi
Sunnites: many of the 600,000 residents of that province are his followers.
Many educated Baluchi and Sistani young people compare him with Ahmad
Mbftizadeh (a Kurdish leader) in terms of political flexibility.
He lives in Zahedan on an avenue named after him. Except for a few residents who
came to present petitions,-there appear to be no guards to protect him' in his
home.
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In view of the lack of security along the roads between Sistani and Baluchi
towns and the legion of highway robbers and plunderers at mountain slopes,
before any other question, he was asked about the state of security oil the
roads.
1,1
Mowlavi 'Abdol'aziz replied: "The region's law and order depend on the
deployment of detectives. Only they can stop all this plunder, provided,
they are properly empowered and assisted by the government, whether through
Islamic revolutionary guards or brave guerrillas."
We asked Mbwlavi 'Abdol'aziz about these plunderers. He answered:
"They are overtaken by poverty. Hunger forces than to engage in robbery
and to strip travelers of valuables. Otherwise, to the best of my investi-
gation, the possibility that these brigands have been incited by agents
within that province is slim."
Enemies of the Islamic Republic
Mowlavi 'Abdol'aziz ruled out any possibility of conflict between Baluchis'
Sunnites and Shiites, but pointed out that the accomplices of colonialists
and opportunists supporting the Shah are enemies of the Islamic Republic.
Concerning political forces which are active in Baluchestan, Mowlavi
'Abdol'aziz named the Democratic Organization of the People of Baluchestan ,
whose members consist mostly of young people. As to the Organization of
the People's Mbjaheddin and the Organization of People's Fedayee Guerrillas,
Mbwlavi 'Abdol'Aziz said that apparently they have no presence in Baluchestan.
MowIavi 'Abdol'aziz did not stress the need to establish a constituents'
assembly and was convinced that the issue of "council of experts" and
constituents' assembly represented a mere play on words: "The essential
lies in acting and avoiding any loss to the Shiite and Sunni branches of
Islam. The province of Sistan-Baluchestan will have 2 representatives in
the Council of Experts, who will cooperate with the government of the
Islamic Republic and are supposed to defend Baluchi ethnic arid religious
rights. This, however, is contravened by Article 13 of the Draft Consti-
tution.:
"The ethnic and religious rights of Iranian Sunnites will be safeguarded
only if Article 13 omits any reference to Shiites and Sunnites and merely
stipulates that Iran's official religion shall be Islam, period: the Sunni
branch of Islam has nearly 10 million adherents in Sistan-Baluchestan,
Kordestan, Gonbad, Gorgan, Khorasan, and Iran's southern ports. Thus,
making Shiism Iran's official religion will automatically make second class
citizens out of these 10 million Iranians."
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Among Kurdish Sunni leaders, Maelavi 'Ahdollaziz prefers the tactics of
Ahmad Mbftizadeh. And here is what he said about Sheikh Ezzeddin Hoseyni:
"I believe Hoseyni to be a good man, but he is a little brusque and displays
excessive zeal in his actions."
Autonomy Is Our Birthright
Mowlavi 'Abdol'aziz considers autonomy to be Sistani-Baluchi's birthright.:
"We are not secessionists. And it is not in our interests to be independent
in all fields. Our goal is to see that the Baluchis make their own decisions
in cultural and political fields, instead of being forced to accept decisions
made in Tehran. We want to choose our own Governors ,General, Governors, and
administrators (although not our military officials). That is what the
Baluchis mean by autonomy."
In his opinion, the autonomous council chosen by the Baluchis should be
fully empowered to appoint and discharge Baluchi Governors General and
Governors. In the Draft Constitution the powers of such councils are vague
and ambiguous. They must be made explicit.
Regarding the Revolutionary Court of Baluchestan and the purge of government
offices and agencies; Mowlavi 'Abdol'aziz had special views:
"Baluchi government offices have not been purged as yet. Some of their
directors must be prosecuted in the Court. The army and the gendarmerie
must be purged likewise. In Baluchestan the army has remained that same
army of the former regime. It has remained intact because its leadership
has not been purged. In Baluchestan the Revolutionary Court has not consulted
me regarding votes nor about the jurisprudence according to the Hanefite
sect of Islam. I cannot approve all of that Court's votes because same
convicted individuals have had their sentences reduced on the basis of
their oaths and repentances. In our religious sect, criminals' oaths and
repentances are inadmissible."
