LET'S GET THE RECORD STRAIGHT

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180013-6
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 14
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 6, 2003
• Sequence Number: 13
• Publication Date: July 7, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

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July "r,.1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
that we are exa ining the contract audit.
operator~ls o f li e General, ,accounting
Office and analyzing the issues that have
developed. -I have good reason to believe
that Mr. Campbell and others. of his staff
consider the hearings beneficial, as does
the Department of Defense and Govern-
ment contractors generally, and that the
General ,Accounting Office will be respon-
sive to our recommendations and will
work with us toward the mutual goal of
making the General Accounting office as
effective an instrument as possible in
carrying out its statutory duties, assist-
ing the Congress, and promoting ef-
ficiency and economy in the public
service.
.I have known Mr. Campbell since 1953
when he was appointed by President
Eisenhower as a member of the Atomic
Energy Commission. The Joint Com-
mittee on. Atomic Energy, of which I have
been a member since its inception in
1946, .keeps fully informed of the work
of the Atomic Energy Commission; and
Mr. Campbell had occasion. in the past to
appear before the Joint Committee. In
1954, I believe, Mr. Campbell was, given
a recess appointment by President Eisen-
hower to,. the post of Comptroller Gen-
eral, and in 1955 he was confirmed for
the regular 15-year term, of which he has
served better than 10 years.
That same year-1955--71 became
chairman of . the Military Operations
Subcommittee of, the House Committee
on Government Operations, and during
the decade of Mr. Campbell's incumbency
our subcommittee has conducted many
investigations and held many hearings.
We have sought and obtained assistance
from the General Accounting Office,
when required in connection with our
inquiries, and we have received and ex-
amined many hundreds of General Ac-
counting office reports.
I know Mr. Campbell will leave his
post, which he has served with great dis-
tinction, with the best wishes of many,
many people. I have the highest regard
personally for Mr. Campbell and I sin-
cerely wish him many happy years of re-
tirement. He has been an outstanding
public servant, and has rendered a fine
service to the Congress, the executive
branch, and the taxpayers of this
country.
INEQUITIES IN H.R. 6675
(Mr. MINSHALL asked and was given
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD.)
Mr. MINSHALL. Mr. Speaker, should
the Social. Security Amendments of 1965
be enacted as now written in H.R. 6675,
as many as 18,000 veterans of World War
I, World War II, and the Korean., war
would face reduction or elimination of
veterans pension benefits.
Under present law, a veteran who is
totally and permanently disabled for rea-
sons not connected to his military service
,may collectr pension up to, $115 monthly.
But his . colne,i ust?not exceed $1,400
per year f e is unmarried, $2,700 an-
nually if married., The Veterans' Ad-
nil nistratign counts 90 percent of any
SOCial.security benefits he receives as part
of that income.
No. 122-6
The loss or reduction of these veteran
benefits as a result of enactment of H.R.
6675 would more than offset the proposed
7-percent increase in social security pay-
ments.
It is my understanding that Senator
MILLER, of Nebraska, will today or to-
morrow call for an amendment to H.R.
6675, now under debate in the Senate
Chamber, to correct this inequity. I
wish to introduce identical legislation for
immediate consideration by the House in
the event that Senator MILLER's efforts
are not successful. If they are, and
there is no reason to believe they will not
be in view of similar action by the Sen-
ate last year, I urge House conferees on
H.R. 6675 to approve the amendment.
CORRECTION OF ROLLCALL
Mr. MURPHY of Illinois. Mr.
Speaker, on rollcall No. 167 I voted "yea,"
but I am not listed as voting. I ask
unanimous consent that the permanent
RECORD and Journal be corrected accord-
ingly.
The SPEAKER. Without objection, it
is so ordered.
There was no objection.
CORRECTION OF THE RECORD
Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unani-
mous consent that the permanent bound
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD be corrected as
follows: June 29, 1965, page 14620, first
column, last paragraph which starts
"New York City alone could use the en-
tire authorization." The figure of 4,200
new public housing units should be
changed to read 5,250 new public housing
units.
The SPEAKER. Without objection, it
is so ordered.
There was no objection.
Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unani-
mous consent that the permanent bound
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD be corrected as
follows: June 30, 1965, page 14738, first
column, the sentence beginning "We
know that Nasser has diverted" should
be changed to read "We know that Nas-
ser has diverted 40 percent of the United
Arab Republic rice crop for export, most
of it to the Communist bloc-in violation
of previous dimplomatic agreement."
(Mr. WIDNALL (at the request of Mr.
DEL CLAWSON) was granted permission
to extend his remarks at this point in
the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.) .
[Mr. WIDNALL'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
PORT HUENEME PRAYER DAY AC-
CORDED NATIONAL RECOGNITION
(Mr. TEAGUE of California (at the
request of Mr. DEL CLAWSON). was grant-
ed permission to extend his remarks at
this point in the RECORD and to include
extraneous matter.)
