DEMOCRACY IN GREECE--TOWARD A NEW BEGINNING

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300038-0
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 4
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: May 11, 2004
• Sequence Number: 38
• Publication Date: August 21, 1967
• Content Type: OPEN

August 21, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
amendment to the laws governing the Pov-
erty Program. This measure gave preference
to the use of free competitive enterprise in
alleviating the burdens of suffering and pro-
viding a new horizon of opportunity for the
disadvantaged segment of our nation. It was
ultimately accepted with substantial Demo-
cratic support.
Your organization, over the years, has been
keenly interested in the health of its mem-
bers and in the problems of health generally.
From the beginning you have favored hospi-
tal insurance under Social Security, pay-as-
you-go. So have I. And I can say to you truth-
fully that without the constructive interest
and support of Republicans in the Senate
and in the House of Representatives Medicare
would not be the law today.
Las year the Congress of the United States
finally recognized the fundamental inequity
of treating workers In agriculture less favor-
ably than those in industry.-The national
minimum wage law for agriculture was a pro-
posal which I had repeatedly introduced in
the Senate, with the official support of the
Republican - party of California. The bill
which was passed last year by the Congress
was essentially this proposal.
This year it is fair to say that there would
not have been a Consular Treaty with the
Soviet Union were it not for the overwhelm-
ing support of Republicans, and particularly
of the Republican leadership, who joined to
overcome a major assault on this Interna-
tional agreement originally proposed in the
Eisenhower Administration, and which bore
General Eisenhower's earnest approval.
There is, of course, an area of necessary
bipartisanship. Since the time of Arthur
Vandenberg, the United States of America
has based its foreign policy on a broad range
of national support. The actions of our Presi-
dents, whether Republican or Democrat, have
been based on a bipartisan approach to
America's role in the world. It is necessary
that our nation be united in the face of the
seemingly never-ending crises erupting
throughout the world. The Republican party
has supported the American effort in resist-
ance to aggression in Vietnam. It has main-
tained firm support of the Atlantic Alliance
and of a strong policy of good will and part-
nership with the American republics of the
Western Hemisphere.
In addition to the crucial questions of for-
eign policy, there are other fields where bi-
partisanship is essential. It is particularly
necessary when any measure requiring a two-
breaking of a filibuster. The present rules of public, Jordan, and Israel; the report of
the Senate call for a two-thirds majority to my study mission, entitled "War or Peace
those e present and voting ng to put an end nd to
the rule of unlimited debate. Bipartisan co- in the Middle East" was distributed to
operation is necessary to overcome endless all Members of this Body last April. In
talkathons. And they occur, believe it or not, that report, which was released prior to
on a wide gamut of legislative proposals, al- the Coup d'etat on April 21, 1967, I con-
ways by a small group who know they don't cluded inter aria that:
have enough votes to prevail, so they decide 1. The justification for military aid to
to talk the proposal to death. necessary any area Greece is simply no longer there. The fact
rules that we have given military aid to Greece
Thus, Republicans of the have Senate are Involved. _ for so many years should not blind the Con-
the aisle in with me propos- - m gress to the desirability of terminating fur-
bers on the e other er side of joined
ing a bill ill provide e for disclosure phe tes ther military aid to Greece and Turkey and
sof Members Congress, acandidates devoting far greater diplomatic efforts than
sets or key y sand
members anfor d we have hitherto to arms control and dis-
armament measures in the Northeast Medi-
ranking Congress, members s o o their of the staff ta Executive Branch aon n
an annual basis. We believe that such legis- terranean and Aegan area.
lation is in the public interest. 2. Our friendship for the Greek people
I have listed a broad range of achievement should lead us to continue economic assist-
of the minority party. It is true that without ance on a limited basis, one which would be
votes legislation cannot be passed. The multinational to the maximum extent pos-
thirds vote comes before the Senate, for ex-
ample, in the ratification of treaties or the
today. My concern now is no longer over
the questionable effectiveness of the al-
leged partial embargo imposed on ship-
ments of U.S. military equipment to
Greece following the coup; an embargo
designed to encourage the colonels, in
Secretary Rusk's words to give "concrete
evidence that the new Greek Government
will make- every effort to reestablish
democratic institutions."
