JPRS ID: 9446 SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT

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• Content Type: REPORTS

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JPRS L/9446
16 December 1980
Sub-Saharan Africa Re ~rt
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FOUO No. 701 _
FBIS FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
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16 December 1980
. SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT
~ FOUO No. 701
- CONTENTS
INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS
Nigeria's Audu Threatens 'Drastic Action' on Libyan Interference
(Ishaya Audu Interview; Tf~E TII~S, 27 Nov 80) 1
ANGOLA
Industry Council Studies Increased Production
~ (MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS, ~4 Oct 80) 3 -
CAPE VERDE
Scope o.f French Cooperation, Assistance Reviewed
(MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDIZ'ERRANEENS, 24 Oct 80) 4
Cooperation With Brazil Discussed
; (MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS, 24 Oct 80) 6
Cooperation With Cuba, Netherlands, Guinea-Bissau
(MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS, 24 Oct 80) 7
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COMOROS
' Lack of Reaction to Kemal Appeal ~
~ (MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRA.'dEENS, 31 Oct 80) 8
IVORY COAST
Houphouet-Type Democracy Is Established
(JEUNE AFRIQUE, 15 Oct 80) 9 _
Diallo: 'Houphouetocracy', by Siradou Diallo
~ Profile of Houphouet, by Abdelaziz Dahmani -
Houphouet Wants Democracy, by Sennen Andriamirado
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~ - a - [TII - NE & A - 120 FOUO]
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Houphouet Retains Leadership of Party ~
- CJonathan Kolela; AFRIQUE-ASIE, 27 Oct SO) 15
Relations With France Said To Be Hot, Cold
(AFRIQUE-ASIE, 27 Oct 80) 19
= MALI
- Briefa .
Cotton Productioa Estimates 22
MAURITIUS
Foreign Aid Needed After Fall in Sugar Production
(MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS, 31 Oct 80) 23
NAMIBIA ~
Problems Confronting Bushmen in Namibia
(MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS, 3 Oct SO) 25
Strategic Significance of Uranium in Namibian Struggle '
(Augusta Conchiglia; AFRIQUE-ASIE, 29 Sep 80) 27
SAO TOME AND PRINCIPE
Scope of French, International Cooperation Reviewed
(MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS, 24 Oct 80) 34
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NIGERIA'S AUDU THREATENS 'DRASTIC ACTION' ON LIBYAN INTERFERENCE
LD280937 London THE TIMES in English 27 Nov 80 p 9
[Interview with Nigerian Foreign Minister Ishaya Audu by Karan Thapar Lagos:
; "Nigerian Threat of Drastic Action Over InterferencE by Libya"; date of
interview not given]
~ [TextJ Nigexia is worried by the increasing Libyan involvement both around
its frontiers and recently, within its own territory. "To say otherwise
; would be dishonest," Professor Ishaya Audu, the Nigerian foreign minister,
~ said in an exclusive interview with TIiE TIMES.
, '"There is Libyan involvement in Nigeria. At thxs moment, there are a cou~le
of senior Libyans who are massively purchasing food and other materials
in Maiduguri (in Borno State), for shipment to Chad. This is not done with
; the knowledge or permission of the Nigerian Government," he said.
; Three weeks ago, two Libyan fighter aircraft, allegedly searching for a third
; aircraft lost in the desert, were intercepted at Maiduguri and held for a
~ week. The aircraft were xeleased only after the Nigerian Government I-~ad made
~ sure that they carried no arms.
Maiduguri is close to the Chad frontier, and the Kanuri people of that area
have close links with their kin across the border.
~ Libya has recently been accused by several West African states of interfering
within their borders, and Ghana, Gambia and Senegal have broken off diplomatic
relations. "I sincerely hope that they will keep out of this country," the
Nigerian foreign minister said, "but if they continue we will have to consider
~ taking drastic action."
Professor Audu has frecpuently threatened that "if pushed" his country would
_i use an oil embargo to bring South Africa "to its knees." -
{
But he does not feel that Mr Ronald Reagan's presidential victory in any way
~ makes prospects for the liberation of Namibia (South-west Africa) worse.
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~ "Remember that it was the conservative Mrs Thatcher who delivered Zimbabwe to
~ Mugabe. Reagan may well deliver Namibia," he said. "Our hope for Namibia
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is independence in 1981. Our hope for South Africa is the new decade. If
it drags on to 2000, so be it.... Although I cannot imagine and cannot
_ believe that by 2000 South Africa will not he a member of OeU (Organization
of African Unity).
More specifically, on the use of the oil weapon, Professor Audu appeared to
retreat from his earlier rhetoric. If the oil weapon is required to do the
job, "then Nigeria will not hesitate," he said. But he added that it all
depended on circumstances and tha~ anyway.
It would appear, however, that at present Nigeria has no serious plans for
such action, nor any strategy as to what to do in the eventualiCy of -
sanctions with its unsold oil. '
On the subject of Anglo-1Vigerian relations, the foreign minister was more openly
critical. "From our point of view, the principal irritant is the treatment
of Nigerian citizens in Britain," he said.
"I find myself accepting that th2re is a genuine, calculated harassment of
Nigerl~3ns. This may be just because they are black, but often it is

~ because people declare they are Nigerians."
COPYRIGHT: Times Newspapers Limited, 1980
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ANGOLA
' INDUSTRY COUNCIL STUDIES INrREASED PRODUCTION -
Paris MARCHES 'PROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS in French 24 Oct 80 p 2633
[Text] A full meeting on industrial problems was held from 2 to 4 October in
_ Luanda at the Ministry of Industry, with a discussion of the 1981 technical and
economic program on the agenda. This meeting was presided over by Minister of
Industry Bento Ribeiro. The participants included Mr Lopo do Nascimento, foreign
trade minister, several national directors and provincial delegates from the
Ministry of Industry, and a representative of the department of economic develop-
ment and planning of the MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola) _
Central Committee, several factory directors and secretaries of the national
trade unions in the heavy and liglit industry. _
- After a study of the problems, it was decided to considerably increase produc-
tion levels for next year, ~specially in the area of food. An average increase _
of 45 percent is planned for the production of beverages, beer, pasta, corn flour,
table oil and sugar.
~
In the area of light industry, production increases are planned for cloth and
blanket manufacturing, tobacco and plywood.
Furthermore, the full council of the Mini~try of Industry has called for a substan-
; tial production increase in the mounting of heavy and light vehicles. It is
also planning to accelerate the production of tires (an increase of 26 percent -
compared to 1980), iron pipes (also a 26 percent increase), diamonds (14 percent)
and radio and television sets.
' The council has noted that the current shortage of consumer goods at various stages
' of trade is due to the insufficient distribution of import ceilings by the central-
; ized structures, a fact which extremely complicates business life.
~ Moreover, the need to use all available means to protect the national industry was
i
; stressed. This would be accomplished by ensuring for it regular supplies of
, raw,~aaterials, by allowing it to enter technical assistance contracts and by easing
it's:..�`Gi~vestments process.
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~ COPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et Cie Paris 1980
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- CAPE VERDE -
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SCOPE OF FRENCH COOPERATION, ASSISTANCE REVIEWED
Paris MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS in French 24 Oct 80 p 2613
, [Excerpts] On 20 to 21 October, the Prime Minister of the Republic of Cape Verde,
; Mr Pedro Pires, made an official visit to France ~ust before the meeting, on 22 and
~ 23 October in Paris, of the Joint Franco-Cape Verdian Co~ission. The ,~oint com-
~ mission meets once a year, alternatively in Paris and :'raia. The last meeting
took place on 29 and 30 October 1979 in Praia. There are no military agreements
between Cape Verde a.nd France. At the outset, the Cape Verdian authorities divided
ap the aid by geographical areas. Each of the principal organizations was given
charge of an island and responsibility for arranging financing for various pro~ects.
After having been concentrated on Sao Nicolau, the French aid was then diversified
to Sao Vincente and Santiago, the most populous island, and marginal~.y to Brava.
To this day, operations have essentially been the responsibil ity of the FAC (Fund
for Aid and Cooperation), conaidering the poverty of the country. Several overtures
have very recen~ly been made by the CCCE (Central Fund for Economic Cooperation),
which may soon take action in the sectors of coastal navigation, the hotel industry
and cement. The greatest effort of the FAC has been in the area of underground
~ water and rural development in genQral. The search for water in ~o Nicolau, after
' a difficult start, is a total success. The proposed solutions for extraction are
realistic and not costly, and at the end of the present campaign, Sao N3colau will
: have at its disposal 8000 cubic meters of water a day for its population as well
as for irrigation. In 1980, an extenaive DRS (Soil protection and restauration)
' program was undertaken in Santiago, with boring and development of irrigated
, areas, the construction of nematological and veterinary laboratories and the estab-
lishment of a national office of water management.
In Sao Nicolau, France is also assisting the artisanal fishing sector, under
direct Cape Verdian management, and participating in the development of irrigated
areas.
, As a follow-up to the 1979 study of the aerial cartography of the island (done by
the IGN (National Geographical Institute) a master plan for rural management should
be worked out starting this year. This action is essential for th~ setting up of
- a 5-year development plan. Furthermore, work has been proceeding for two years
in the field of agronomic research and the fight against insect plaques.
In the area of culture, French act3on began by assuming responsibility for the
~ radio coverage of the archipelago (FM and short wave), an operation which is
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presently underway. The FAC is also taking part in the construction for a center -
for teacher training (Santa Catarina). Additionally, the F;ench Education and
Cultural Center in Mindelo provides adult refresher courses in French. This year
will also mark the beginning of the installation of a type B earth stati~n (a
~oint PTT-Cooperation action).
Moreover, the Ministry of Cooperation will take charge of 40 Cape Verdian grant-
holders annually.
Main Cooperation Pro3ects Scheduled
The Sao Nicolau operation in the area ~f underground water research and water con-
veyance has shown that no water management structure previously existed in Cape
Verde. Aid was granted for the establishment of such a structure. Exterior tele-
communications are extremely difficult, a heavy handicap for an island country.