We Give Hope to the People
Mbwlavi 'Abdol'aziz asserted he was unaware of the likelihood of treasonable
intrigues by U.S. imperialist organizations. He considered a greater
danger stemming fram supporters of the Shah among the military.
As to the Iranian Communists, Mowlavi 'Ahdol'aziz emphasized: "They are
backed by no religion and are only bent on achieving their goals. They
enjoy freedam of action, but they should not undermine the Islamic
Republic."
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Concerning government development projects in Sistan-Baluchestan, Mbwlavi
'Abdol'aziz declared:
"A budget meeting the cultural and economic deprivations of our people
has not been set aside. That is why many residents are engaged in smuggling.
The government must eliminate unemployment by establishing factories and
construction/road-building companies. Our province is fertile and, if
developed, will become self-sufficient. Baluchestan is replete with
deposits of petroleum, iron, copper, and other minerals. People come tO See
us to demand work for making a living. In exchange, the only thing we can
give them is hope: we live with hope."
About freedam of the press, Maalavi 'Ahdol'aziz pointed out that he read
no newspapers. Nor did he listen to the radio or watch television. His
supporters keep him posted on everyday news. However, he stressed that the
press must be free to criticize the regime.
Regarding the parcelling out of farmlands, Mowlavi 'Ahdol'aziz was convinced
that the government must divide the lands among farmers on the basis of need
because the farmer who works on a land must also be its owner. Likewise,
desert land must be reclaimed by the government and distributed among the
people.
Nationalization of Banks and Industries
In connection with the nationalization of banks, ?Mowlavi 'Abdol'aziz stated':
"Charging people with interest through any channel, whether through fees or
otherwise, is prohibited by Islam. Besides, charging interest is incompatible
with nationalization."
With regard to the nationalization of industries, Mowlavi
indicated: "Other industries, both small and large, must be nationalized
and people must be able to share their profits. Naturally this does not
mean that legitimate property ownership should be rooted out. We are not
like the Communists."
Mbwlavi 'Abdol'aziz said he was
but pointed out:
In view of the army's weakness
to involve us in the battle."
Government's Discrimination
uninformed of developments in Khorramshahr,
in the region, agents provocateurs wish
In closing Mbwlavi 'Abdol'aziz referred to government discriminatory
policy, saying: "They are striving to promote Shiism and this issue
divides Iran's Mbslems. We wish the Islamic Republic to recognize both
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branches of Islam. However, they insult the Prophet's disciples, such as
Talheh, Zabir, and 'Ayesheh, and compare the deposed Shah with Molavieh
[the first caliph of the Umayyad dynasty] whom the Prophet Mohammad
approved and wham we revere."
Yusef Mbhammad is a secondary school student in the Saravan County, Balu-
chestan. He is 18 and a Sunnite. He wears the Baluchi national garb and
speaks Persian with a Baluchi accent.
- What's the status of education in Saravan?
- Saravan has only 1 secondary school, the Baluchi Secondary School. It has
few students. Many of these students drop out before graduating and take up
jobs because of the precarious situation of their families.
- What changes have been made after the Revolution in educational and
cultural policies by school officials?
- Initially school officials threatened us with imprisonment if we wore
Baluchi garb. They have also flooded us with pro-Shah propaganda. If they
have the slightest suspicion that a Baluchi is opposed to the Shah, they
would turn him over to SAVAK.
- What are your awn leanings in terms of views and aspirations?
- I know that the Shah took everything from the Baluchis and plundered them.
Even before the Revolution, I had been opposed to the Shah, but I did not
dare show it."
- What's your family situation?
- My father passed away 2 years ago. I have a brother who went to Kuwait
to seek employment. Since the start of Summer when I became unemployed, I
liave been working with a friend of mine who is erecting a building. I am
earning 40 Tumans a day which covers my mother's and my own expenses.
- What are your monthly expenses?
- We are frugal and thrifty: we can manage on 400-500 Tans a month
because we have no electricity, no refrigerator, and no electric fan ...
We own a cow whose milk we sell every morning at 5 Tumans.
- Have you been to Tehran yet?
- No I'd like very much to go there, but can't afford it. Thus far,
except for Khash and Iranshahr and a few surrounding areas, I have been
nowhere.
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- What's your daily recreation and hobby in this town?
- Saravan has no recreational facilities. It only has a park. That's why
many local young people are addicted to hashish which they buy at a low price.