Mr. TEAGUE of California. Mr.
Speaker, the mayor and City Council of
Port Hueneme in the 13th Congressional
District of California, recently pro-
claimed Thursday, July 1, as a day of
15175
prayer in remembrance of those who
have given their lives and those who have
suffered wounds in defense of our coun-
try.
The proclamation, signed by Mayor
Ray D. Prueter, referred particularly to
two men from the Port Hueneme Seabee
unit who had been killed the week be-
fore at Dong Xoai in Vietnam and the
six who were wounded in the battle.
But the proclamation also gave recogni-
tion to "all other servicemen of the
United States."
Mayor Prueter and the council asked
that all public officials, merchants, busi-
nessmen, and citizens join in attending
church services of their choice in prayer
during the hour from noon to 1 p.m.
and that business establishments join
the city government in closing during
that hour.
The Nation's wire services took appro-
priate notice of the proclamation in news
dispatches, with the result that Mayor
Prueter received a great many congrat-
ulatory communications from people
throughout the county.
Mr. Speaker, under unanimous con-
sent, I am placing in the RECORD at this
point the proclamation and a news arti-
cle from the Oxnard Prses-Courier of
June 30 headlined "Nation Responds to
Port Day of Prayer":
NATION RESPONDS TO PORT DAY OF PRAYER
(By Murray Norris)
The day of prayer set for tomorrow by
Port Hueneme Mayor Ray D. Prueter has
caught the heartstrings of the Nation, and
persons around the country have written
to tell him they will join their prayers with
his.
Two weeks ago Prueter set July 1 as a day
of prayer for Port Hueneme. He will close
city offices for an hour tomorrow and has
called on businessmen to close their stores
and attend church to pray for peace and
servicemen who are giving their lives In Viet-
nam.
At the time he made the prayer procla-
mation, Prueter had in mind the two men
from the Port Hueneme Seabee base who had
been killed at Dong Xoai in Vietnam the
week before, and the six that were wounded
in the Dong Xoai battle. He recalled that
President Abraham Lincoln had proclaimed
days of fast, prayer and humiliation during
the Civil War, and asked his city to join in
emulating this practice.
MESSAGES
Since that time, he has received 50 con-
gratulatory telephone calls, a score of let-
ters from all parts of the Nation, and more
than 50 requests for copies of the proclama-
tion, including one from a city councilman in
San Luis Obispo County.
One letter which the mayor received from
Tulsa, Okla., said:
"One of the Seabees wounded in the re-
cent battle at Dong Xoai was our broth-
er * * * we will join you on July 1 in prayer
for those wounded and for the families and
loved ones of those who bravely gave their
lives in Vietnam. * * *"
KIN WRITES
"Would to God that we were all worthy
of the sacrifices made for us."
It was signed "The Seven Brothers and
Sisters of John R. McCully."
Prueter said the letters have been coming
in rather slowly due to "being routed through
the Oxnard City Hall." This is because a
story circulated by United Press Interna-
tional Identified Prueter as the "mayor of
Oxnard."
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE July 7, 1965
"One of the letters we received this morn-
ing was from a Jewish synagogue," said the
Port Hueneme mayor. "The proclamation
appeals to people of all faiths."
AT BASE CHAPEL
Tomorrow at noon, Prueter along with his
family and other members of the Port Hue-
neme City Council will attend services at the
Seabee base chapel between noon and 1 p.m.
Through the cooperation of the Port Hue-
neme-Oxnard Ministerial Council, the Com-
munity Presbyterian Church will hold serv-
ices in Port Hueneme, and the All-Saints
Episcopal Church will hold services in Port
Hueneme, and the All-Saints Episcopal
Church will hold services in Oxnard.
Prueter said he was closing the Port Hue-
neme city offices as a gesture of sacrifice to
join with the prayers of the citizens to
implore God's clemency and forgiveness."
Robert Howlett, mayor of Oxnard, has is-
sued a proclamation calling for prayers dur-
ing the noon hour as has Ventura County
Executive Loren Enoch. Neither of these
governmental agencies will close their offices,
however.
ALMOST A PRAYER
The wording of Prueter's proclamation was
considered almost a prayer by several nu n-
isters, and it will be read as a part of the
prayer services in both Port Hueneme and
Oxnard tomorrow.
In a letter from Atlanta, Ga., Mrs. Nellie L.
Gaudry praised the mayor saying, "I am very
proud we still have men like you that believe
in God and prayer in these troubled, war-
torn times * * *."
Mrs. Margie Caposela, of Cincinnati, Ohio,
said, "Your town must be quite proud of
you * * *.11
A college student in San Antonio, Tex.,
complimented the mayor for his "pause in
the rush of modern living to remember Al-
mighty God and to attribute to Him the hom-
age due. I am convinced that if this practice
were more common, our poor world and its
inhabitants would be much closer to God
and, consequently, closer to all that God is-
peace and love."