Instead, my overriding concern stems
from the disturbing rumors that, despite
the lack of "concrete evidence" that the
junta is moving to restore democratic in-
stitutions, the full resumption of arms
shipments to Greece is now being con-
templated at the highest levels of our
Government. The familiar argument is
now being heard that the military
junta-despite Its lack of popularity
among the Greek electorate-has never-
theless succeeded In establishing its con-
trol over the Greek nation and must be
dealt with on the basis of vague assur-
ances that the country will return to
constitutional rule at some indefinite
time in the future-the very distant fu-
ture, one might add, if the colonels have
any say in the matter. In short, the pe-
riod of watchful waiting may soon give
way to the policy of business as usual. We
cannot indefinitely ignore a friendly gov-
ernment, it will be contended, whose in-
ternal politics the United States cannot
presume to direct or control.
The great fallacy in this line of rea-
soning is, however, becoming increasingly
obvious-particularly with respect to
those states which depend directly upon
the United States for their very survival.
The practical impossibility of remaining
neutral in thought, word, and deed was
clearly illustrated just a few weeks ago
when the State of Israel was seriously
threatened by an Arab diplomatic offen-
sive. Only certain misguided officials in
our own State Department seem to be
deluded from time to time by such pro-
fessions of innocence on our part.
Greece's close identification with the
United States was assured 20 years ago
when the Truman doctrine was first
adopted and the country was narrowly
saved from a Communist takeover. Since
the end of World War II, we have given
billions of dollars . in assistance to
Greece-almost one and one-half billion
in military aid alone. We have, therefore,
a huge stake in Greece's political and
economic destiny.
In reality, we are now faced with a re-
gime in Athens which is both totalitarian
and unpopular, enjoying-for the mo-
sure which it brings to bear can help keep Unfortunately, the trend in U.S. policy ment at least-the tenuous support of
the majority party responsible to the public toward Greece has been running in pre- the Greek Armed Forces. Although a
sues will. and The minority preparing its party, legislative s e anticipating u - - cisely the opposite direction in recent democratic constitution is promised, we
proval al and force the years: that is, military aid was continued have no tangible evidence it will be forth-
tions, can seek public approval own
majority to take action, even if its own meas- as heretofore, while the Export-Import coming in the foreseeable future. In the
ures fail to pass. It is this ability to innovate Bank has denied long-term credits to the name of anticommunism and patriot-
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S 11865
and come forward with new and dynamic pro- Bank of Greece for the development of
posals which keeps the American body politic the Greek economy. I do not, however,
healthy. It is true of Republicans and Demo-
wish to dwell upon these specific policy
crats alike that a good proposal will meet sup-
port from both parties. My esteemed col- decisions, as quite obviously, the Greek
league, , the Dean of Senate Republicans, situation has changed rather dramatic-
George Aiken of Vermont, recently made the ally since the military regime assumed
point: power just 3 months ago.
"As Republicans, let us not be afraid of the The point I wish to emphasize, Mr.
'me, too' charge which is sometimes levied President, is that if the justification for
against us. If a Democrat says we need better military aid was no longer there before
health, I am not going to come out for poorer the recent coup, it is still less justifiable
"
health just to disagree with him.
All responsible Republicans recognize the
wisdom of his point of view. This mechanism
works both ways-whoever comes up with the
best approach to a modern problem will ulti-
mately win support in the Senate-and at
the polls.
The Republican party in Congress plays a
vital role in keeping alive the possibility of
change in the national Administration. Its
role is to provide the counterweight in the
delicate mechanism of our national political
life, insuring that when the majority has
spent its force there will be another element
waiting and ready to keep the nation mov-
ing.
Like collective bargaining and free com-
petitive enterprise, the two-party system is
a vital institution in our American life. The
give and take between opposing forces in the
market place, as well as in the political arena,
has permitted peaceful change; it has en-
couraged national growth. So, too, has our
modern labor relations system.