When not working, my only hobby is reading.*
- What books do you read?
- Books by Jalalolahmad, Samad Behrangi, Hamid Mbwmani, Darvishian, Qodsi
Qazinur
- What did you do during the recent Revolution?
- In Saravan there was no trace of the Revolution because the former Shah
regime had stripped our people of their rights. Furthermore, here, SAVAK
had taken advantage of the people's weakness by inciting than to beat local
Shiites and Persians (eto were supporters of Khomeyni) with sticks and clubs,
and drive than out.
- What role did Sunni religious leaders play during the Revolution?
- Same of the Mowlavis were good, but others were mercenaries paid by the
government and SAVAK. Even in schools, on the occasions of 4 and 6 Ahan
(26 and 28 October] they were engaged in pro-Shah propaganda.
- What's the morale of Saravan residents after the Revolution?
- Unfortunately, as a result of the former regime's propaganda, same of our
people think that now that the Shah is gone, the country will fall in ruins.
Thus our town's doors and walls are scribbled with many pro-Shah slogans.
Their lot has became worse than in the past. And, because they are unen-
lightened, they attribute this deterioration of their lot to Khameyni.
- What do you predict for Baluchestan?
- We are trying hard to persuade that group of people to give up their hope
in the Shah and attract than to the Revolution, but they consider us naive
and do not pay attention to us. They have more faith in statements made by
the Khans. So long as they see nothing hopeful in the new government
directly improving their, lot, they will not change. The government must save
Baluchestan from drought, unemployment, and poverty. Otherwise, those who
have benefited the Khans and highway robbers and are all armed, may insti-
gate plots and create insurrections akin to those in Kordestan, Nagdeh, and
Sanandaj.
- What are unemployed people doing, such as college grads and unemployed
merchants as a result of the market slump?
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Unemployed college grads have been promised work as instructors in rural
schools. Other unemployed people have converged upon ports. Some cf? them
have embarked upon smuggling, the rest are employed as porters and workers.
[23 Jul 79, p 5]
[Text] Unemployment and engaging in illegal activities, such as smuggling
is the most obvious characteristic of Sistani-Baluchi towns, which strikes
even the most casual visitor. Indeed agriculture is in a state of collapse
and there are no industrial workshops or job,-creating military bases. As a
matter of fact, there is not a single production center, utilizing the
energies of local residents in the entire Sistan-Baluchestan.
? That province includes large deserts and unproductive lands, as well as
farmlands with large crevices indicative of the absence of water and rain
and of an extreme "thirst." This is not due to climatic conditions, despite
appearances to the contrary: geological surveys have proved that Sistan-
Baluchestan, in spite of its warm and sunny climate, is agriculturally
suitable for the raising of many grains and vegetables. 'This-vas demonstrated
by a protege of the defunct regime, who, having special facilities available
to him, was able to establish the largest farmlands in Sistan-Baluchestan
around the Hirmand River.
Smuggling, the Commonest Occupation
Because the Pahlavi regime followed U.S. policies aimed at eliminating local
agriculture to make society as consumer oriented as possible, and because
the Shah's notorious land reform was not implemented in Sistan-Baluchestan,
destitute farmers had no choice but to abandon their lands and engage in
smuggling and odd jobs to make a living.
A smaller percentage of then did not wish to engage in vagrancy and
smuggling on the roads: they moved to other Iranian tawns or Persian Gulf
Sheikhdoms, thus becoming vagrants in another form.
Despite all the tyranny and calamities which successive governments have
heaped on sistanis-Baluchis, these tough and tenacious peoplehavealways
preserved their pride. Throughout that province, the zest for life is
strong among men, wcmen, and children. This "joie de vivre" is not apparent
in the Baluchi's face, which reflects historical sufferings, nor in the
uneasy silence of his farms and pastures, but in his keenness and zeal
which have tenaciously kept him "on his toes" for centuries.
In Zahedan parks a group of 10-12-years old boys with rumpled sacks,
carry their shoe polishing paraphernalia, seeking customers and snatching
"work" fram one another.
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Many of them accept money only in exchange for work and refuse alms. They
claim that they are students whose father has always worked, and that they
are content in earning 10 TUmans a day in wages.
There are many slogans scribbled on Zahedan's doors and walls, demandirig
jobs fram the government, such as "Job, House, Freedam," "The Government
Must Create Jobs with Factories and Companies," etc.