MOST PROFOUND
Even a former World War II Seabee, MI-
chael Miranda, of New York, who shipped out
of Port Hueneme, wrote to say he would add
his prayers to those of others on July 1.
One letter from Philadelphia contained
only a newspaper clipping about the day of
prayer and a Christmas card.
"The meaning of this letter was most pro-
found," said Prueter.
But perhaps letters that touch the mayor
most deeply are those like the one he re-
ceived from a 92-year-old widow, which said:
"I asked in my church last Sunday if every-
one would join in prayer July 1 when you in
Oxnard pray * * *. I wish that the mayors
in every city in the United States would see
the need of praying to God these days."
A Loss To THE NAVY
The departure of Kenneth E. BeLieu from
Government service today is a loss to the
administration, and--more specifically--to
the Navy.
Mr. BeLleu, who served President Ken-
nedy and President Johnson for 41/2 years
as Assistant Secretary and then Under Sec-
retary of the Navy, was, first of all, qualified
by experience. He served with the Army In
Europe in World War II and was wounded
and decorated; later he lost a foot in Korea,
and retired with the rank of colonel. He had
the moral courage, while still on active duty,
to oppose Senator McCarthy in open hear-
ings when McCarthy was attacking the Army
in 1954. He was staff director of two Senate
committees headed by the then Senator
Johnson.
in his service in the Pentagon he was
known primarily for three qualities. He
understands people, realizing that they are
the heart of any military service. He was not
afraid to speak his mind and to argue for
what he believes. He knows Washington as
a political entity and he respects the respec-
tive roles of the executive and the legislative
branches of Government.
The Navy will remember him with affec-
tion-most of all those Navy amputees, hurt
in an aircraft carrier accident, who were
roused out of deep depression when Mr. Be-
Lieu, in a visit to their hospital, sat down on
the edge of a bed, took off his artificial leg
and held it up to show them that their lives
had not ended.
A ONE-MAN TOWN
(Mr. HALL (at the request of Mr. DEL
CLAWSON) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. HALL. Mr. Speaker, the June 25
edition of the Washington Post contained
a very good column by Mr. Patrick 0'-
Donovan.
The article, more than anything else
I have read, illustrates the rigor mortis
which has taken hold over our political
process.
Surely, Mr. O'Donovan's words should
be a cause of concern to every Member
of this House and to all who wish to pre-
serve a representative form of govern-
ment.
The article follows:
A ONE-MAN TOWN: WASHINGTON UNDER L.B.J.
(By Patrick O'Donovan)
festive, partly because there is no rival
on any horizon. There is his brilliant parlia-
mentary performance on the domestic scene,
the fact that he has completed a program
designed by President Franklin D. Roosevelt
that up to now had been blocked by -political
maneuvering.
And there remains the fact that this man,
who is above all a domestic politician, is
faced with the foreign problem that is more
intimately terrible than any that has faced
the United States before. And this is a
democracy that is not geared to discuss prob-
lems of foreign policy. When these arise,
the tradition is that the country speaks with
a single voice. And the voice today is Mr.
Johnson's.
Washington is like an unwatered lawn
that is dying from the roots. You can see
it in the newspapers. The great reporters
have nothing to report. The columnists have
either to ratiocinate or else to write on triv-
ial subjects.
It is true the columnists continue to lay
down the law in a manner not seen in the
British press. It is also true that they are
indulging themselves in a sort of intra-
mural controversy. Joseph Alsop, a perfervid
defender of the Administration, attacks his
enemies as "twaddle merchants," and his op-
ponents talk of the "house-trained" corre-
spondents. It is fun, but it is not the real.
thing.
And all this time there is this astonishing,
ominous silence from the great doomed, law..
making temple that is set above Washington.
The liberal Senators and Members of the
House of Representatives, Democratic or Re-
publican, simply do not know what to do.
Very, very few of them are happy.
But a silence has been imposed upon
Washington.
Once upon a time the White House aids
were courtiers, were powers and dominions
in their own right. They used to talk and
gossip and feed the press in the friendly
and enthusiastic service of their master.
Now it is more than a man's career is worth
for any of these men to say anything to a
reporter that matters.
All the talk is about the President. And
there is little enough of that. Great and
good and responsible politicians simply ap-
pear to opt out of one aspect of their public
life. They are not frightened. This is not
McCartyism, but suddenly the democratic
process, under a most democratic President,
seems to have shuddered- to a halt.
It would be quite unfair to. blame Presi-
dent Johnson. He is intolerant, occasionally
angry and demanding of agreement. He has
at his disposal the greatest and best prepared
forces that any free country has ever pro-
duced in time of peace, and now, in Wash-
ington, it is perfectly plain that he and he
alone will make the decision on how these
forces will be used.