America has forged the instruments of
her society from the hard metal of human
experience, from the triumphs and tragedies
of experiments of many centuries. By apply-
ing the test of free human action our people
have found an important answer to regulat-
ing life among peaceful and productive peo-
ples who cherish human values. This, then,
is the genius of American institutions-hu-
man reason and human freedom applied to
the continuing struggle for growth and
change, with a decent regard for the rights
of others, prosperity and a better life for all.
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, the recent
crisis in the Middle East must not over-
shadow the equally significant tragedy
which has befallen Grece.
Last November, I visited this troubled
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CONGP.ESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE August 21, 1967
ism, the junta has imprisoned thousands
of public servants and ordinary citizens,
imposed total censorship on the press,
outlawed political opposition, and in a
mood of petty vindictiveness, "added
Melina Mercouri to the growing list of
glories that were Greece"-in the words
of the New York Times-by canceling, or
pretending to cancel, or purporting to
cancel, her Greek citizenship. Miss Mer-
couri's reaction succinctly summarized
the popular Greek attitude toward Colo-
nel Pattakos, member of the Greek junta,
when she said:
I was born a Greek and will die a Greek.
Pattakos was born a fascist: and will die a
fascist.
To most informed observers, Miss Mer-
couri has a far longer life expectancy
than the regime of Colonei Pattakos and
his cohorts, whose official public state-
ments are tinged with a 'kind of puri-
tanism, a pious fundamentalism worthy
of the Salem witch trials, of almost 200
years ago, which is strikingly at odds
with contemporary Greek and American
character.
The implications for U.S. policy are
clear: Inaction in this situation must
inevitably be interpreted in the minds
of most Greeks as acquiescence; and ac-
quiescence-because of the nature of our
relationship with Greece as moral in-
sensitivity and support. When the junta
passes from the scene, as pass it will,
the result will be a tarnished U.S. Image
and a diminution of U.S. influence in
Greece, unless steps are taken now to
disassociate the Government of the
United States from those presently in
power. To make this disassociation cred-
ible, moreover, a suspension of arms
shipments to Greece pending a discern-
ible move by the colonels. in the direc-
tion of democracy, would seem to be a
minimal requirement. I strongly urge
the administration to take this step be-
fore it is too late.
Mr. President, to place the current
Greek tragedy in its proper perspective,
it may be well to review very briefly the
recent political history of this embat-
tled nation,
Following the defeat of the Commu-
nist insurgents in 1949, there was a need
for a political environment in which
Liberal parties could emerge; some con-
structive political force had to fill the
vacuum created by the total defeat of
the Communists and the absence of
strong modern Greek democratic insti-
tutions. Few farsighted Americans
showed alarm over the emergence of a
liberal party which disassociated itself
from the outlawed Cominunist left.
The decade of the fifties witnessed a
period of much-needed.political stability
and remarkable economic growth under
the conservative leadership of Gen.,
Alexander Papagos and then Premier
Konstantin Karamanlis.: Eventually,
however, the process of attrition set in-
a process I might add which is character-
istic of all truly democratic institutions-
and the parties in opposition gained elec-
toral power and influence-a trend which
was accelerated by the unexpected resig-
nation of Karamanlis in the spring of
1963.
Tie ' victory of liberal candidates of
the Center Union Party in the parlia-
mentary elections of 1964, and their ac-
ceptance by opposition leaders,, indicated
that a, viable democracy, with the ingre-
dients of stability was now functioning,
at last in an embryonic stage. There
weri, of course, factions which opposed
these developments, and it is now clear
that some conservative leaders, with
close ties to the Greek Army, took great
pairs to persuade American diplomats
in Athens to look upon the government
of (teorge Papandreaou with suspicion
and disdain. This change in attitude,
even if it was not accomplanied by an
offic:.ai change in policy, was considered
by n any to reflect a growing disenchant-
ment with the Center Union govern-
ment by the United States. There is evi-
dence to suggest that the fall of Papan-
dreaou in July 1965 was accompanied
by an almost total break in communica-
tion:; between American diplomats and
leaders of the Center Union, one of
Greece's largest political parties.