An underwater cable will soon be latd between Brazil, Senegal and Portugal. Since
- Cape Verde could not succeed in ~aving it diverted to Praia, Che French PTT pro-
posed to.subsidize an earth station. The FAC assistance will bear on the setting
up of the facilities and personnel training.
Furthermore, a master plan for rural management has been made possible by the
IGI~ 1979 photographic survey. It is of the utmost tmportance for the establish-
~ent of the first Cape Verdian 5-year plan, Other operations will still ensue
- from the work of the IGN (urban cartography, search for springs lost to the sea). _
An extensive program on renewable energy sources is also foreseen.
In total, the financing given by the FAC to Cape Verde from 1976 to October 1980
amo~nts to 40.9 million francs, of which 9.7 million will go for underground water
_ research; 6.65 million for radio coverage of the archipelago; 4.75 million for the
agricultural development of Sao Nicolau; 3.3 million for an earth station,and 2.6
- million for artisanal fishing.
COPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et Cie Paris 1980
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; COOPERATION WITH BRAZIL DISCUSSED
~ Paris MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS in French 24 Oct 80 p 2613
~ [Text] From 12 to 22 October Cape Verdiua Foreign Affairs Minister Abilio Duarte
- was in Brazil where he visited, most notablq, Brasilia, ~o Paulo and 5alvador.
A developing country, Brazil can give Africa the benefit of its long experience in
the area of rural deve~.opment and public works, Mr Duarte indicated on 15 October.
He has come out in favor of South-South cooperation. He also announced that
' Praia had the political desire to use Che 5 million dollar line of credit offered
last year by Brasilia. The Cape Verdians will study the use of this credit next
November at the Sao Paulo trade fair. ~
The tainister also explained that his government was ready to do anything in its
i power to help and prote~t Cape Verdian communities aborad (in the United States, ~
' Brazil and Europe). Mr Carlos Alberto Santos Silva, secretary general of his
Ministry, stated to the AFP [French Press Agency] that there are more Cape Verdians
~ living abroad than in Cape Verde. He confirmed the great importance of the re-
mittances of these emigrants f or the econamy of the archipelago. Furthermore,
a~oint communique indicated that Brazilian President Joao Figueiredo agreed to
i make an off icial visit to Cape Verde aC a date to be scheduled later. Mr Ramiro
Saraiva Guerreiro, Brazilian foreign Affairs minister, was also invited to Praia.
~ COPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et Cie Paris 1980
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CAPE VERDE
COOPERATION WITH CUBA, NETHERLANDS, GUINEA-BISSAU
~ Paris MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS in French 24 Oct 80 p 2614
[TextJ The 1980-1983 program for cooperation between Cape Verde and the Nether-
lands and the exhaustive list of financed projects were the subjects of a 2-day
meeting between the delegations of the two countries which concluded on 27 October
in Praia. The Cape Verdian-Dutch cooperation will basically deal w3th a program
for the development of the island of Sao Antao and will include, most notably, the
areas of health, f ishing, energy and food. The average amount of aid the Nether-
lands will grant Cape Verde is approximately 5 million florins annually.
In addition, the joint Guinean-Cape Verdian commission also met ou 7 Octo~er in
Praia to study cooperation between Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde in the area of
transportation. The two countries ~ointly operate a maritime transport company,
Naguicave, which links the ports of Guinea-Bissau and Cage Verde to several Port~~-
guese ports and to southern Spain, Rotterdam and Hamburg. Recently, Naguicave
contacted the Banque de Paris et des Pays-Bas, seeking financing for the construc-
tion of Cwo additional ships. It plans to use them between the ports of southern
Europe, Angola, ~o Tome and Principe, Senegal and Gambia.
Furthermore, a Cuban delegation led by the vice chairman of the State Committee for
Cooperation, came to Praia in order to take part in the third meeting of the ~oint
Cuban-Cape Verdian commission. The delegation, including several representatives
of the atate department, will be received by Mr Pedro Pires, prime mi.nister of
Cape Verde, and will hold working meetings with the ministers of health, education
and culture.
COPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et Cie Parie 1980
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COMOROS
LACK OF REACTION TO KEMAL APPEAL
Parts MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANffidS in French 31 Oct 80 p 2689
~ [TextJ The exambassador to France from the Comoros Mr Said Ali Kemal's going
over to the opposition, and the establishment under his chairmanship of a National
Committee of Public Safety which has asked for the resignation of President
Abdallah (see 17 October MARCHES TROPICAUX ET I~4:DITERRANEENS, p 2566), apparently
has etirred up scarcely any political passion on the local Comorian scene. A
correapondent writes us that it can even be said that it disappointed the vast
majority of the population.
Asked for their reaction on Radio Comoros, two Comorian public personalities,
Minister Mouhtar Ahmed and (roving) Ambassad or Omar Tamou used almost the same
worde in expreasing their opinion that the s tep taken by Said Ali Kemal was
- eenaelesa and without political significance. Their feeling can be s~munarized
; in this fashion:
, Mr Said Ali Kemal's statement and the political step he took are senseless and
groundleas taking into account the current Comorian political circumstancas of which
the pereon in queation seems to be perfectly unaware; they do not respond to any
need of the people, who have overwhelmingly and democratically entrusted tk?eir
fate to President Ahmed Abda llah. Nothing up to now has ahawn that this trust
' has diminished; quite the opposite. On the contrary they indicate a lack of
underetanding of the Comorian social peychology which it would be in Mr Said
A li Kemal's interest to get to know. Having almost never worked in this country,
it would be in t~e exambassador's interest to come and get to know it better if he -
is going to say that he wants to guide or serve this people: this was the gist of
' what the two public figures being questioned said.
~ COPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et C ie, Paris, 1980
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, IVOP.Y COAST
HOUPHOUET-TYPE DEMOCRACY IS ESTABLISHED -
Diallo: 'Houphouetocracy'
Paris JEUNE AFRIQUE in French"15 Oct 80 pp 38-42 ~
[Article by Siradou Diallo: Houphouet, Is It Democracy. ]
[Text] Af ter Felix Houphouet-Boigny's reelection to the Presi-
dency of the Republic--which came as no surprise--the Ivorians
are getting ready to elect their new deputies, next month. Be-
cause there will no longer be a single register of candidates
issued by the single party, all major Ivorian can stand for -
public off ice, according to unprecedented rules. .
It is only then that we will be able to ~udge the aptitude of
the Ivory Coast to live democratically. Not that Houphouet's
reelection could be contested. But we can safely declare that
if the "Old Man" had dreamed of having opponents, there were .
~ none. No doubt, because everyone may be held accountable in _
the Ivory CoasC, except for Felix Houphouet-Boigny. And it is
Houphouet, himself, who has taken the first steps towards Ivory
Coast's democratization, upsetting the party, throwing "its" ~
- barons out on the street and publicly diamissing them.
Our special correspondents to the Ivory Coast have attempted
to learn a lot about this "democracy, according to the Chief."
Siradou Diallo descr~~bes how the "Old Man" has Planned the re-
deployment of his loyal followers. As for these past few days,
they content themselves to wait, either for the axe to fall or
for their promotion. Abedelaziz Dahmani, himself, has waded
into Treichville's back alleys and revealed that many Abidja-
nians, if theq feel up to democracy, believe their leaders do
- not have the same aptitude. From these two viewpoints, Sennen
Andriamirado comes up with a dia~osis: The Ivorian democracy,
for the moment, resembles a"houphouetocracy."
I The curtain had no sooner fallen on the noise and fanfare of the PDCI's [Demo- _
cratic Party of the Ivory Coast Seventh Congress (see JEUNE AFRIQUE No 1031)
' than the Ivorian political class resumed the duty of carrying out its resolutions.
IC will ne~d all the nerve it can muster, a lot of breath and all its vitality.
Because, with the 12 June National Council's electoral kick-off, it appears that -
i.ts electoral course is not swift. It is a true marathon, whose first check point
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should be cleared 12 October with the election of Mr Felix Houphouet-Boigny to the
presidency of the Republic for the fifth consecutive time. An election with no
surprises, but nat without interest. Because, at 75 years of age (at least offi-
cially), the retiring Chief-of-State, who describes himself as a mere "Yamoussoukro
farmer," has displayed an astonishing physical and intellectual vitality. All
along these 3 congress days (20 Sept - 1 Oct), the "Old Man" has held out to prove
- that he is well, still solid and that the hour of succession has not yet sounded.
Houphouet has clearly demonstrated that, until word to the contrary, he is the
one and only commander aboard Ivory Coast's sk~ip. It is in this perspective that
he has proceeded to reshuffle the PDCI's administrative organs. Therefore, the po-
litical office has been reduced from 70 me~mbers to 32; the admini~trative committee
- from 200 members to 100, while a new organ was created in the political office, an
executive comm.i.ttee, charged with enforcing and implementing the directives of
the political office. The executive committee is composed of 9 members, all univer-
sity students, seven of them between 36 and 46 years of age. Therefore, among them,
four enter the political arena for the first time. Former MEECI (Movement of
Students and Pupils of. the Ivory Coast, affiliated to the PDCI) also wish to reward
their precocious recruitment to the party ranks.
Meanwhile, with no surprise, the re~uvenation, just as the party's renewal, has not
known the amplitude and brutality expected by the ma,jority of observers. This is
because Felix Houphouet-Boigny, loyal to his habits, prefers to operate the change
- by successive touches, rather than by spectacular blows. He prefers aesthetic sur-
gery, which improves the design, without destroying the architecture and its lines,
to the final and irretrievable amputation. Thus, old comrades, such as Konan Kanga,
Samba Ambroise, Amadou Bokoum, Alcide Kacou and many others, all ousted from the
political office's armchairs, for the most part, f ind solace in the administrative
committee's folding chairs.
One of the comrades from tiie old days, such as Marcel Laubhout, tired and wishing
to retire from the party, has seen hi.mself replaced by his own son,Gilles, in poli-
tical office, a young administrat~r about 30 years old.