Washington, for the only time in its his-
tory, has become a one-man city and all the
ministers and advisers who surround him
The pleasure of reporting on this city used
to be its complication. American politics is
an art form that grows more fascinating the
deeper you penetrate. A serious man could
spend his life in a delighted study of this
most sophisticated and extravagant system.
There was the subtle interplay of White
House and Capitol. Occasionally there was a
great gun fired from the Supreme Court to
put everyone back on the starting line.
There were lobbies and pressure groups
crowding the executive and the legislature.
There were the great figures, Senators, Gov-
ernors, or mayors, playing the role that was
given to kingmakers or white-haired coun-
cilors in Europe.
Even when it was boring it was subtle.
The interplay of powerful, squalid, great, and
good men fighting to get their way was a
spectacle that commanded a decent atten-
tion. The working of a democracy, with all
its mechanism-good and bad-exposed, this
was a privelege to watch. And suddenly all
this hubbub is stilled.
This has become a one-man town. It is
partly because President Johnson Is so ef-
A LOSS TO THE NAVY
(Mr. GERALD R. FORD (at the re-
quest of Mr. DEL CLAWSON) was granted
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. GERALD R. FORD. Mr. Speaker,
as a member of the Subcommittee on
Appropriations for the Department of
Defense, I learned to appreciate the serv-
ice rendered by Ken BeLieu to the De-
partment of Defense and to his country.
I share the sentiments expressed in
the July 1 editorial in the New York
Times entitled "A Loss to the Navy."
Under leave to extend my remarks,, I in-
clude that editorial:
~rA- c 4
LET'S GET THE 6D STRAIGHT
(Mr. BATTIN (at the request of Mr.
DEL CLAWSON) was granted permission
to extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. BATTIN. Mr. Speaker, on July 1,
1965, an NBC network television pro-
gram, "Situation Report," dealt with the
debate that is going on in the Congress
about our Government's policies in Viet-
nam. NBC news correspondent Robert
Goralski was the commentator.
During the course of this program, the
following unfortunately inaccurate
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July 7, 1965
statement was made concerning the
position of the gentleman from Wiscon-
sin, the distinguished chairman of the
Republican conference [Mr. LAIRD] :
The truth.seems to be that the consensus
the President wants is falling apart * * *
with the right and left taking issue with the
President. Oregon's loquacious Senator
Monss. represents one extreme-a small con-
gressionai, minority that would withdraw
from Vietnam immediately * * * but
leaving the United Nations behind to pick up
what pieces might be left. At the other ex-
treme are those represented by MELVIN LAIRD,
of Wisconsin, and JAMES Urr, of California.
These Congressmen are willing to see what's
going to happen in the next few months
* * * and then lead a campaign to extend
the war. Given their way, the United States
would pour combat troops into South Viet-
nam's jungles and, planes would destroy
everything in sight north of the 17th parallel,
including Hanoi itself.
Mr. Speaker, to imply that the gentle-
man from Wisconsin favors "pouring
combat troops into South Vietnam's
jungles" is to state a position that is the
direct opposite of everything the gentle-
man from Wisconsin, or the Republican
House leadership for that matter, has
discussed in recent weeks.
So there will be no mistake about the
position of the gentleman from Wiscon-
sin, I include. the statement of June 14
by Mr. LAIRD on the subject of Vietnam
in the RECORD' at this point:
STATEMENT 5YR .YRES'ENTATIVE MELVINR.
LAIRD, o WISCONSIN,. JUNE 14, 1965
We may be dangerously close to ending any
Republican support of our present Vietnam
policy. This possibility exists because the
American people do not know how fax the
administration is prepared to go with large-
scale use of ground forces in order to save
face in Vietnam.
The American people deserve an answer
to this. question. The Republican Party
should base its future support on the nature
of that answer.
In the absence of this answer, we can only
conclude. that present policy is aimed not at
victory over, the Communist insurgency nor
at driving Communists out of South Vietnam
but rather at some sort of negotiated settle-
ment which would.include Communist ele-
ments in a coalition government.
If such is the objective of the Johnson
,administration, then the charge can be
leveled that this administration is over-
committing ground forces in this area of the
world and needlessly exposing the lives of
thousands of American boys.
In several public utterances, administra-
tion spokesmen have implied that the ground
force buildup in Vietnam is Eisenhower or
.Republican policy. Such an implication, is
just the opposite of the truth.
The Eisenhower-Dulles policy scrupulously
avoided a laxge-scale use of conventional
ground forces in southeast Asia. As a matter
of fact, at the time President Eisenhower left
office, there were only 773 members of the
U.S. military mission in Vietnam and the
situation at that time was much less critical
than .it is now although we have more than
60,000 American troops there today. Indica-
tions are that the American troop buildup
in Vietnam could go as high as 100,000 Amer-
ican boys.