A railroad worker who claimed having 35 years' job experience and not having
retired as yet, considered getting a government job as a Baluchi 's greatest
wish. A public bath attendant in Zahedan (Who appeared not to have
suffered financially from the recent Revolution, but who has opened a new
public bath since the Revolution) said: "For Persians who have migrated
to Baluchestan, say fram Isfahan, Birjand, and Kerman, who have adequate
capital for business investment, working in Baluchestan is most lucrative.
However, poor Baluchis never seem to be able to amass adequate capital for
business investments."
Same 5-10 percent of Sistan-Baluchestan's residents make a living as
storekeepers, grocers, and dealers in foreign goods. Foreign goods are
mostly imported by land fram Pakistan and by sea (especially from
Hongking). The number of such stores, particularly in smaller towns of
the province, i.e., iranshahr, Khash, Zabol, and Saravan, appear to be
proportionately greater than their populations.
Over the past year and during the start of the Revolution, the lack of
security an the roads due to the proliferation of robbers, has had a
negative economic impact on the work of these retail tradesmen. Indeed,
first, goods have not been shipped to the port [Chabahar] as expeditiously as
in the past. Second, shipping goods fram the port and border entailed
the risk of highway robbers. Third, the number of travelers has been
decreasing day by day.
For these reasons, goods sold in stores are aimed at local consumers. They
include fabrics and food staples.
Same 70 percent of the Baluchis are dealers in smuggled goods, including
weapons, beverages, narcotics, foreign made consumer and luxury items.
These dealers of foreign made smuggled goods are mostly quiet and unassertive
individuals who have been forced to take up such an occupation because of the
scarcity of other jobs. There is no question that, if the government opens
job producing centers, this segment of the population will be attracted to
than because there is a strong desire among dealers of smuggled goods to
give up smuggling as an occupation in order to free themselves from vagrancy,
apprehension, and anxiety.
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Darzadeh owns a department store of foreign goods in Iranshahr, Baluchestan.
He is under 40. He says he has been a retail tradesman since his youth. In
his conversations he sometimes uses English words. We found out that this was
due to his socializing with Pakistani migrants and also to his short stay in
Pakistan. We set about interviewing him right after he had finished praying.
-What's your religion?
- I an a Sunnite. But it doesn't make any difference: we are all Mbslems.
Here many Sunni men are married to Shiite wives.
- Where do you buy your goods from?
- Once a week or once every 2 weeks I drive to Chabahar to buy items which,
are imported into that port.
- From whom?
- Fran an acquaintance of mine who is a broker.
- What types of goods do you mostly buy?
- Whatever sells. I bring over 2 types of goods: those aimed at local
residents and those aimed at passengers and travelers ... For example,
European style clothes, toys, luxury items, tapes, binoculars, and
groceries are expensive to buy and I am forced to sell than at a high price.
And of course people grumble.
- Do you also sell items such as beverages, opium, and hashish?
- No, never. So long as there is an honorable occupation, a Baluchi will not
take up smuggling.
- Do you pay taxes to City Hall?
- Yes, our work is legal. However, the Baluchis paid fewer taxes to the Shah
than any other Iranians because they had practically no lawful business or
employment. They were mostly runaways or smugglers ...
- In Baluchestan there are many plots to make the people pro-Shah. What are
our own views concerning the Shah?
? The Baluchis derived no benefit from the Shah. The Shah's father, Reza Shah,
nad driven the Baluchis nuts. Davarpanah was a military man who subjected the
Baluchis to much tyranny. The Baluchis would appreciate any government which
would alleviate their hunger. However, over the past 6 months, with the new
government in power, the lot of the Baluchis has considerably worsened. All
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activities have been halted. People think this situation will always re-
main unchanged. They do not realize that the Shah was no blessing.
- In your judgement, do you think Baluchestan should became autonomous or
revert to its former status?
- I do not believe in autonomy. I only know that we do not wish to be
wr etched as under the Shah or to let the "jars" (the Persians) make all
the decisions regarding our fate.
- Some claim that the Baluchis are secessionists. It is not in our interests
to secede because we will grow weaker and, like Bahrain, will became a U.S.
and British possession.
-What's your opinion a propos of Pakistan and Afghan Baluchis?
- Pakistani Baluchis, just like Iranian Baluchis, are beset with similar
problems. At present, swarms of Pakistani and Afghan Baluchis work here.