In the complex political Alchemy, the "Old Yamoussoukro Witch-Doctor," being no
doubt, the only one who knows all ingredients, seems to have taken into considera-
tion all regional, ethnic, demographic, age and profession balancing criteria. His
intimates say that on the i~ight of 30 September to 1 October, locked alone in an
apartment located on the 24th floor of the Ivory Hotel where he resided during the 3
days of congress, he remained awake during the night in the middle of a pile of
dossiers. He was looking for elements which would allow him to know who to elim-
inate, who to promote, according to what criteria and with what political conse-
quences. The lists presented to congress members in the morning of 1 October prove
- that he left nothing to chance.
And yet, Houphouet will have made malcontents, all the same. Many young wolves
with long and sharp teeth who had taken a liki~ig to the limelight~ and who suddenly
find themselves relegated to the background, have difficulty in disguising their
their de3ection: "Houphouet has kicked us one time too many," confided one of
those abandoned on the roadside of renewal. "Indeed, the Chief-of-State has re-
cruited a few young, well informed people, as well as activists," declared some-
body else. "Only," he hastens to add "they're nothing but small fry among old
crocodiles, not to mention tha~t they don't havs, either a political foundation or
practical experience." They declare in unison that you can sum it up by saying
that the operative criterium for selection was, above a],1, that of unconditional
support to the Chief-of-State.
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But, can we seriously blame a leader for supporting himself on people loyal to h3m?
Indeed, the unhappiness of the forgotten ones ~ould constitute a disquieting factor.
Especially when they could combine forces with those of other cadres, evicted from
State societies or wit.h those whose wages, in retained societies, are found f rom
now oti, balanced with those of the public off ice. But, no doubt foreseeing this
considerable risk, the "Old Man" has created three great commissions in the party:
Education, equipment and economic and financial affairs. These three coumnis,sions
apparently are to occupy, each in its specialty, the cadres which could not f ind
a place in the party's administrative organs.
Because the Ivorian Chief-of-State has the talent to resurrect and find a pl ace
, for the members of his Inner Circle, those who hadn't been on a level with the par-
ty could be given a second chance through the doors if not the lateral windows,
opening into the economic and social council or once again into embassies and,
who knows, into the National Assembly or the government. Provided they know how
to be patient, all are assured to get what they want: In the board of direc tors
of a private company, for example. When they were in power they made good deals
which today keep them safe fram want. They own plantations, transpor.tation and
business cacnpanies and an increasing number of shares in power plants. Doesn't this
new business bourgeoisie who lives in luxurious Cocody and Marcory iaansions control
today almost half the capital of corporations established in the Ivory Coast ?
A good example is that of Philippe Ya~~, president of the National Assembly f or
20 years and the party general-secretary for 15 years. This post which had allowed
him to control the political machinery has been cancelled.
Sixty years old, a frail profile on ascetic features with severe and piercing eyes
which always scrutinize you from behind the cover of thick lense8, Yac~ truly was
President Houphouet-Boigny's right arm. Number one loyal among loyals he became
the Ivorian Chi~f-of-State's shoulders (see Jeune Afrique No 1028). Except that
his brutal frankness and direct approach has earned him numerous and powerful
enemies.
~ A scapegoat, at times aware and willing, he will have played his role to the end
without faltering. Despite poisoned darts fired at him during the Seventh C ongress
Plenary Session and, above all, during closed door sessions he remained with rock
like impassiveness, courageous and dignified.
Indeed, it was in 1978 that Yace's sharp rising was stopped. President Houphou'st-
Boigny, secluded in Geneva for 4 months, had entrusted him with the delicate mis-
sion of organizing and supervising municipal elections. It was then that h e was
accused of having profited, by placing his own men at the head of municipal ities
and--high-treason--for urging the ousting of the "Old Man" in order to take h is
place or, aC the very least, to have behaved from then on, not as a loyal second
but, as a rival.
History is still too recent to judge dispassionately. It's because of this that
Yace was the Seventh Congress' great loser.
Overcome, the heir apparent, who suffers from stomach ulcers, for which he under-
went a serious operation about 4 years ago was also not able to hold the sea t of
' power up to the end. Taken ill at the beginning of the long and tiring private
I
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session of 1 October, the president of the National Assembly did not attend the
closing session of th~, congress. Taken by ambulance to Treichville's CHU (Univer-
aity Hospital Center) he should, meanwhile, have one consolation: President
Houphouet-Boigny was among the first visitors to his bedside. Also, the Chief-
of -State exter?ded a token of affection to his old heir apparent, going as far as
to refuse to have a picture taken of the new political office, the day after the
congress: "An esteemed member is absent" he said. "We must wait for the picture
until his return." .
- Meanwhile, Mr Yace is not the only one to have been knocked down by the unexpected
tu rn of events imposed upon th~e Ivorian politi~al scene these past months. nuring
, one ~f the precongress sessions, which began in September in Yamoussoukro, M'Bahia
B1 ~ Kouadiio, ~Iinister of the Armed Forces for 17 years, also had a crisis. Para-
lized, he is now receiving treatment in France.
Al 1 this means that Philippe Yace's adversaries were ~rong to re~oice. First,
because he hasn't been completely eliminated from the admini~trative team. Even
if from the second position he has been lowered to the third, in protocol, behind
the immovable Minister of State, Auguste Denise.
In any case, the new party administrative body should take care. Sitting well back
in his presidential seat, with the whee]. firmly in his hands. Felix Houphouet-
Bo igny attentively in silence, observes the smallest signs of deviation in the
succession route. Beware the first one who dares to rise above the others without
waiting for his turn.
Profile of Houphouet
P aris JEUNE AFRIQUE in French 15 Oct 80 pp 40-41
[Article by Abdelaziz Dahmani: "The Old Man Settled His Accounts"]
[TextJ I needed a lot of patience to "create the atmosphere" and make a wise,
retirement age Ivorian, who appears to be fram the Upper-Volta region, talk. He
eventually gave me his impressions of the PDCI-RDA [Democratic Party of the Ivory
C oast-African Democratic Rally] congress's achievements. This conversation occur-
red in a Lebanese shopkeeper's back room in Treichville, a popular Abid3anian neigh-
borhood, a few days after the congress.
p.frican wisdom now and then assumes a theatrical sCyle. Mr Kouassi blurted out,
a t that time: "The old lion (Houphouet) has finally been rushed. It was about
time. He was obliged to show his claws by not making use of them. That was
- enough to make some of his well fed sheep to take off like rabbits. But, I'm afraid
that he tias excluded and disavowed some members of the old team only to replace them
with starving ~ackals, under the pretext that they are young and competent. For
the moment, their only calling card is their apparent loyalty to Houphouet."
_ I quoted these remarks to a student I met at the "Calao" terrace, a coffee shop
after the manner of the Plateau, the business district. "My" student, Blaise,
shrugged his shoulders, not very convinced: "Houphouet is a political animal. But
he has retained all his lucidity and he doesn't have the same claws of years ago.
He lets himself go with sentimentality proper to his age. At 80 years of age (offi-
cially 75), he keeps excellent dossiers, which may cause damage if they are exposed.
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~
The last scandal--not the most important one--is the parking meter scandal which
was hastily covered up during the congress. _
~ "Yes," I observed "but currently he has a new air of freedom, of democracy."
~ My student, a State scholarship holder, gets angry: "You are dreaming or you have
~ your eyes closed. We have watched a hocuepocus show during this congress. We
~ remain under the single party system and 26 out of the 32 members of the new p.oli-
I tical off~ce still belong to the old one. And you call this change! Houphouet only _
~ sacked those who have attempted to establish connections, to make a name for them-
selves in order to succeed him. You have seen with what severity he attacked the
multiparty system, by reducing it to nothing but a dangerous ethnic resurrection.
This is not flattering." Another Ivorian from the Air Ivory cadre spoke to me
about the "congress of dupes."
But not everybody ~udges the PDCI-RDA administrators this severely. Some are even _
~ astonished at Houphouet`s remaxkable health. He read '~is report for 3 consecutive
hours without ever correcting h imself...and without glasses. During the closing
, d~~, 1 October he didn`t leave the presidential chair from 10 in the morning till
8 in the evening. Later he participated in the closing ceremonies and for 2
hours, confronted dozens of journalists.
During this press conference, Houphouet appeared lucid and bitter towards the West
"which does not have the will to defend its friends," and leaves, everywhere,
- "the doors opened to the Russians." In fact, the Soviets alone seem to know what
the Africa of tommorrow will represent, with all its raw material resources.
" Meanwhile, with the fall of cacao and coffee prices, the squandering and corruption, _
, the Ivory Coast is passing through a period of skinny cows. This seriously disturbs
the very strong european colony, in great part, French (more than 50,000 people).
~ Democratization and its new consequence, "ivorization" are equally frightening, since
one also fears "xenophobia" manifestations. A brave lady has even told me: "The _
' Blacks of Treichville and other popular districts 'loiter' ever more around the
area of the Plateau and even at Cocody, the residential district!" This person's
, observation is not surprising. The "White" of Abidjan is about to lose his arro-
gance.
Meanwhile, man} Ivorians don't disguise a certain disappointment. It is true that
political changes were decided last month during Yamoussoukro's"precongress" but,
as an African ambassador, belonging to the moderates, says: "The very harsh 3udge-
- ment of President HouphouE~--Boigny, the very frank critique of the system and its
weaknesses are not translated by equally important and desired changes. I bel3eve
that the President has wanted more [than anything else] to settle his accounts with
those who have tried to succeed him in his lifetime..."
Houphouet Wants Democracy
Paris JEUNE AFRIQUE in French 15 Oct 80 p 42
~ [Article b,� Sennen Andriamirado: "Democracy According to the Chief"J -
[Text] The Ivorians are living through a historical turning point: Free presi-
dential elections of 12 October; free legislative elections of 9 and 23 November;
~ -
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f ree municipal elections of 30 November. In short, the learning of democracy,
twenty years afCer independence. Also an admission, a contrario that, up to now
the Ivory Coast was not...democratic.