Well over 2 years ago, interested free world
Asian countries offered to assist U.S. efforts
in that area of the world. This aid in-
cluded the offer of ground troops and other
assistance from such countries as South
Korea, Formosa, and Thailand. This aid
was rejected by the United States at that
time.
cQNGRESSIQNAL, RECORD .- HOUSE
Today, thousands of American boys are
fighting a war and many are losing their lives
because the U.S. Government has failed on
occasion after occasion to make the right
decision at the right time.
If our objective is a negotiated settlement,
it Is time to use other means than the need-
less sacrifice of American lives to attain
that objective. Once American troops are
committed in any situation, a top priority
objective must be to take those steps neces-
sary to protect American lives and minimize
the number of casualties.
One such step, already long overdue, is to
retarget our bombing raids on more signifi-
cant targets in North Vietnam. A major
transportation and supply area is the port
city of Haiphong. To continue to allow the
unhindered flow of war materials in and out
of that area only insures greater American
casualties in future Vietcong offensive
sections.
Republicans will continue to support Pres-
ident Johnson when his actions in the Viet-
namese situation serve American and free
world interests and when they do not need-
lessly waste or endanger American lives.
Mr. Speaker, it is doubly surprising
that an NBC news correspondent would
err on the position of the gentleman
from Wisconsin since his position was
restated in a nationally televised inter-
view on the NBC "Today Show" just
3 days after the June 14 statement.
Under unanimous consent, I ask that the
"Today Show" interview of June 17 with
NBC news correspondent Sander Vane-
cur be included in the RECORD at the con-
clusion of my remarks together with the
full transcript of Mr. Goralski's "Situa-
tion Report of July 1, 1965."
The House leadership, Mr. Speaker,
has spoken with one voice insofar as our
policies in Vietnam are concerned. The
distinguished minority leader, the gen-
tleman from Michigan [Mr. GERALD R.,
FORD], issued a statement last Thurs-
day, the same day on which Mr. Goralski
delivered his "Situation Report." Under
unanimous consent, I include the state-
ment by Mr. FORD of July 1, 1965, in the
RECORD at the conclusion of my remarks.
Mr. Speaker, it will be apparent to any-
one reading over the material I have in-
cluded in the RECORD that the statement
by Mr. Goralski was in error and that
that error should be corrected. If it is
corrected in a subsequent "Situation Re-
port," I would be more than happy to
read it into the RECORD as well.
The material referred to follows:
CONGRESSMAN MELVIN LAIRD IS INTERVIEWED
HUGH DowNS. In Washington, Congress-
man MELVIN LAIRD, chairman of the Repub-
lican conference in the House, said that he
doubts the wisdom of giving full Republi-
can support with no questions asked, to
President Johnson's Vietnam policy. LAIRD
suggests the Republicans should come up
with their own policy for Vietnam, rather
than following the administration down the
line.
Congressman LAIRD is in our Washington
studios this morning with "Today" program's
Washington correspondent, Sander Vanocur.
Gentleman:
(Congressman MELVIN LAIRD and Sander
Vanocur are seen on TV screen, seated in
studio.)
VANocus. Good morning, Hugh. Congress-
man LAIRD, why have you come to this posi-
tion now where you suggest that the Repub-
licans who have supported the President on
Vietnam are now, as you put it, perilously
close to giving up that support?
15177
Congressman LAIRD. Well, Sander, I'd just
like to say that we in the Republican Party
in the House of Representatives I think have
gone the extra step to support the President
of the United States as far as the southeast
Asia war is concerned. GERRY Pose, LEs
ARENDS, myself, and the other leaders of the
House of Representatives on the minority
side, have always gone the extra step to
support the President of the United States,
and we still support the firm action of the
President in Vietnam, There are serious
questions, however, as to whether we are
fighting the proper kind of war, and there
are questions about the future, and I be-
lieve that we in the minority party have a
responsibility and duty to address to the
President of the United States, and discuss
from one end of this country to the other.
The President chose, back late last year,
to escalate the war as he has done to the use
of bombing raids to the north, using air
power. Now, the President is choosing to
escalate the war on the ground in Vietnam.
Personally, I think that this is the poorest
choice of escalation that the President could
possibly make, because we are choosing the
very area where the Red Chinese, whom we
are confronted with, and we have a con-
frontation with them in southeast Asia at
the present time, are the strongest. And to
imply that this is the policy of the former
Republican administration, as a high admin-
istration spokesman did this past week, to
accelerate and to escalate the ground war
in Vietnam, is not the case, because the
Eisenhower-Dulles policy was just the oppo-
site, that we should not tie down large-scale
ground forces In southeast Asia.
VANOCUR. Well, Congressman LAIRD, your
statement of Monday seemed to suggest that
the administration was remiss in not seek-
ing total victory. Do you believe there is
such a thing as total victory in that kind
of a war?