This dissatisfaction of American offi-
cials with the leadership of the Center
Unic.n is important because Greek politi-
cians have become accustomed to prob-
ing the mood of American diplomats be-
fore taking a stand on issues affecting
Greece's international position. There-
fore, it was not difficult for the Greek
public to believe that the United States
would at least give silent approval to
any political move against the Center
Unicn in the name of anticommunism.
4fte - all, the public was being told that
American policies in Vietnam were
guided by the same principles that led us
to ir. tervene in Greece 20 years before-
with the result that we are now support-
ing % military dictatorship in Vietnam
as well as in Greece.
In this connection, I should like to
call attention. to the remarks of the dis-
tingiiished junior Senator from Rhode
Island [Mr. PELL], who was one of the
first Members of this body to comment
on recent developments in Greece. In an
excelent speech which appears in the
CONI:RESSIONAL RECORD of May 4, the Sen-
ator stated:
Wl.en a government is brought down by
force the United States usually sits on its-
hands when -a coup is staged by forces of the
right. but whe::i the overthrow is carried out
by tl e left we condemn the action, and occa-
sionally commit our power to reverse it. The
reason for this: difference in our reaction is
clear enough. Euightist or conservative forces
usualy represent the status quo, so we tend
to be more tolerant of their political activi-
ties, wen when a constitutional government
is th(: victim.
Sir ce 1960, for example, the United States
has given at least tacit approval, and in most
cases quick recognition, to seven new regimes
resul Sng from right wing, military coups in
El Ealvadore, Korea, Burma, Guatemala,
Ecuanlor, Ghana, and Indonesia. During the
same period we supported only one left wing
coup and that was in Yemen.
M3? guess is that we made the wrong
choice there. This last comment is mine,
and i iot Senator PELL'S.
Mn President, I wish to commend the
Senator from Rhode Island for his per-
ceptive observations and to associate my-
self with therrl.
The prospect of a victory by the Center
Union in the elections scheduled for May
1967, was anathema to those Greek mili-
tarists who had profited by its downfall
20 months earlier. To the forces of the
right, a victory by the Center Union-
even in a fair election-was unacceptable.
Once this conclusion had been formed, all
that was required was to find the right
moment.
There is probably - never a moment at
election time when at least one faction in
Greece is not formulating a plot of one
kind or another. This is one unfortunate
result of all extremely fragmented polit-
ical community. But at the same time,
only members of military factions could
ever have a chance of illegally imposing
themselves on the country, for it is they
alone who have the power of the gun-
a very persuasive force under any con-
ditions.
Although we were aware last winter
that a coup was being planned in mili-
tary circles, we did not, of course, know
exactly when or by whom they would be
staged. Apparently our ignorance was
shared by the entire Greek political spec-
trum, from the far :left to the far right,
including elements of the Greek military
who were busy devising plots of their
own, and even by the King. My concern,
therefore, is not over an apparently un-
avoidable intelligence gap, but over our
failure to make clear that the United
States would regard any unconstitutional
step as totally lnacceptable.
We are now led by the State Depart-
ment to believe that the United States,
and indeed the world, is faced with a
fait accompli. But there is a widespread
feeling, both here and abroad, that our
passive acceptance of this illegal gov-
ernment merely perpetuates a morally
and intellectually bankrupt regime. Are
we then not giving' silent approval to
measures which offend the American
sense of decency?
The policy of the Department of
State in the months following the coup
has been based on an illusion; it relies
on the premise that' a partial suspension
of"military aid shipments will succeed in
pressuring the Greek junta to broaden
its political base and direct Greece to-
ward a return to constitutional democ-
racy.
Such a theory, however, ignores the
realities of the situation: Officers now
ruling Greece base their power on in-
fluence within the military establish-
ment, and any movement toward even-
tual civilian rule places that power in
jeopardy. Given this set of circum-
stances, the adoption of halfway meas-
ures obviously has not worked, and in
my judgment it will not work. Indeed,
there is a serious question in my mind
as to whether a total embargo on U.S.
military assistance will convince this
junta that it is moving in the wrong di-
rection; but perhaps others in positions
of some influence will draw the appro-
priate conclusion.