All has emanated from one man, F~lix Houphou~t-Boigny himself who, in December 1979
and in June 1980, proclaimed: "If the party wants to survive, it muat respect the _
elemenCary rules of true democracy." But, which democracy? The one of the multi-
party system? Houphouet rejected that one because, in his eyes, it will recreate
ethnic antagonism. The rea~on for that, he states, is that democracy must be ex erted
at the heart of a single party. He differs in. this from his comparable, old rival,
Senegalese Leopold Sedar Senghor. Democracy, according to Senghor is hellenic,
latin, "modern". It needs the competitive coexistence of different and opposing
political currents. Democracy, according to Houphou~t is the village system. It
demands that the community be one but all tendencies can be expressed.
Question: Can democracy exist within a single party? A priori, nu. Because it is
Monolithic and totalitarian in essence. The party is, in any event, the property
of the administrative machinery. In the Ivory Coast, however, Houphou~t states
that the single party can and must be democratic. One cannot doubt his sincerity.
In the twilight of his career he has no need to suddenly resort to demasogy. _
An~ it is true that, for the first time, the Ivorians will be able to choose their
repre~entatives from among a limited number of candidates. But, before its appli-
cation, the democratic principle is maybe already tainted.
The "Old Man", no doubt, sent barons and other mandarins back to his electors. But
all those who have grown under his wing have, in 20 years acquired a(social
and financial) weight, such that they cannot be assimilated by the Ivorian mass.
For if Houphou~t was inspired by Mao to launch "his" cultural and renewal revolu-
tion, "his" democracy, he has omitted to profer the word of order: f ire on the
general staff. Tomorrow, after the elections the new ones will behave as the old
ones. Worse, a number among them will be no more than the old ones.
Ivorian democracy is Iimited, indeed, to the freedom of speech, to the principle of
choice given the Ivorians. And, if the choice is not completely free, it's not
Houphouet who limited it. This limit is imprecise, indefinable, mechanistic: In
the Ivory Coast, as in other areas, we have already been very used to--we Africans--
to elect those already in power.
This very limit explains why F~lix Houphou~t-Boigny was the only candidate for
Che presidency. He, himself wanted to create other candidatures. Nobody dared to ~
run. Or, rather, nobody thought for an instant that the immovability of the
"Old Man" could be put in doubt. Because the Ivorian Houphouet, the "Yamoussoukro
peasant" is not a political man like others. He is the head of the family; he is
the Chief of the village; on1.q Chief [nothing more], i~~ the African meaning of
the role. Uncontested, because he is uncontestable, untouchable, invulnerable.
The "Old Man" knows it. And he had taken no risk ~n preaching democracy. He -
doesn't fear democracy because it cannot be attained. Everything happens around
him, below him, at the feet of the pedestal where he is perched. From its top he
observes his people. All world is at the same level, except him. Behold! Democ-
racy according to Houphouet. We can't help it but call it a"houphouetocracy.
COPYRIGHT: Jeune Afrique GRUPJIA 1980
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; HOUPHOUET RETAINS LEADERSHIP OF PARTY
Paris AFRIQUE-ASIE in French 27.Oct 80 pp 44-46
I
i [Article by Jonathan Kolela: "'Keeping Control
' [Text] The political restructuring in ivory Coast which was announced at Katiola
, nearly a year ago on 7 December 1979, on the occas3on of the celebrations commem-
' orating independence, has 3ust ticked off two important stages, the 7th Congress
of the PDCI-RDA (Democratic Party of Ivory Coast-African Democratic Rally) from
29 September to 1 October, and the presidential election of 12 October, which saw
the reelec~ion of Felix Houphouet-Boigny, the only candidate in the contest,
reelected with 99.99 percent of the valid.ated votes.
These two events come before the le~islative elections of next 9 November and
~ the municipal election of 30 November which, in accordance with the guidelines
; decided on at the time of the national council of 12 June and confirmed by the con-
~ gress, will see candidates vying freely with each other, since the designation
' of candidates up to that time had been the prerogative of the party's higher
; auLhorities. Evidently the 7th Congress of the PDCI-RDA marked out the objectives
! and limits of this restructuring. In this regard,.one can already draw some les-
' sons and highlight the questions otherwise passed over in silence at the time of
the congress or at least to which clear and definitive answers were not provided.
The main lesson is that Houphouet-Boigny, who is past 75 (he officially celebrated
~ his 75th birthday on 20 October), has decided to keep control of things and of run-
~ ning the party at a time when the politically-involved layer of Abidjan, betting
' on his advanced age and his health troubles, made him out to be on his way out.
~ "People came to 'bury the old man,~" someone attending the congress told us, "but
; it is he who buried his challengers."
~ The first victim of this turnaround quite obviously was Philippe Yace, 60 years _
old, the president of the National Assembly since independence and the "unrem~ovable"
' secretary general of the party. A faithful number two, a kingpin figure inside and
j outside the party in certain dazzling promotional efforts but also in "delicate
' missions" (people still remember the role ascribed to him in the so-called "plot"
affair of 1963 which aborted) in which the "Old Man" did not want to be directly
mixed up, Yace had been elevated to the rank of heir apparent in spite of fierce
competition. By taking the title of party secretary general away fram him (the post
~ was abolished), the last congress brought him back to the level of being merely
` "one candidate among many for the succession," to repeat the expression of a politi-
I cal observer in Abidjan.
~
~
~
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The disgrace of Yace, who people in the Ivorian capital maintain is the Elysee's
favorite candidate to succeed Houphouet-Boigny, is a singular contrast to the
breakthrough of Konan Bedie. Named counselor to the chairman of the World Bank
after the July 1977 upsurge of demands in the area of social w~elfare, the former
minister of economy and finance is in a good situation because he is right back
in his seat in the new political bureau, reduced from 70 to 32 members. Rather
than sticking out in an exposed position (by getting himself elected to the execu-
tive committee, which has nine members, for example), the confirmation of his sta-
tus in the political bureau gives him a priveleged position for watting and man-
euvering.
As for ths actual process of "democratization," the measures decided on by the '
congress give rise to the feeling in the man in the street and particularly in
the intelligentsia and among young people that the task remains unfinished. Of
course one plunge was taken--which perhaps will be reflected in other areas--when
for the first time in 20 years the PCDI-RDA activists were themselves able to -
freely name their secretaries general for subsections (grass roots cadres) last
July (see AFRIQUE-ASIE number 220); 55 percent of the former ones were defeated.
Will this same phenomenon of being " fed-up" occur at the time of the forthcoming
legislative and municipal elections? It is doubtful. Do not the individuals who
have been able these last 20 years to accumulate fame and fortune and set up re-
liable networks of influence start off ahead of time with a considerable advan-

~ tage? And furthermore does not the "de~mocratization" phenomenon in progress risk
suffering from the fact that the PDCI-RDA remains the sole party represented on
the political scene, at a time when other organixations or factions increasingly _
. aspire--outside the country for the moment--to particigate in political struggle?
The 7th Congress o~ the PDCI-RDA also provided the occasion for making an assess-
ment in the economic area. If one believes 'the official figures, it is not a
negative one. What in fact does one find? In 20 years, cocoa production is said
to have gone from 85,000 to 350,000 tons (Ivory Coast thus becoming the top world
producer), coffee f ram 135,000 to 280,000 tons (number three world producer),
and pineapple from 20,000 to 280,000 tons (of which 100,000 is fresh pineapple
and 180,000 canned). Furthermore, Ivory Coast produces 140,000 tons of bananas,
150,000 tons of palm oil, 55,000 tons of coconut, 19,000 tons of latex, 143,000
tone of cotton~ added to which are considerable food crops: yams, plantain-type
_ bananas, ~assava, millet, corn, rice and soon soybeans.
The per capita consumption of fish has nearly doubled (13 kilos per inhabitant in
1960, as against 25 today) in spite nf their scarcity in the inland plateau. And
in a short time Ivory Coast could well become the number two world exporter of
canned tuna, behind Japan.
A Keynote Speech
In 1960 industry included about 60 firms who together achieved a turnover of 13
billion francs. In I978-1979, 500-plus Ivorian firms had a turnover of 600 bil-
lion and employed 65,000 people. What with the near-term development of petroleum
deposits and, further into the future, of Mount Klahoyo iron ore, laterite nickel,
and Ity gold deposits, there is no doubt that new impetus will be given to
Ivorian industry, which already ranks importantly within francophone Africa.
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~
As for infrastructure, the road network extends over more than 3,000 kilometers
of paved road and moxe than 40,000 kilometers of dirt roads, while 20 years
before only the Abidjan-Bouake, Abid3an-Boisso, and Abid~an-Abengourou main roads
! were asphalted. Abidjan airport traffic has increased tenfold in the area of pas-
senger travel and eightfold for freight, while domestic air traffic (Air-Ivoire)
; has gone up from 7,000 passengers in 1960 to 160,000 for the first ei~ht months
of 1980.
Even if poverty remains great and amenities clearly insufficient, progress has
' been recorded in the areas of telephone service and water supply in the depart-
mental capitals and in certain subprefectures.
The school system includes 800,000 students in primary schools, 120,000 in secon-
- dary schools, 45,000 in technical schools and 9,000 in higher education. In the
health area, progress has been achieved although "medical outreach" is sti11
clearly too deficient. In 1960 there were 120 doctors, 9 pharmacists, 20 midwives,
and 800 more or less qualified nurses. Today the country has 400 doctors, 85 phar-
macists, 60 dental surgeons and 9,000 hospital beds more than a third of which
are in maternity hospitals.
President Houphouet-Boigny did not fail to refer to these diverse achievements 3n
the keynote speech he made at the 7th Congress. But neither did the chief of
state fail to point out mistakes which have been made. First and foremost on the
political plane: "As economic and social progress was unfolding," he stated,
, "the combative ardor of activist men and women and especially of cadres was becom-
ing dulled. The pure current of the ideal was getting lost in the swanp of
~ private interests and self-centered ambitions."
To check this notorious shortcoming of political otficials, the administration
; promised that the one-slate election system would be abandoned. Voting at the
, legislative level as well as within the party apparatus will be done openly from
now on.
~ To insure greater effectiveness of the party machinery, Felix Houphouet-Boigny
, asked the congress for and received a certain number of reforms. Actual leadership
of the movement will henceforth be back with Houphouet-Boigny himself, who will
; be assisted by an executive cammittee. Three members will be made specially re-
' sponsible for party finances. They will have to give regular accountings. This
arrangement hopefully would be able to avoid future repetition of the practices
_ of these last years during wnich the principal party officials were not in a
position to supply the slightest financial assessment.