LAIRD. Well, first I'd like to say that there
were three alternatives available to the
United States prior to the Baltimore speech
of the President. One of them was military
victory, the win policy that Secretary Mc-
Namara outlined to the Defense Appropria-
tions Committee on which I serve, in March.
And this was the objective and the policy
of the United States in March in the testi-
mony of the Secretary of Defense.
VANOcUR. May I interrupt you just a sec-
ond?
LAIRD. Yes.
VAxocuR. Did he say in that testimony
that the United States could win the war?
LAIRD. Yes, and that was the objective of
the United States in southeast Asia and
Vietnam. The second alternative, of course,
was a negotiated settlement, and the third
alternative was to withdraw. But after the
Baltimore speech of President Johnson, in
which he said our objective was to negotiate
a settlement, he gave that implied implica-
tion to the world that that was our objective
as far as Vietnam was concerned, then there
were only two alternatives left to us: a ne-
gotiated settlement or withdrawal. You
cannot talk about military victory in Viet-
nam when you already have established your
policy objective as a negotiated settlement,
and this is the objective now of the admin-
istration, if they have an objective. It
seems to me that they have not been fair
with the American people, or fair with even
those of us in Congress, by not clearly set-
ting forth their short-term aims, and long-
term objectives as far as Vietnam is con-
cerned.
VANocvR. What would be the aims of a
Republican administration; what would be
your aims in Vietnam?
LAIRD. Well, I personally think that we
cannot go back on the established policy set
forth by the President of the United States
as far as his Baltimore speech is concerned.
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15178 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
So we cannot repudiate this position that has
been taken by the leader of our country, and
I do not want to be in a position at any time
inhere I will cause the Red Chinese or the
Soviet Union to miscalculate the intentions
of the United States of America to defend
freedom throughout the world. Now, our
objective as stated by the President in his
Baltimore speech now is for a negotiated
settlement. It seems to me that the North
Vietnamese are not Interested in negotia-
tions today, because they feel that they are
winning the war. Now if we choose, as the
President has chosen, to escalate the war
along the ground, I believe we are choosing
the area in which the North Vietnamese and
the Red Chinese are the strongest, and I do
not feel that that is the best way to bring
about this objective that has been set forth
by the President. Since the Presidend de-
cided to escalate the war in the air back late
last year, we have not hit any significant
military targets in North Vietnam. We have
gotten the criticism throughout the world
for our bombing raids that we knew we would
get, and we expect this from certain quarters,
but we have not hit any significant military
targets. We have allowed the Soviet Union
to bring military personnel Into North Viet-
nam to establish SAM sites; we have the
Haipong port in which large-scale military
shipments are coming in at this very time,
and we have not done anything about stop-
ping these particular shipments, either by a
sea blockade of this particular port or by
using any of the raids to knock out this very
great movement of military supplies and
equipment.
VAxocUR. But let's be candid. Doesn't
this put you In a very enviable position for
1966, that if the war escalates on the ground,
you can say, "We in the Republican Party
were against escalating the war, we didn't
want American boys killed, and yet we were
firmer than President Johnson about oppos..
ing the North Vietnamese?
LAIRD. Well, first I'd like to say that when
I talk about these matters I'm speaking as
a member, a minority member, of the De-
fense Appropriations Committee. I do not
know what the policy of my party will be
in 1966s political campaign as far as this is
concerned. But I'm sure that Republicans
will be responsible in this area; they will
put their country first and their party sec-
ond, regardless of how that affects the politi-
cal election. But I believe that discussion
and dissent is important today in this area
of foreign policy, particularly as we go for-
ward and set future policies as far as it
affects southeast Asia.
VANOCUR. Now, what does this do to your
position vis-a-vis the Senate Republican
block, Now, is Senator DIRB:sae following
the policies which you have advocated, have
you discussed them with him?
LAIRD. I do not believe that there is any
difference between my position and that of
a majority of the Republicans in the House
and in the U.S. Senate. I know that I
talked" with my leader in the House of
Representatives, Congressman GERRY FORD,
who's doing an outstanding job as our new
leader in the House of Representatives, a d
there is no disagreement between Congress-
man FoaD and myself. As a matted of fact,
we work together in this particular area, and
I have been in constant touch with Con-
gressman FORD. Today were filing the De-
fense appropriation report on the appro-
priation bill for 1966. We do not feel that
the administration has faced up to Its re-
sponsibilities even in this area. They have
cut back on the amount of Defense requests,
money requested for fiscal year 1966, so they
could fund some other programs and come
in with a budget under $100 billion. I
know, as a member of this committee, that
they'll have to come with supplemental
appropriations during this year, to fund this
Vietnam situation. They've already had to
come with one for $700 million in 1965.
They will have to come after January for
further supplemental requests. They got
the public reaction of a budget under $100
billion, they knew that Congress couldn't
refuse to give them the funds to carry on
the Vietnam war and we will give them these
funds. But I think the American people
should be advised of the fact that these
supplemental requests for defense expendi-
tures are forthcoming and the $100 billion
budget figure was really a phoney when it
was submitted in January.