At least a, degree of firmness on the
part of our Government, some tangible
indication that we mean business, will
be more likely to restore Greek democ-
racy than the delicate, carrdt-and-stick
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August 21, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
approach which has been employed to
date. Such action will also have the de-
sired effect of serving notice to the peo-
ple of Greece and to the world at large
that the United States does not in any
way condone the assumption of power
by a small, unrepresentative minority in
a land which has been aptly described as
"the oldest democracy and the newest
police state."
The nature of Greek politics is some-
what baffling to foreigners. It is still
somewhat Byzantine, and as I stated in
my report to the Committee, on Foreign
Relations in April of this year, following
a trip there, "political leaders tend to
represent family and regional rather
than national interest." The monarchy
plays a role unlike the throne in other
European countries. Its mere existence
has been a subject of public debate for
over 50 years. Twice during this century,
Greece has returned to a republican
form of government. Thus, the philoso-
phies of national parties are colored by
attitudes their members hold regarding
the responsibilities they feel a monarch
should undertake, if any at all.
At the present time, young King Con-
stantine is surrounded by ambitious and
reckless men, who are using the prestige
of his office to rule with an iron hand.
This places him in a most precarious
position, as any miscalculations on his
part could once again rekindle the
smoldering and hostile controversy over
the status of the monarchy.
Nevertheless, the King does represent
a unifying force which offers the best
hope of restoring some ?emblance of po-
litical stability and order to the Greek
Nation. It should be our policy to en-
courage him in this effort, rather than
to undermine his position by accepting
the present rulers as legitimate. For if
the King is ever to assume the initiative
in establishing a more representative
government-a formidable task at best
under the present circumstances-he
will need all of the moral support he
can muster from the United States. Thus
far, such support has been barely dis-
cernible, if not altogether lacking.
Mr. President, the King of Greece is
reported to be on his way to the United
States for a conference with the State
Department and, presumably, President
Johnson.
I would hope that while he is here he
would have an opportunity to learn
something of the views of the American
people on this issue, which I believe are
in accord with the views expressed in this
speech. I would hope that he would have
an opportunity to talk with prominent
Greco-American citizens and with mem-
bers of the Committee on Foreign Rela-
tions. I hope he will not be so surrounded
by representatives of his own junta, who
no doubt will accompany him, and by
representatives of the State Department,
who will no doubt drastically disagree
with what I have to say, that he will
have no opportunity to find out for him-
self what people really think.
Mr. President, Greece is a relatively
poor country. Its human and natural
resources must be used as efficiently as
possible in order for the Greek people
to enjoy the minimum standards of pros-
perity. Over the past few years, Greece
has made great strides in this direction,
although she still concentrates too much
of her national income on military af-
fairs-perhaps as a consequence of the
historic threat to her security posed by
her neighbors to the north-Yugoslavia,
Bulgaria, and to a lesser extent Albania,
not to mention her traditional rivalry
with Turkey to the east over the island
of Cyprus, or other historical grounds.
This threat is, however, more historic
than real under present circumstances,
for despite the reappearance of mutual
recriminations in the press of late, we
have no real evidence of planned military
aggression against Greece by any other
Balkan state.
In fact, with U.S. participation and en-
couragement, considerable progress had
been achieved in recent years toward the
stabilization of Greece's relations with
her Balkan neighbors within the frame-
work of the Balkan Pact. Unfortunately,
the military junta has now unilaterally
terminated border arrangements with
Yugoslavia and has suspended agree-
ments by which that country used Salo-
nika as a free port. Predictably, the result
has been a noticeable increase in tension
between Yugoslavia and Greece, which
runs counter to U.S. objectives in the
area.
Again, as I concluded in my Middle
East report of last April:
The age-old reliance of the nations in-this
area on force and violence as the ultimate
weapons to achieve their national ambitions
must, in the long run, be eliminated if we
are not to have a recurrence of those Balkan
wars which have so often triggered larger
conflicts; conflicts which, in a nuclear age,
the world can no longer afford.
There are several steps our Govern-
ment can take to assure the Greek people
that we wish to adhere to the principles
of our historic and sympathetic ties.