We despise the Russians and Mbhammad Taraki for killing Afghan Baluchis. We
feel likewise about Zia'olhaq. He, too, is tyrannizing the Baluchis with
much oppression. 'Ali Butto was very good. The Iranian government should
not have kept silent when Butto was executed.
- What do you think of the present Islamic government?
- The government hasn't done a thing for the Baluchis as yet. If the govern-
ment respects our Caliphs, provides us with roads, factories, schools,
offices, and fills our empty stomachs, why shouldn't we like it? I like
Ayatollah Taleqani very much.
- Do you consider it likely that Baluchestan will rebel like Kordestan?
- Not at all. The Baluchis shall not be a party to a fratricidal war. However
they do whatever the Mowlavis [religious leaders] tell them to.
- Are Communists active here?
- There are certain young people called "the Democrats" ... Some people
read their leaflets.
* * *
[24 Jul 79, p 5]
[Text]. Inside black tents which are proliferating in the lap of deserts and
the middle of mountains, we can see only women, Children, and the elderly.
Men and: young people, because of their smuggling activities, are rarely seen
in their homes, with their children and wives: instead, they live a life
fraught with danger and hardships away fram their homes. Many of them have
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had accidents along perilous roads, outside towns. Still others, caught
by the police, languish behind bars for years, leaving their wives and
children without a breadwinner. Others have been killed by gendarmes
for attempting to escape..
?Some smugglers have left their wives and children and moved to the desert,
living in tents. They stated: "If the government wishes to halt our
smuggling activities without creating jobs for us, we shall move to other
countries, such as Kuwait, ?Bahrain, and Pakistan."
Zahedan foresters are among employed workers of that province. They work
at lowest wages fram 0600 to 1500 hours. What is more, they work in a
desert environment where nights are icy and days are sizzling.
These foresters' job consists in planting shrubs and oak trees at a depth
of 1 meter to forestall erosion which causes the greatest damage to farmlands
and living quarters of the Baluchis. In addition, foresters have to provide
daily care to shrubs to keep them in good condition. Their monthly wages
amount to 800 Tumans. And they enjoy no other benefits, such as housing,
allowance, allowance for dependents, and allowances stipulated in the
employment law. With the victory of the Revolution, many of the more than
50 foresters became unemployed right on the eve of the current Iranian
New Year (21 March 1979]. Instead, they had all hoped to receive their
yearly bonuses.
In early Farvardin (21 March - 20 April] they staged a sit-in at the
Zahedan's employment office, demanding jobs. The foresters' job experience
ranged from 6 to 11 years and their starting wages had been 10,Tumans a day.
They stated that a forester's minimum pay should be 40 Tbmans for 8 hours of
daily work.
Other workers in Sistan-Baluchestan are also dissatisfied with their work
conditions and pay: workers of the Maria Construction Company and those of
the Zahedan City Hall . They, too, strongly protested to the Labor Bureau,
demanding an improvement of their work conditions.
Unemployed Workers
The Maria Construction Company (which appears to be government-owned, but, in
fact, is a private campany owned by agents of the farmer Iranian royal court)
as lately as 6 months ago was still engaged in construction operations in
Sistan-Baluchestan. However, with the start of the people's Revolution,
instead of continuing its construction activities, it decided to dismiss
construction workers, who were mostly Baluchis-Sistanis, and even reduced
their wages from 28 to 25 TUmans a day. Upon learning this news workers
protested and succeeded in having their wages raised. Nevertheless, 4 months
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ago that company ahut_down and discharged-all its wOrkers. After several
weeks of =Employment 'and futile search of other jobs, non-unionized workers
unable to defend their rights vis-a-vis the tampany, assembled and presented
a petition to officials in charge, asking for employment. Those officials
paid 2,000 TUmans to every worker, promised to expeditiously secure other
employment for than, and thus put an end to the workers' demonstration.
In Iranshahr, employed and unemployed workers staged a parade on the
occasion of May Day, chose their representatives, and established a provi-
sional Council. Subsequently, in a resolution, they demanded that ca4ailies and
workshops should be run by workers and that workers' rights should be res-
pected.
The lot of Fanuj Campany construction workers in Iranshahr is similar to that
of other Sistani-Baluchi workers. That is why last Ordibehesht f21 April-
21 May] construction workers staged a 3-day sit-in at Iranshahr County
employment office, demanding a redress of their grievances: an 8-hour
workday instead of 9 1/2 hours, double pay for work performed on holidays,
and the disbursement of back pay and overtime pay which the campany owned
than.