, Furthermore, three co~ittees (social affairs, economic and financial affairs,
and transportation and urbanization) calling extensively on different socio-profes-
sional groups will be set up to make suggestions to the executive committee.
, In the economic and financial area Houphouet-Boigny and the congress pointed out
; two fundamental errors: the proliferation of state enterprises, and the careless-
ness with which negotiations to establish six sugar complexes were carried out.
Regarding the first error, the risks run in the public sector as a whole because
~ of the measures decided on are known (see AFRIQUE-ASIE, number 220-221). That
the managers of certain enterprises of this kind have co~itted abuses in setting
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their own salaries or that they have given themselves up as guilty of embezzlement
would not on a strictly economic basis justify discontinuing 28 out of 35 state
enterprises. In the short term a decision to do this might certainly contribute
to stopping the financial loss. In the longer term it runs the risk of proving
to be catastrophic for the Ivorian economy and, when all is said and done, of only
profiting the private sector, where foreign interests are largely predominant.
Regarding the sugar complexes, Houphouet-Boigny confirms what we had pointed out
when he spoke of "excessively short payback periods, overcharging, conceptual flaws,
lack of spare parts, management being placed in the hands of those promoting the
pro3ects themselves, some of whom behaved scandalously," all this resulting in
"our producing non-competitive sugar at a price above the world price. Having
three of these complexes checked over by independent experts confirmed overcharging
of 34 billion CFA Francs." '
What Ivorianization?
Excesses like these will undoubtedly impel the government in the future to make
a clearer distinction between, on the one hand, the liberalism to which it states
it is loyal, and, on the other hand, out-and-out racketeering and an absence of

_ control which can only benefit foreign companies.
According to numerous people who attended the congress, even if Houphouet-Boigny
was right in vigorously denouncing certain afflictions Ivory Coast suffers from,
on the other hand, his analysis sometimes seemed to take shortcuts when he touched
on sub~ects as important as educational system reform and the "Ivorianization"
of cadres or also evils as serious as corruptinn. "Undoubtedly nobody is more
concerned than the Ivorian chief of state to find adequate solutions to the prob-
lems met with by young people;" a young Abidjan university student told us, "the
efforts agreed on for the development of the educational system are testimony of
that. Be that as it may, to recognize, as the president has done, that 'we have
copied the French educational system without sufficiently taking into account our
own priority needs' in no way allows us to lapse into Malthusianism and natural
selection." The young lady with whom we were speaking added, "It is certainly
important to try to reverse the current situation that favors literary, legal and
economic backgrounds too much, to the detriment of scientific education. But it
is even more important to keep integrating more young people and more not so young
people into the school system. Now then, certain restrictive measures decided
on during these last years, and which the reform being prepared is in danger of
strengthening, turn their back on this priority goal." _
- The Ivorianization of cadres probably deserves a more thorough assessment as well.
It would then be realized that those hundreds of 3obs filled today by participants
in foreign assistance efforts (at prohibitive cost) could alresdy be handed over
to sometimes more qualified Ivorian.nations. As for corruption, President Houphouet-
Boigny has denounced it, making it clear that "this evil of the century spares no
country, no continent." Having said that, this phenomenon reaches such vast propor-
tions in ivory Coast that merely referring to vague measures to suppress it is
no longer enough to reassure or convince young people. Unanimous public opinion
- feels that more energetic measures are required to stamp out this evil at all
levels of the State's political and economic activity.
_ COPYRIGHT: Afrique-Asie 1980
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IVORY COAST
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: RELATIONS WITH FRANCE SAID TO BE HOT, COLD -
, Paris AFRIQUE-ASIE in French 27 Oct 80 p 47
[Article by J.K.: "Hot and Cold"]
~ [Text] As he was opening his press conference Wednesday 1 October in the receiv-
_ ing rooms of the Republic's presidential residence at the close of his party's
congress, the Ivorian chief of state knew that he would inevitably be asked about
; the state that relations between his country and Paris were in. The r~ors, in-
; sinuations, and denials that are not really denials have ended up leaving ob-
servers with the impression of a certain tension between Abid~an and Paris. The
clariCy of President Houphouet-Boigny's response, the order in which his arguments
were presented, and even his choice of words leave one thinking that his response
~ had been given much thought if not actually written out. Relations between Paris
; and Abidjan are in Houphouet-Boigny's eyes "privileged" relations, even though
! that ad~ective was not uttered at any specific point. And relations between hjm _
~ and President Giscard d'Estaing are "marked by the greatest cordiality." The
Ivorian chief of state, for whom "there is no matter of dispute between France and
~ Ivory Coast, went on to discuss the "Bo'~cassa affair" at great length, not without
! having first stressed that "Ivorians are not interested in Bokassa." Apparently
' therefore his answer seemed to be aimed less at his countrymen than at foreign
reporters--particularly French ones, of whom there were many in the room.
;
; Recalling the reasons, humanitarian ones iz his opinion, which led him after con-
sulting the political bureau to carry out the desperate request of Catherine
, Bokassa--who feared the worst regarding her husband--Aouphouet-Boigny, not always
' convincingly, refuted the main points made by the rumors going around about the
~ attitude of Ivorian authorities in this affair. "Ivorian Ieaders have better things
; to do than to monitor Bokassa's telephone," is the gist of what Houphouet-Boigny
pointed out. "The ex-emperor, along with other exiles condemned to death who
~ have been allowed to have the benefit of Ivorian political asylimm, had cou~aitted
; himaelf to make no attempts from the territory of Ivory Coast against anyone what-
; soever. He did not honor this comaaitment."
~
Houphouet-Boigny deeply deplores this episode having been "exploited for domest3c -
; French political ends," just as he regrets more and more that in France the
clash of ideas is giving way to "politics fit for the garbage can."
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The same indignant story is heard at the Ministry of Foreign Affaira wtier~, r~evert~l ,
days earlier, Simeon Ake, a member of the political bureau with portfolio, had
with visible irritation thrown out at us: "Relations between our two countries ~
(France and Ivory Coast) are excellent; there is nothing to add to that." At the -
French Embassy, wh ere they prof ess to be "amazed by this whole campaign," on the
_ other hand they express satisfacCion at what good relations and f reedom of ex-
- pression exist between the two countries. Michel Dupuch, who succeeded the _
- Gaullist Raphael-L eygues in Che post of ambassador and who is said to be political-
ly close to the Elysee, does not hesitate, regarding the Bokassa affair and the
cooling of relations between Paris and Abidjan, to talk about "newspaper silliness."
He takes note of the fact that, on the contrary, cooperation between the two coun-
triea is constantly expanding.
~ome 4200 French personnel for foreign aid efforts, 3900 of them teachers, work
in ivory Coast. To this figure ought to be added 2000 recruited outside Ministry
of Cooperation channels. Out of the 800 extra posts requuested by the Ivorian Gov-
ernment, it has b een possible to have only 150 supplied. In all Paris annually
spends between 25 and 30 billion CFA Francs (research institution subs3dies in-
cluded) of which a very large part is reimbursed by the Ivorian government on a
deferred basis. The two countries, furthermore, signed a defense agreement in
1960 which explains the presence in ivory Coast of a hundred officers and noncoms,
particularly at the Bingerville II~T and t:ie Bouake military school, tasked with
- training Ivorian military cadres. Other sources make a much higher estimate of
the French militazy presence.
_ The reassuring sta tements, too reassuring perhaps, of Ivorian and French diplomats
do not appear totally convincing to observers. At least two facts which are dif-
f icult to refute back up the argument of those who believe there is uneasiness be-
tween the two countries.
The first matter is that certain initiatives taken in Paris--with the concurrence -
of Valery Giscard d'Estaing's entourage, it is said--concerning Houphouet-Boigny's
succession and wh ich might well precipitate it have finally managed to irritate
and upset the ivorian authorities.
No More Cocoa
The second development which has been reported is more serious. Some months after
he had gathered the chiefs of state of the principal cocoa-producing countries
together in March at Yamoussoukro, and he had assured himself of their complete
support, the Ivorian president made a decision which was unexpected in Paris: to
_ suspend the sale of cocoa so as Co bring consumer countries around to paying a
more equitable price. The calculations of experts were mere formalities: since
the African countries involved control 80% of world production, Felix Houphouet-
Boigny's bet was won in advanc~, on the condition of course that the solid support
ran all the way and that none of the large African producers would provide supplies
to the market. An ivorian banker told us, "Now then, when the market trend was
coming back in favor of the producers, an important central African producer,
urged by Paris f ollowing pressures from chocolate manufacturers, sold 40,000 tons.
The Ivorian economy would certainly noC have borne this shock if it were not so
diversified. Sub sequently, Ivory Coast had to sell 80,000 tons of cocoa at a very
low price. The dead lossi several tens of billions of CFA francs uncompensated -
for."
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The relations between the French and Ivorian governments are without a doubt on a
! comparative basis extremely close. In the eyes of informed observers this does
not prevent certain Paris intrigues from being increasingly less understood in
Abid~an. The criticisms regarding "the egoism of affluent countries" and the de-
' sire that "the expression 'Africa for Africans' not be an empty phrase" which are
being expresaed in Abid,jan were to alZ appearances being aimed at the French cap- -
~ ital.
COPYRIGHT: 1980 Afrique-Asie
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MALI
BRIEFS
COTTON PRODUCTION ESTIMATES--The 1979-1980 cotton production of Mali has been
- estimated at 150,000 tons of seed cotton, an increase of approximately 43 percent,
despite the capricious rainfall. This was announced after the seventh session
of the administrative council of the CrIDT (Malian Textile Development Company), _
which met on 23 September under the chairmanship of Mr N'Fagnanama Kone, Malian
minister of agriculture. (Text] jParis MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MIDITERRANEIIdS in
French 24 Oct 80 p 2615] 9671
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FOREIGN AID NEEDED AFTER FALL IN SUCAR PRODUCTION
Paris MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS in French 31 Oct 80 p 2689
[Article: "Meetir~g in Paris of the Consultative Group: Foreign Aid Indispensable
' After the Fall ia Sugar production"]
[Text] A meeting of the Consultative Group for Mauritius was he ld 21-22 October -
~ in the European offic~ of the World Bank in Paris presided over by Mr Willi A
Wapenhana, vice-preaident of the World Bank~s East Africa Regional Bureau.