First, we should use all proper powers of
persuasion to insure due process of law
for all those imprisoned as political
enemies of the state. Second, we should
acknowledge with all due respect the
condemnation of this regime by other
NATO allies, such as Denmark, and con-
sider the merits of having proper NATO
authorities review the impact that this
recent coup will have on Greece's role in
the alliance. Third, we should suspend
all military assistance to Greece.
Mr. President, the United States did
not instigate the coup of April 21, but
neither did we do anything to prevent it.
Let us not compound that error by con-
tinuing to drift into an alliance with
another inept dictatorship. We are al-
ready handicapped with enough inept
dictatorships all over the world. Let us
act now, before we become once again the
unintended victims of our own inertia.
Mr. President, on the 19th of August
a news article appeared in the Wash-
ington Post under the byline of Leslie
Finer. The headline is "Greek Trial In-
dicates Struggle Inside Junta."
This is a first-class account of a strug-
gle for power which appears to be going
on within the military junta now ruling
Greece. Its outcome could decide whether
the country returns to normal political
life or comes increasingly under mono-
lithic army control.
S 11867
The article concludes:
Unlike the official leadership, the junior,
more extremist group, is apparently not con-
cerned with the fear that, by suppressing all
moderate political opposition, it is making
underground Communist opposition a cer-
tain alternative. -
Mr. President, that is exactly what is
happening in Greece today.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the article to which I have re-
ferred, entitled "Greek Trial Indicates
Struggle Inside Junta," written by Leslie
Finer, and published in the Washington
Post, of August 19, 1967, be printed at
this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
GREEK TRIAL INDICATES STRUGGLE INSIDE JUNTA
(By Leslie Finer)
ATHENS, Aug. 19.-A struggle for power ap-
pears to be going on within the military
junta now ruling Greece. Its outcome could
decide whether the country returns to nor-
mal political life or comes increasingly under
monolithic Army control.
One the one hand is the group of generals
and colonels, whose declared promise is to
restore parliamentary democracy. On the
others is an unseen directorate, composed of
junior officers, for whom any kind .of politi-
cian or political activity is anathema.
This conclusion is difficult to escape in
view of the astonishingly inept handling of
the Averoff case.
On Wednesday Evangeros Averoff, Foreign
Minister in the right-wing government of
Constantine Karamanlis from 1955-63, was
sentenced by a military tribunal to five years
in jail for breaking emergency regulations.
The next day it was announced that he
would be granted a pardon.
[Averoff is expected to go free Monday, UPI
quoted informed sources in Athens as saying.]
Now, almost before the storm of protest
over the Averoff affair has, died down, his
former colleague in the Karamanlis govern-
ment, George Rallis, will on Monday face a
court-marital on the charge (which has now
become almost comically notorious) of hav-
ing some friends home for a drink without
obtaining police permission for a party of
more than five people.
When the police raided Rallis' house, he
was caught playing bridge. But, unlike Aver-
off, he can claim that those present in excess
of five were not invited but just happened
to drop in.
With nothing much to lose, Rallis was ex-
pected at his trial to make a scalding politi-
cal attack on the regime. But in view of the
government's admission of error in the Aver-
off case, Rallis must think carefully what
tactics to adopt.
The court too will face an embarrassing
choice between a sentence which defiantly
defends the justness of the previous one or
weakly bows before the storm it generated.
It will not be surprising if the solution to
the dilemma is found by the simple expedi-
ent of postponing the trial sine die.
In the long run, the Averoff incident may
prove most damaging of all by the light it
has shed on the power conflict within the
regime.
When Averoff walked into court he was
politely greeted by the military prosecutor,
who assured him that he had nothing to
worry about (in fact, the prosecutor asked
for an acquittal).
The chairman of the court also (a perma-
nent high-ranking Army legal officer)
nodded to the defendant reassuringly, and
conducted the trial in a manner which
clearly presaged a verdict of not guilty.
But 90 minutes of argument behind closed
doors failed to deter the junior officers of the
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE August 21, 19:67
bench from their purpose of passing a spite-
ful sentence.