Through their pressures, unemployed Fanuj Company workers manage to remove
from office the director of Iranshahr's employment office.
According to an analytical report in the local publication 'War for the
Liberation of Baluchestan's Working Class" 89 percent of all those who had
migrated from Iranshahr's Espakeh district had left it for the purpose of
securing employment . Of that portion, 17 percent moved to Pakistan and
the Persian Gulf Sheikhdoms, 22 percent to other counties of Sistan-,Balu-
chestan, and the remainder to other Iranian cities. Out of 41 families in
the village ofqsaabad, who consisted of small holders and 2-3 other families,
all are sharecroppers. Same 7 families moved to Kenarak to find jobs. Outside
the Gamshad-e Zahi tribe, the period of work was 1 month and a maximum of 6
months. A,worker's minimmn daily pay was 50 Rials and the maxim= was 420
Rials, because 46 percent of those working outside the tribe receiw9d7a daily
pay of 150 Rials.
A Guard for Disbanded Ccmpanies
Between Iranshahr County and Bampur there are several construction companies.
Mbst have shut dawn. The guard of one such company, Makran, who, in the
past, had worked for the Sangin Construction Company, said: "The Sangin
Company had 4,000 workers and built hames for military personnel in Balu-
chestan. It paid its workers 30 Tumans a day-which, compared to the wages of
specialists and engineers was insignificant. Wbrkers had no insurance
coverage. With the closing of that company, right on the eve of the Iranian
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New Year, 4,000 workers lost their jobs. All of than became vagrants and
disappeared. As for me, I came here to work as a guard."
Furthermore, the Sangin Construction Company , despite its potential import-
ance in attracting local unemployed workers and carrying out construction
work for the benefit of the Sistani-Baluchi people, has now closed down and
employs only a few guards. One of those guards spoke about that company's
modus operandi:
"Prior to the Revolution's victory, the company's president, Engineer Raski,
had fled because of his embezzlements. Other campany officers, because of
lack of security in the area, could not continue working in the company."
That guard stressed that, despite 4 years of experience, he was earning
only 35 TUmans in wages and receiving no benefits whatsoever. Apparently
that company might resume its work in the future. That is why the campany
had hired a guard.
His family are living in a "lok" fa cave-like slum] and are most unhappy
about his wages.
The Sinus Campany is among other centers where many Baluchis had been
employed. It shut down last year in early Esfand 120 February-20 March 1978].
That company had been the contractor for a camplex of 250 homes for government
employees and had employed 200 workers who are now jobless.
The only company around Iranshahr which is still functioning is the Asal
Owler Company which is building dams over the Bampur River. It employs
250 workers, most of than Baluchis, and a small percentage of residents
of surrounding provinces, especially Yazd, Birjand, and Kerman. The
guard was getting it off his chest:
"I have 5 years' experience in this type of work and am earning only 28
Tunas a day. In the past I had protested many a time to get a pay raise, but
in vain. They would tell me: "If you don't want to, then don't work:
there are thousands of workers begging us to employ than as guards!"
Had I spoken out further, they would have kicked me out. Only a few Sikhs
(migrants from India) who support the Sardars, earn good money here."
Only Factory Left Incomplete!
Within 10 kilameters of Iranshahr a large textile mill, the Baft-e Baluch,
has been in the process of being built for the past 3 years. Although that
plant is already operative and has a capacity of 3,000 workers, it has
shut down and has disappointedmany local unemployed workers Mho had been
looking forward to its becoming operative).
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? Apart from that plant there were several foreign companies in the area, 4,1,
including Austrian construction, dam-building, and road-building campanies.
However all of these companies had contracts detrimental to the local people
and have now shut down.
In Zabol, the town's only tricot workshop shut its doors because of econornic
and security considerations and its workers are jobless. The only assistance
provided to these workers has been an unemployment loan of 900 TUmans to
married workers and 750 TUmans to single workers. At present, in Zabol,
as in other towns of Sistan-Baluchestan, there are no significant factories
? or workshops to attract workers.
? In Saravan, too, the only workers consist of a group of construction workers
and sun-dried brickmakers.
* * *
The owner of the Shaygan Hotel, the only hotel in the town of '