' Given the immediate balance of payments needs referred to in the request by
th~ Mauritian Government, the meeting was organized in cooperation and cloae -
consultation with the International Mornetary Fund. The delegation from Mauritius
was led by Sir Veerasamy Ringadoo, minister of finance, and included the minister
of economic development and planning, the governor uf the Bank of Mauritius, and
other high- level representativea.
The participants at the meeting noted that Mauritius is at a turning point of
' ita development. At the time of independence in 1968 Mauritius entered into a
; period of development crawned with remarkable success, the result of a strategy .
which entailed rapid growth in industry and zourism and was supported by the
! dominant sugar sector. Mauritius tried to and succeeded in satisfying the basic
needs of its pop ulation beCrer than many other countries, including countries which
had reached h igher income levels. The country chalked up an important succeas as
well by eignificantly lowering its popu?ation growth rate.
But the economic growth of the beginning of the 1970~s could not be continued.
Both public and private demand exceeded available resources and the balance of
paymenta deteriorated, reserves grew amaller, and the situation was aggravated by
an international economic climate which had worsened. The government started by
putting up with sizeable budget deficits, wages increased conaiderably, and
Mauritian export industries lost some of their c anparative advantage in markets
~ where they had been newly introduced. The combination of these,events brought on
financial pressures and considerable pressurea on the balance of payments as well ,
as inflationary trends.
; In 1979 the gove rnment embarked on a stabilization program wiCh the financial
support of the In ternational Monetary Fund. This pragram was maintained in effect
' until the end of 1979. Then the brutal increase in petroleum prices and the =
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damage caused by a aeries of unusual cyclones as well as the unfavorable weather
- conditions on Mauritius between December 1979 and March 1980 aggravated the
- aerious economic problems and immediate balance of payments difficulties Mauritius ,
was confronted with.
The cyclones brought a fall in augar production in 1980. New eetimatea of the ,
sugar harveat for 1980-1981 project a total production of 470,000 tons. This
representa a decline of 200,000 tona compared to the 1979-1980 harvest and
constitutee the main reason f or the government of Mauritius~s urgent requeat for :
balance of payments assistance.
A government program of ineasures intended to face up to the current difficulties
and launch a program for recovery and structural chsnges has been aubmitted to the
participants. The government has particularly stressed its desire to maintain a
favorable climate for investment renewal and to stimulate production intended for
export,
Because of the uncertaintiea associated with a one-crop economy like that of Mauritius
which dependa to a great extent on sugar, the main preoccupation of Che government
, ia to promote diversification in the structure of production. This muat be
accompanied by meaeures to create jobs and promote economic stability. It has
been pointed out that succeas in instituting structural change will depend largely
on the ability of the authorities to carry out the current stabilization program
and on the supply of foreign aid to the balance of payments for the present financial
exercise. Agreement was reached on the extent of external financing needed
immediately and on the fact that this assistance. should be granted under reasonable
conditions.
The participanta recognized that given the appropriate indebtedness capacity for
Mauritius, the prudent management of ita external debt, and its good prospects
for recovery and growth, reco~sae which it had to capital markets should be kept
moderate. The represeafiatives present of countries and organizations expressed
their support for the government's atabilization program and development effort.
COPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et Cie, Paris, 1980
9631
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PROAI.EMS CONFRONTI;IG BUSHMF.N IN NAMIBIA
Paris MAR(;HES TROPICAUX ET MEUITERRANEENS in French 3 Oct 80 p 2437
[Report: "The Bushmen, People Without Defense and Without Future"]
[Texr] Recently Richard Lee, a Canadian ethnologist, launched an appeal in
Qu~bec in f~vor of. the Namibia bushmFn whose survival is threatened, he saicl, hy
t.heir systematic recruitment by the South African Army [o fight tL~: SWAPO (South-
west Afr.ican PeaplE~'s Organization) guerrillas.
As we know, the bushmen are not African Negroes but the survivors of people with
, rather distinct physical features, communicating in click languages (clicking of
the tongue, 1nd so on, used as structural elements of words), who did not prac-
~ tice farming and who lived in southern Africa in very ancient times. They are
known to the specialists as San and Lee emphasized that the bushmen who by his
account total some 50,000 in the Kalahari Desert, divided between Namibia and
Botswana, are "important to science, for they represent a way of life which was
universal in the past." Enrolling in the South African army, they abandon their -
tr,aditional way of life.
: The ethnologist, whose intention it is to make the United Nations aware of the
fate of this people whose language he speaks, believes that close to 2,000 bush-
, men have been recruited by the South African Army as pathfinders. In order to
; speed up their recruitment, Pretoria is using the traditional animosity between
; the bushmen and the neighboring Bantu-speaking people most of whom join the -
, 5WAP0 for.ces.
1lowever~ the future of the bushmen is not threatened exclusively by the attitude
; of the Sour.h African army. Several months ago the GUARDIAN THIRD WORLD REVIEW
provided a description of the situation in Botswana.
' According to that source 25,000 of the 50,000 bushmen in southern Af rica live in
' r.hat counr.ry; 3,000 of them subsist from hunting and picking, in accordance with
~ their traditional nomad wav of life. Others hire out for the season or on a full
r.ime basis in livestock farms wnere they are frequently exploited. Many of them
are paid no salary while others are paid the ridiculous amount of five pulas
(about 25 French francs) monthly. Traditional bow and arrow hunting yields less
game than in the past, for now other hunters, using rifles, are using the hunt-
~ ing grounds and because the measures recently taken in Botswana against foot-and-
1 mouth ~isease have resulted in the displacement of game. The government's
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increase of water sources has furthermore increased the size of cattle herds,
pushing orher animals away. Finally, the 1979 drought affected the bushmen who
received Red Cross aid and who are f inding it difficult to resume their tradi-
tional way of life in droughty periods.
The land refor.m adopted by Botswana could deal a fatal blow to the bushman's
civiliza tion. The government has decided to divide the land into three sectors:
The first will be for the big farms; the second will. be the communal pastureland
around the villages; the balance may be eventually used to develop agricultural
and minirig projects and will be the sanctuary of wild animals. _
Having no legal right of ownership over the land they occupy, the bushmen will
be neces sarily "resettled" should the area they occupy and their hunting grounds ~
happen to be in the zone.reserved for large-scale farming.
This re~ ettlement will be within the framework of an official program initiated
in 1974 (Remote Area Development Program) according to which health care and
education services will be provided to the relocated people, together with job
possibilities, with no particular concern for the nomad bushmen who would blend
~ with the rest of the population and would replace their language with Setswana
(a Bantu language and English). A total of 160 bushmen are already living under
these new circumstances in Bere, Ghanzi District.
This inf ormation wa~ picked up by the periodical of an organization which is
f.igh[ing for respect for the rights of aborigines, SURVIVAL INTERNATIONAL,
centered in London. Nevertheless, few people in the world are concerned with
the fate of the bushmen in southern Africa, and their future under such circum-
sr.ances, appears quite gloomy.
COPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et Cie Paris 1980
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I STRATEGIC SIGNIFICANCE OF URANIUM IN NAMIBIAN STRUGGLE
~
' Paris AFRIQUE ASIE in French 29 Sep 80 pp 36-40
i
[Article by Augusta Conchiglia: "The Battle for Uranium"]
; [Text] The intensification of the armed struggle remains the
! only effective means for attaining independence for putting
j an end to the policy of delays used by Pretoria, Sam Nujoma,
president of SWAPO [Southwest African People's Organization]
~ claimed at the solidarity conference held in mid-September
in Paris.
; "Perhap5 no other period would be so timely as today for the holding of this
conference of solidarity with the Namibian people:" Such was the opinion of the
majoriCy o� the participants in this conference held on 11, 12 and 13 September
at the Paris UNESCO headquarters in the presence of representatives of govern-
, men[s, various organizations, and individual personalities; this was also the
i opinion of Kurt Waldheim, United Nations secretary general, who addressed a
' message of support to the conference from New York where the North-South
~ "dialogue" was taking place.
Inaugurating the debates, Mohamed Sahnoun, the Algerian ambassador to France and
~ secretary general of the conference, emphasized, in turn, that: "The plans of
; South Africa will be defeated by international public opinion and the United
_ Nations who cannot let themselves be lulled indefinitely by make-beli~ve negotia-
tions which, obviously, and at least as far as Pretoria is concerned, have become
a policy af delays."
i
"This international conference," he went on to say, "should precisely expose
these tricks who5e only result, alas, would be the shedding of even more blooc~
! wreckage and casualties."
i
I This initiative, never before carried out on French territory, indeed took place
! in a particular set of circumstances. "Southern Africa has reached a turning
' point in its history," the final declaration adopted by the conference reads.
~ "The South African racist regime is a major challenge to the entire international
; community which has assumed a particular responsibility in Namibia's case and
~ has given its solemn pledge to the oppressed people of that country."
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It is precisely this special status of Namibia, considering the impotence of the
United Nations to implement its resolutions, that has become an important trump
card for r.he Western powers who are members of the Security Council and, there-
fore, who are also the signa[ories of these same resolutions. By becoming the
nccomplices of Pretoria's evasiveness such powers could, in fact, calmly con-
tinue r.o exploit Namibia's mineral resources which, as we know, are tremendous, ,
particularly in the case of uranium. "By increasing their collaboration with
- the apartheid regime," the final declaration stipulates, "the Western powers
have strengthened Pretoria's destructive power, undermined the effectiveness of _
- the United Nations and aggravated the threat to the peace. Their tireless collu-
sion with the racist regime, even after the expiration of Pretoria's mandate
_ over Namibia. in 1966, and the 1971 consultative opinion issued by the Inter-
nation.31 Court in The Hague, represents today the most important challenge to
the authority of this international organization."