The significance of all this lies in the clues
to the people who had no hand in the perse-
cution of-a- respected right-wing politician,
and who were shocked when it happened.
One of these was King Constantine, who
took the initiative in demanding a free par-
don. Another was the civilian Prime Minis-
ter Constantine Kollias, who persuaded the
government to agree to the King's demand.
It is likely that most, if not: all, of the
official military leaders of the regime were
ignorant of the treatment handed out to
Averoff till after the event.
Unlike the official leadership, the junior,
more extremist group, is apparently not con-
cerned with the fear that by suppressing all
moderate political opposition, it is making
underground Communist opposition a cer-
tain alternative.
ROUTINE MORNING BUSINESS
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore. Under the previous unanimous-
consent agreement, there will now be a
period for the transaction of routine
morning business.
MESSAGES FROM THE PRESIDENT-
APPROVAL OF BILL
A message in writing from the Presi-
dent of the United States was communi-
cated to the Senate by Mr. Geisler, one of
his secretaries, and he announced that
on August 19, 1967, the President had
approved and signed the act (S. 1762) to
amend section 810 of the Housing Act of
1964 to extend for 3 years the fellowship
program authorized by such section.
EXECUTIVE MESSAGES REFERRED
As in executive session,
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore laid before the Senate messages
from the President of the United States
submitting sundry nominations, which
were referred to the appropriate com-
mittees.
(For nominations this day received, see
the end of Senate proceedings.)
MESSAGE FROM THE HOUSE-EN-
ROLLED BILLS SIGNED
A message from the House of Repre-
sentatives, by Mr. Bartlett, one of its
reading clerks, announced that the
Speaker had affixed his signature to the
following enrolled bills:
H.R. 1282. An act to provide for the with-
drawal of wine from bonded wine cellars
without payment of tax when rendered un-
fit for beverage use, and for other purposes;
H.R.2470. An act to provide for the free
entry of certain scientific instruments and
apparatus for the use of Tufts' University,
Mount Holyoke College, and the Massachu-
setts Division of the Ameican Cancer So-
ciety; and
H.R. 6056. An act to amend the Internal
Revenue Code of 1954 to provide rules re-
lating to the deduction for personal exemp-
tions for children of parents who are divorced
or separated.
EXECUTIVE COMMUNICATIONS,
ETC.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore laid before the Senate the follow-
ing oorrmunicat.ion and letters, which
were referred as indicated :
CoMMlss:oN To STUDY SELF-DETERMINATION
BY THI: TRUST TERRITORY OF THE PACIFIC
ISLANDS
A communication from the President of
the United States, transmitting a draft of
a joint :,esolution regarding the Status of
the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands
(with accompanying papers); to the Com-
mittee on Interior and Insular Affairs.
REVISION OF Sor"wooD LUMBER STANDARD
A letter from the Secretary of Commerce,
transmiting, for the information of the
Senate, a e announcement relating to the re-
vision of the softwood lumber standard (with
an accompanying paper); to the Committee
on Comn cerce.
THIRD I'R.EFERENC]c AND SIXTH PREFERENCE
CLAS$IFICATIONs FOR CERTAIN ALIENS
A letter from the Commissioner, Immigra-
tion and Naturalization Service, Department
of Justice, transmitting, pursuant to law,
reports relating to third preference and sixth
preference classifications for certain aliens
(with accompanying papers); to the Com-
mittee o]i the Judiciary.
PETITION
The .F.CTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore laid before the Senate a resolution
adopted by the Board of Supervisors,
County of Los Angeles, Calif., favoring
the enactment of legislation to decrease
foreign aid appropriations, which was
referred to the Committee on Appropria-
tions.
REPORTS OF COMMITTEES
The fallowing reports of committees
were sulcmitted:
By Mr. BIBLE, from the Committee on In-
terior ani Insular Affairs, with an amend-
ment:
S. 814. 9 bill to establish the National Park
Foundation (Rept. No. 532).