VANOCUR. Congressman, at what point will
the Republican Party in Congress, at what
point in commitment of men to Vietnam, do
you think the Republican Party will say, we
can no longer support this? Will this even-
tually come to pass?
LAIRD. Well, this is a very difficult ques-
tion, Sander, to answer, because when it
comes to the point, now is the time to ques-
tion the commitment of ground forces in
South Vietnam. I do not believe we want to
be in a position if the President goes forward
and commits several hundred thousand men
to Vietnam-and it looks now like we're al-
ready programing a hundred thousand men
there-I do not believe we want to be in the
position at any time to cause any miscalcu-
lation on the part of the Soviet Union or the
Red Chinese as to the intentions of the
United States of America. This is impor-
tant. So, to give you a time element in this
area, I think it would be a grave mistake,
as far as I'm concerned.
VANocuR. Thank you very much, Congress-
man MELVIN LAIRD, of Wisconsin, a very
powerful member of the House Republican
group.
,SITUATION REPORT. JULY 1
(By Robert Gomalski)
Party labels don't seem to mean very much
in Congress when it comes to Vietnam. Lt's
reached a point where you need a scorecard.
And it's a good bet that President Johnson
has one.
* * * * *
Republican and Democratic leaders on
Capitol Hill are joined in an unusual debate.
Both sides say they support the President
on Vietnam ' * * it's the other party that's
destroying the spirit of bipartisanship.
House Minority Leader Ford today went so
far as to warn the President that It would
be disastrous if he listened to the advice
being preferred by some of his own Demo-
crats. This was in answer to Senate Major-
ity leader Mansfield's statement of yester-
day that Republicans are doing the country
* * * a disservice by calling for an even
greater military involvement in Vietnam.
Senator MANsFIELn likened some elements
of the GOP to Genghis Khan.
The truth seems to be that the consensus
the President wants is falling apart * * *
with the right and left taking issue with the
President, Oregon's loquacious Senator
MORSE represents one extreme-a small con-
gressional minority that would withdraw
from Vietnam Immediately * * * but leav-
ing the United Nations behind to pick up
what pieces might be left. At the other
extreme are those represented by MELvrN
LAIRD of Wisconsin, and JAMES UTT of Wis-
consin. These Congressmen are willing to
see what's going to happen in the next few
months * * * and then lead a campaign
to extend the war. Given their way, the
United States would pour combat troops
into South Vietnam's jungles and planes
would destroy everything in sight north of
the 17th parallel, including Hanoi itself.
Then there are elements slightly more
moderate * * * but who still sense that
things aren't working out too well * * *
and feel something has to be done. They're
not sure what.
With expressions of discontent from the
Hill, the President can't be too happy. He'd
July 7, 1965
prefer the kind of bipartisanship that
Franklin Roosevelt enjoyed during World
War II. If President Roosevelt had his Ar-
thur Vandenberg, then Mr. Johnson has his
EVERm'r DnrxsEN. Both Republicans could
approve the actions of the Democrat in the
White House.
Consensus-+bipartanship, call what you
will, is desirable * * * but then so is honest
debate. And the President's policies in Viet-
nam have received more approval than criti-
cism.
One affect of the extremist talk is to put
Mr. Johnson in. the position of moderation,
where he always feels comfortable. Those
who would regard him as impetuous need
only look at the saber-rattlers for real impet-
uousity. Those who think him too willing to
pull out need only look at the peace-at-any-
price appeals for real pacifism.
But with reports of new setbacks in
Vietnam, the two extremes will become more
vocal and grow in numbers ' * * and the.
President will have to come up with more
answers.
STATEMENT BY REPRESENTATIVE GERALD It.
FORD, REPUBLICAN LEADER, Bousz of REP-
RESENTATIVES, ON VIETNAM, JULY 1, 1965
Republicans will continue to disregard
partisan considerations in foreign policy. We
will be guided by the national interest.
Like Senator Arthur Vandenberg at the
time of the Yalta agreement, we will criticize
administration policy when it fails to serve
the national interest. We will make con-
structive recommendations that will bolster
the President's firmness, No Republican has
called this McNamara's war.
Several House Republicans, including my-
self, recently made the following points
about Vietnam:
1, The objectives of our Nation's policy
must be the establishment of conditions
under which the people of South Vietnam
may live in peace and freedom. This means
a government of their own choosing. This
means freedom from aggression-from with-
In and from without.
2. We hope for negotiations to end the
fighting-to assure the freedom and in-
dependence of South Vietnam, Let me
clarify one point--the Communists are es-
calating the war. No American Is. Moreover,
Peiping and Hanoi spurn the negotiating
table.
3. The United States cannot, without
violating its word, agree to settlement
which involves a coalition government with.