F.ver More Mercenaries
The final declaration to be submitted by a delegation, headed by Ambassador
- Sahnoun to the United Nations General Assembly, which the solidarity conference
held in Paris asks that it be held before 15 October, denounces in particular
_ the responsibility of~the West.
Ir. emphasizes the Eact that not only have the "five" done everything possible to
~~void r_he creation of a situation consistent with the resolution of the Security
Council on Namibia, but have contributed to the development of a far more serious
cri5is. "Despite the mandatory embargo of arms adopted against South Africa,
these countrie5 are continuing to supply it with military and technological -
- materiPl ~~nd to TP~`_'~~~~ ~r~ send a erowino n~:~nbn~ of inercenaries," the declara-
r.ion emphasizes.
In r.urn~ Oliver Tambo, chairman of the ANC [African National Congress] for South
Africa, who was the conference's guest of honor, recalled that Namibia is the
only territ~ry which. even though being under the tutorship of the United Nations
~ver the p~~st 60 yenrs, is still not free.
"This territory," he said, "was the first and yet the only one which, placed
under the responsibility of the international community (as were Togo, Cameroon,
- Tanganyika, and others), have had to wage a war of liberation against the mandate
powers following the revocation of the mandate which the United Nations had
given r_o Pretoria, and which directly assumed the responsibility for the adminis-
tration and preparation for its access to independence." "The efforts of the
'contac[ group' of the five Western countries," he pointed out, "gave a new
legitimacy to the South African regime on the issue of Namibia. From being a
criminll, Pretoria became virtuous. South Africa is granting audiences to the
represen[atives of the "five." They plead its case and call for its cooperation.
It has been allowed to dictate its own conditions."
The role of the five powers was described as "sinister" by the ANC president and
as "hypocritical" by Afonso Van-Dunem, member of the Central Committee of the
MP1.A [Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola]--Labor Party whose.foreign
relations secretary he is. As chairman of the closing session, he emphasized
the importance for the solidarity conference "to be held in a country which has
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~ close Cies with the. Sourh African racist regime and which is part of the 'contact
; countries' on negor_iations for Namibia's accesss to independence."
i .
i Let us recall that the credit for the organization of the solidarity co:~ference
' in P~riS ~oes Co rhe initiative of the members of the committee for the support
I of r.he struggle against apartheid, both local and European, and the collaboration
~~f UNESCO which put its very efficient facilities at the disposal of the con-
; ference; finally, the French leftist parties and trade unions also deserve
credit. even though their help was quite indirect. Naturally, it was not ex-
~ pected that the Quai-d'Orsay or the "majority" parties would send official repre-
~ senrar.ives to r.he conference. However, these circles are far from indifferent
- to the development of this important conference whose firm resolutions demand,
~mong others, that r.he United Nations impose global and mandatory sanctions (in-
cluding an oil embargo) on South Africa and alert public opinion to the fact that
, Windhoek's so-called consritutional measures are merely a prelude to a unilateral
decl~ration of independence.
In 2 Years
, Wit.hout minimizing the importance of the battle which is taking place in the
' United Nations to impose the exercise of the right of independence for the
Namibian people or reject the principle of. eventual direct meetings un a"bi-
' late.r.al basis" with the racist regime "should this lead to a resolution of
c:urrent rechnical problems," the SWAPO, nevertheless, concluded, in the light of
; the an.~lyses and documents submitted at the conference, that the armed struggle
still r.emains r_he only effective means for reaching its targets.
Sam Nujoma~ SWAPO president, even proclaimed his conviction that the struggle
~ for libFration and the development of international solidarity--political, diplo-
maric and mar.erial--are such that, whatever happens, Namibia will be free in the
; next 2 yelrs.
~ Obviously, however, the SWAPO leader is not hopeful as to the results of the
iniriar.ives of the Western countries. "Had the latter not blocked the situa-
ti.on," he noted, "a solution could have been found quite some time ago."
' The Chi. rac Plan
However, several days after the conference a noted French personality, Jacques
Chirac. mayor of the city of Paris and chairman of the RPR [Rally for the
Republic] who, so far, had remained silent on the subject, summoned, on
~ 19 September, a press conference to announce that France could sponsor within
the shortest possible time negaciations on Namibia similar to the ones which had
~ taken place in London on Zimbabwe. Openly criticizing the African policy of his
counr.ry, r.he leader of the Gaullzst Party proposed an ambitious plan aimed at
reesrablishing peace in Southern Africa and preparing the independence of
; Namibia on the basis of negotiations involving the participation of the five _
Western countries of the "concact group," the six of the Front Line, the SWAPO,
; South Africa and the puppet parties of the illegal Windhoek government.
~
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Also according to Jacque Chirac France should force South Africa to make a few
posir_ive gestures such as releasing the jailed SWAPO founders and join the ;
nuclear nonproliferation treaty. Finally, the mayor of Paris let it be under- ;

- sto~d in his statements that the SWAPO may be agreeable to such a plan. At the ;
timc: we w~re goinR to press no confirmation had been given on this subject. -
Nevertheless, the role which General de Gaulle's former collaborator would like
France [o play in this matter and, in general, apparently, in Africa could be
considered progressive compared with the alignment with Washington and the _
Western ultra-conservatism in the face of the aggravation of tension in that
parr. of the world. Nevertheless, we do not agree with Mr Chirac when, after sub- ;
mir.ring his plan, he suggests as a second stage of the settlement of problems in ,
southern Africa, in addition to the abolition of apartheid and the introduction
of Che "majority rule." the conversion of South Africa into a federation of
states one of which... would be white. It goes without saying that Jacques
Chirac's suggestions, announced in the midst of a preelectoral campaign climate,
_ are inspired by th~ fear of business circles of losing access to Namibia's huge
strategic uranium resources should that country reach independence despite
Weskern boycott. ~
Actu~lly, this uranium, on whose subject the United Nations passed a decree
which should have forced the Western companies to suspend their contracts, could -
- bear a considerable weight on the attitude of the European powers, or on some of
r_hem at least, and favor the implementation of Namibia's right to independence.
The "Contact" Deception
In this respect the report submitted by Alun Robert was particularly important
� among the many documents and studies submitted at the Paris solidarity conference.
Illustraring the mechnanisms which govern Western political and economic interests
i.n r.his area, the report showed the extent to which the West has directly and
acr.ively contributed to the perpetuation of South Africa's occupation of Namibia.
The plundering of Namibia's strategic resources alone, recently investigated by
thP United Nations Council on Namibia, reveals the ineffi~iency of the negotia-
tions undertaken by the "contact group" with Pretoria. As Alun Robert emphasizes,
they were, in fact, nothing other than a"deception."
tk was r_he desire to protect their interests that led the United States, Canada,
Frznce, the FRG and Great,Britain to volunteer as mediators in the settlement of
the Namibian problem--a mediation which benefited Pretoria alone. Everything
possible was done to prevent the implementation of sanctions and contain the war
of liberation waged by the SWAPO. Thus, instead of demanding the unconditional
withdrawal of South Africa from Namibia, the "contact group"--all members of the
Security Council--granted Pretoria all its demands to the point, as Oliver Tambo
emphasizes, of eliminating the raison d'etre of the Security Council itself,
making it the servant of a criminal system and making it powerless in the face
of' flagrant violations of its resolutions."
The ridiculous results of the numerous and quite explicit resolutions passed by
the United Nations led the chairman of the Council for Namibia to note, at the
opening of the Paris solidarity conference, that "even if the efforts of the
international community may have truly contributed to the consolidation of the
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~ lPqitimacy of the struggle of the Namibian people, under SWAPO leadership, on a
glob~il scale, it i5 above all the struggle of r_he Namibian people themselves
that set forr_h the decisive conditions for the liberation of the territory and
the building ~f a future free and independent NamiUia."
; A Tribal Army
; While an illegal government is being set up at all speed in Windhoek--the hold-
~ ing of "administrative" elections having been decreed for next November through- _
out the country with the exception of the northern region where the struggle is
t.oo inr.ense--Pretoria has expressed its willingness to resume negotiations for
; r.he implementation of the Western plan ratified by the United Nations.
In his last letter (29 August) to Kurt Waldheim, in answer to a proposal sub-
mitr.ed by the United Nations secretary general on the subsequent implementation
of r.he plan (repeatedly accepted and subsequently rejected by Pretoria in its
essential features), R. Botha, the South African minister of foreign affairs
claimed that the "~+artiality" of the international organization in favor of the
SWAPO was a major obstacle to the plan's implementation. "It is equally essen-
tial," Botha claimed, "to include the leaders of the African southwest in all
f.uture consultations."
I~, Meanwhile, the South African army has considerably increased its forces in
Namibia, with the ever-growing support of the tribal army controlled by the so-
c111ed executive council headed by Dirk Mudge, head of the Democratic Turnhalle
Alli~nc~ (DTA), en~aged in carrying out Pretoria's plan for Namibia's Bantustan-
izar,i~n. According to rhe United Nations Council for Namibia, these forces
number between 75,000 and 100,000 soldiers.
In ~n effort to stop the SWAPO advance, the South African forces are multiplying
their aggressive moves against Angola where, furthermore, they turn loose
Savimbi's UNITA gangs. In his vigorously applauded speech Afonso Van-Dunem
presented the Paris conference with the frightening results of aggressions
perpetrated by South African forces between 27 March 1976, when the Angolan war
ended, and 11 June 1979. The South African forces, said he, are using mainly
French weapons (see below).
"South Afcica," Oliver Tambo accurately noted, "used the 2 years it gained
r.hr~~ugh such delays to kill and murder as many Africans and patriots as it could,
whether in Namibia itself, in Zambia or in Angola. It could go on for another
two years...." "The ANC [African National Congress]," he pointed out, "is
aligned with the SWAPO," and its armed branches, the PLAN and Umkhonto we Sizwe,
"will be henceforth able to bring Pretoria down on its knees."