By Mr. NELSON, from the Committee on
Interior end Insular Affairs, withoutamend-
ment:
S. 1972. A bill to provide for the disposi-
tion of funds appropriated to pay a judg-
ment in i avor of the Emigrant New York In-
dians in Indian Claims Commission docket
No. 75, and for other purposes (Rept. No.
536).
By Mr. JACKSON, from the Committee on
Interior and Insular Affairs, with amend-
ments :
H.R. 535. An act to provide that the United
States shall hold certain Chilocco Indian
School lands at Chilocco, Okla., in trust for
the Cherokee Nation upon payment by the
Cherokee Nation of $3.75 per acre to the Fed-
eral Government (Rept. No. 535).
By Mr. BREWSTER, from the Committee
on Commerce, without amendment:
H.R. V 8. An act to amend section 209 of
the Mere cant Marine Act, 1936, so as to re-
quire future authorization of funds for cer-
tain programs of the Maritime Administra-
tion (Reid. No. 533).
By Mr ERVIN, from the Committee on
the Judiciary, with amendments:
S. 1035. A bill to protect the civilian em-
ployees of the executive branch of the U.S.
Government in the enjoyment of their con-
stitutionui rights and to prevent unwar-
ranted governmental invasions of their pri-
vacy (Rel it. No. 534).
NOMINATION OF THURGOOD MAR-
SHAL::-EXECUTIVE REPORT OF A
COMMITTEE EX. REPT. NO. 13)
Mr. R%RT. Mr. President, as in execu-
tive session, from the Committee on the
Judiciary, I report favorably the nom-
ination of Thurgood Marshall,, of New
York, to be an Associate Justice of the
Supreme Court of the United States, and
I submit a report thereon. I ask unani-
mous consent that the report be printed,
together with the minority views of Sen-
ators MCCLELLAN, EASTLAND, THURMOND,
and ERVnc.
The 'ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore. The report will be received and the
nomination will be placed on. the Execu-
tive Calendar; and, without objection,
the report will be printed, as requested
by the Senator from Michigan.
BILLS INTRODUCED
Bills were introduced, react the first
time, and, by unanimous consent, the
second time, and referred as follows:
By Mr. HART (for himself and Mr.
MAGNUSON) :
S. 2321. A bill to supplement the antitrust
laws of the United States in order to pre-
vent anticompetitive practices, by providing
for just compensation upon termination of
certain franchise relationships; to the Com-
mittee on the Judiciary.
. (See the remarks of Mr. HART when he in-
troduced the above bill, which appear under
a separate heading.)
By Mr. TYDINGS:
S. 2322. A bill to provide for a study with
respect to the adequacy of legal. services and
programs in the 'United States; to the Com-
mittee on the Judiciary.
(See the remarks of Mr. TYDINCS when he
introduced the above bill, which appear
under separate heading.)
FRANCHISE COMPETITIVE PRAC-
TICE ACT OF 1967
Mr. HART. Mr. President, on behalf
of myself and the Senator from Wash-
ington [Mr. MAGNUSON], I introduce to-
day, for appropriate reference, the
Franchise Competitive Practice Act of
1967. In brief, this bill provides for just
compensation to the franchise upon
termination of certain franchise rela-
tionships.
Franchising has enjoyed a tremendous
growth since the end of World War II.
Today almost any item or service which
the public desires is available under a
franchise program. The franchising sys-
tem is of mutual advantage to the fran-
chisor and franchisee. The franchisee is
provided with an opportunity to become
an "independent" businessman benefited
%by national advertising, know-how,
proved bookkeeping methods, and so
forth, without having to undertake the
enormous financial burden required by a
single business. The franchisor is able to
organize a nationwide distribution sys-
tem without the attending problems of
employees, taxes, and so forth. The rela-
tionship is much like a partnership in
which both parties gain or lose by the
other's action. -
The Antitrust and Monopoly Subcom-
mittee has held three sets of hearings on
franchising during the past 2 years. One
thing that becameclear was that the bal-
ance is titled somewhat in favor of the
franchisor. Numerous franchisees testi-
fied repeatedly that they constantly lived
with the fear of arbitrary cancellation
of the franchise and the preempting of
established customers by the franchisor.
Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300038-0