In turn, Sam Nujoma praised the spectacular progress made by the sister South
' African organization which, through daring actions, struck at the vital economic
and polir.ical centers of the Pretoria regime. "The independence of Zimbabwe,�'
he also emphasized, "has eliminated, from the strategic point of view, yet
anor.her buffer zune at the borders of apartheid and exposed the enemy to r_he
gr.owing a[tacks of the South African liberation movement. Yesterday our
southernmost line was the Zambezi; today it is the Limpopo."
~
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the SWAPO chairman considers 1980 a decisive year. Twenty years following the -

- creation of the Organization for the Liberation of the Namibian people, and 14
years after the outbreak of the armed struggle, the progress has been such that ~
"according r.o the enemy himself we have proved that we could no longer be
militarily defeated and could be defeated politically even less," he concluded.
In addition to its diplomatic success (the Paris conference inaugural meeting
was chaired by Mustapha Nyasse, Senegal's foreign affairs minister) together
with its political successes (illustrated by Jacque Chirac's proposal), the
SWAPO is preparing to intensify its armed struggle and deploy major counter-
_ offensives. Under such circumstances, Pretoria's attemp[s to crush the re-
sistance of the Namibian people and destroy the independence and territorial
integrity of the m~st exposed countries of the Front Line are doomed to failure
despite the major dangers to the area, providing that solidarity develops. In
his speech, which was equally lengthily applauded, Isidoro Malmierca, Cuba's
minister of f.oreign affairs, pointed out that South Africa should realize that
should it continue to pursue and intensify its aggressive policy against its
neighbors "it would not always face the Front Liree countries alone."
A Weighty Balance ,
Between 27 March 1976 and 11 June 1979 South Africa's aggression against Angola
has resulted in r_he death of 1,500 people (Angolans, Namibian refugees, South
Africans) and damages assessed at over $67 million.
During the 142 bombing raids and 452 border violations 326 people were killed
~nd 336 wounded. Schools, hospitals, factories, bridges and roads were destroyed.
The latest aggression, committed on 4 September in Kunen Province, left 31
civilians dead.
Uranium, A Trump Card
All Western counrries are concerned with Namibian uranium either as extractors

_ or consumers. The biggest deposits so far exploited, located in Rossing, 66
kilometers east of Swakopmud, are owned by the Rio Tinto Zinc Ltd. mining com-
pany, of British origin, and its South African partner, the IDC, a company for
the industrial development of South Africa. These two enterprises which have
set up r_he Rossing Uranium Ltd. (RTZ), undertook to mine the deposit in the
mid-1960s and signed long-term delivery contracts with Great Britain (the
biggest, calling for 7,500 tons between 1977 and 1982) and with nuclear power
companies in France, the FRG and Japan. The 1973 petroleum price increases

- encouraged the RT7. to double its pace of extraction. It was planning, starting
with 1976, to reach an output of 120,000 tons per year yielding 5,000 tons of
uranium oxide. The stormy 1974-1975 period, marked in this area by the winning
of their independence of the Portuguese colonies ar.d the war in Angola, equally
encouraged the Wester*~ companies involved in the extraction of Namibian mineral
wealth, to speed up the process. A deeper search for uranium was undertaken and
Rossing launched a project estimated at close to one billion French francs. How-
e.ver, geological conditions were quite unsuitable for such intensification and
the 1977 miners' strikes hardly helped to correGt the errors of the estimates.
The target, which was 5,000 tons of extracted uranium, was reached after a 2-year
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delny and after a second financing totaling 200 million French francs. Air
freight haulage was extensively used to catch up with delivery delays. The UTA,
~i French company, znd the South Africa Company began regular shipments of uranium
co F.uropE~. llow~ver, afr.er a very loud denunciation campaign opposing such means
~nd the thre~~t of a French trade union to block the unloading of uranium at air-
pnrt~, the ~ir c~r~o contracts were nullified. However, according to testimony
given in the course of the investigation conducted by the Council on Namibia,
the UTA had received French government guarantees regarding the eventual conse-
quences of said "secret" activities.
Nowever, the reaction of [he African countries--Nigeria, Algeria and Angola, in
par.ticular, having announced the contemplation of ineasures to insure that their
tPrritories would not be violated by uranium cargo flights--prevaile.d. The
mineral is currently hauled by sea, mainly by a West German company which ships
it r~ Brir.ish and Belgian ports....
~ The investigat:~n conducted by the United Nations Council far Namibia revealed
ch~t Eurar.om (the EEC atomic energy agency) has also concluded contracts for the
purchasing of Namibian uranium. Furthermore, over the past 6 years a number of
or_her companies have acquired prospecting rights in Namibia. The South African
Mining Company, which has discovered deposits assessed at 60 million tons south-
wesr. of Rossing is in the lead. In Kaokoland the Falconbridge Company, repre-
santing Canadian interests~, and Minatome, a branch owned jointly by the Total-
CFP French company and by Elf-Aquitaine, are equally engaged in prospecting
oper.itions. ~
However, starting with 1966, when the United Nations General Assembly withdrew
from South Africa its mandate over Namibia, assigned to it by the League of
Nations, r.he administration of the territory was placed "under the direct respon-
Sibility of. the United Nations," the Council for Namibia in particular. In 1969
' the revocation of the mandate was approved by the Security Council which,
immediately following Pretoria's refusal to leave Namibia, submitted the case
to the International Court of Justice in The Hague. Two years later, as
; we know, the court declared the presence of South Africa illegal and stated _
that all members of the United Nations should denounce uranium contracts and
"~bstain from any action, of any transaction in particular, involving the govern-
ment of South Africa which could imply the recognition or the legality of its
presence and its administration."
This, as wa5 subsequently noted, hardly triggered any reaction on the part of
the most important among Pretoria's economic partners. Confident of their
; strength, the Westerners knew that they could undermine any decision in favor of
; Namibian independPnce and did not worry excessively about the "claims of any
; future legal Namibian government," stipulated in Decree No 1 of the United
N~r.ions on safeguarding the country's natural resources. In 1974 the General
Assembly r.atified the decree which stipulates, in particular, that all drilling
; rights and mining concessions granted by South Africa "shall be considered null
and void and have no force or effect."
~ COPYRIGHT: 1980 Afrique-Asie
~ 5157
~ CSO: 4400
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~
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~ SAO TOME AND PRINCIPE
i .
~
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SCOPE OF FRENCH, INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION REVIEWED
~
~ Paris MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS in French 24 Oct 80 p 2623
I
[Text] As we announced in our issue of 17 Oct 80, p 2559, the f at meeting of
the full 3oint Franco-~o Tomian committee was held in S~o Tome on 13 and 14
~ October.
~ Thie meeting, held in an atmosphere of cordiality, resulted in an agreement deal-
~ ing mainly with three pro~ects which will be financed by the FAC (Fund for Aid
and Cooperation):
1. a ruxal development program dealing with surface [as published] and truck
farming. Phase I will last from 1980-82;
' 2. establishment of a midlevel professional training center, known as a polytech-
' nic center (1980-82);
~ 3. French support for the production of school texts and teaching materials.
France will also offer ~o Tome scholarships which will allow 30 or 40 ~o Tomian
~ trainees to study in French institutions, as well as books and school supplies,
; which are the ob~ect of small-scale cooperat3ve efforts now in progress.
~
The growing Franco-Sao Tomian cooperation should in time reach the same level as
that of France with other lusophone states such as Cape Verde and Guinea-Bissau.
' International Aid to Sao Tome
i
~ Besides French sid (see above), the Democratic Republic of ~o Tome and Principe
; is also receiving the following bilateral aid:
i
~ --Portugal--Approximately 40 Portuguese technical assistants work in ~o Tome,.
; essentially in the teaching sector. Cooperative fishing and cammunicatinns agree-
' ments were signed in 1979, and Portugal has provided a large amount of aid to the
extension of the runway of the Sao Tome airport.
; --Netherlands--Some operations are underway in the rural sector (agricultural
' equipment, small truck farming operations and breeding pro~ects)
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--China--It has given loans on very favorable conditions for the supplying of :
gooda and the financing of several pro~ects (rice cultivation, building of small
dama) and medical assistance on an important scale (about 15 doctors). ~
--USSR--The Soviet presence in Sao Tome is important, especially because of its
well-staffed embassy and approximately 100 experts.
--GDR--The number of East German experts has been estimated at around 30. They !
play a large role in assisting the leadership of the sole party, the MLSTP
(Liberation Movement of Sao Tome and Principe) and in the the technical assistance .
to the Plan.
The GDR is also contributing towards a project to construct a ceramics factory.
--Cuba--Relatively numerous (estimated at about 200), the Cubans basically offer
their s~ipport, apart from the military sector, in the areas of information and
training.
The following organizations are providing multilateral aid:
--European Development Fund (FED)--~o Tome, a signatory of the Lome I agreement
in November 1978, receives European aid which has reached a total of about 6 mil-
lion European units of account (1 unit of account = approximately 5.8 French Francs),
including 4 million worth of aid 3n foodstuffs. The remainder of the financing ,
is divided between agriculture (palm and coconut trees), infrastructure and train-
ing.
--United Nations Development Program (PNUD)--PNUD's various activities are carried
out through ~he UN program for Sao Tome (technical cooperation, UN volunteers,
United Nations Industrial Development Organization (ONUDI), UNESCO, World Health
Organization (OMS), Wor3.d Food Program (PAM), World Meteorological Organization
(OMM), Universal Pastal Union (UPU).
Financing for the pro~ects planned for the five-year program (1977-1981) amounted
to 1.65 million U.S. dollars; the greatest expenditures (0.7 million) are going
towards assistance to the National Center for the Improvement of Agro-Pastoral
Techniques.
--World Bank--Aid is planned in the areas of electricity, transportation and com-
munication and for technical and training assistance.
--Af rican Development Fund (FAD)--The f irst FAD loan was given in 1978 for the
regeneration of cocoa plantations (the equivalent of about 9.35 million US dollars).
--African ilevelopment Bank (BAD)--After its first grant of technical assistance aid,
the BAD has given a loan of about 1.35 million US dollars covering the costs in ~
foreign currency of the first phase of the extension of the runway at the ~o Tome
airport.
COPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et Cie Paris 1980
9671
CSO: 4400 END
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