Communists. Such government makes a.
larger war inevitable at a later date. History
proves a coalition government with Com-
munists gives them unlimited veto power.
Veto power scuttles any hope for permanen
peace.
4. The administration must not sacrifice
the freedom and independence of South
Vietnam. To do so makes the loss of Ameri-
can lives purposeless. Some Democrats
would abandon the free people of Souta
Vietnam. The President must not yield to
them.
5. In this crisis, some Republican leaders
believe American air and sea power must be
used more effectively in North Vietnam
against significant military targets. We
advocate greater allied participation. We
question the logic of committing U.S. ground
forces on a large scale to fight a war in
southeast Asia.
(Mr. BRAY (at the request of Mr. DEL
CLAWSON) was granted permission "to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
(Mr. BRAY'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
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July, 7, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-. SENATE
Taken all together, the net value of our
holdings of property amounts to,approx-
imately $137,622.64 plus the $32,399.60
credited to my account. Our total assets
therefore amount to approximately $170,-
022,.24, not counting the value of furni-
ture, books, and works of art or the with-
drawal value of my senatorial pension
rights. These holdings have been ac-
cumulated through lifelong savings and
small inheritances. They were increased
this year by $7,022.24 because of capital
gains, an increase in the price of stocks,
and a reduction in the mortgage on our
home.
These are the salient facts about our
income and holdings as I have been able
to compile them. I have had thermo-
faxed copies made of my income tax
statement for 1964, and these are open
for inspection at my office.
I report, these facts neither to complain
about the real income of a Senator nor to
justify the recently enacted pay increase
for Members of the House and Senate
which I opposed and voted against.
Speaking for myself, the salary paid to
Senators is fair and adequate if one is
able and willing to live a modest personal
life.
I believe that the people who elected
me have a right to know these facts.
Primarily, the disclosure of a Congress-
man's income and assets is the best as-
surance possible to the people that their
representatives are not. engaging in pos-
sible conflicts of interest, Others ap-
parently do not feel this way and I want
it to be clear that my own report is not
intended to press on others my personal
views concerning disclosure.
NINTH ANNIVERSARY OF THE
POZNAN UPRISING
Mr. PELL. Mr. President, June 27
marked the ninth anniversary of the
Poznan revolt which occurred in Poland
in 1956. It was on that day that a large
group of students revolted against their
heavy Communist oppression, and de-
manded the restoration of some of the
basic freedoms that Poland had once
known, but had lost when the arm of
communism overswept that country. It
is difficult for those of us who have never
suffered a major loss of liberty to realize
the hardships involved in shipping away
each bit of freedom, under a regime
saturated with Soviet troops and sur-
rounded, on all sides by Soviet armies.
When Poznan was_ completely sur-
rounded by troops armed even with
heavy tanks, the Polish rebels bravely
resisted; and their resistance may be
considered successful, in that the Go-
mulka regime was compelled to grant a.
greater degree of freedom to the nation;
it was, forced to recognize that although
farmland. nationalization might be toler-
ated in .elghboring countries, the Polish
.farmer wopld:ngVer tolerate nationaliza-,
ti on of his land; and it was ,forced to
recogn`7ze, as `demonstrated by the case
of Cardinal W'yszynski, that religious
;fre?dom,1n Poland can never hp revoked.
As a direct result of that revolt, a series
of reforms was instituted. Perhaps those
reforms seem slight to us; but they repre-
1Qo. 122-11
15215
sented a major break in the Communist "peace is still a stranger knocking on the
cloud of oppression. door." The United States is "ready to open
In the past 9 years we have witnessed, that door" and this "is a moment when the
in the Polish Government, further opportunity is * * * beckoning for men of
changes allowing the Polish people to re- all nations to take a walk together toward
gain some of their lost freedoms. But "invitation," pHe made
as he e clear, called it, was was moreover, beeiningg ex-
their this
fight continues. So, on this day, tended "to the people-and the leaders-of
we pause to honor the rebels of 9 years the Communist countries, to the Soviet
ago, and to pay tribute to their continu- Union, to nations of Eastern and Western
What Mr. Johnson has in mind is in no
way difficult to gras
He is thinki
p.
ng of the
THE DILEMM S- ICH . PO progress, slow and piecemeal but encour-
ICY FACES IN SOUTHEAST ASIA aging, that has been made in 1963 and 1964
Mr. TYDINGS. Mr. President, an edi-
torial in the Baltimore Sun has well ex-
plained the cruel dilemmas which U.S. also or the growing uncertainties which in
policy, faces in southeast Asia. On the the past few months have attended Moscow's
one hand, we want to continue the quest policy particularly in respect of southeast
for peace. We want to build upon the Asia. The present situation was described
nuclear test ban treaty, the hot-line
agreement, and other agreements that
have been made with the Soviet Union.
On the other hand, we know that one
essential ingredient in our search for
peace is our willingness and determina-
tion to resist aggression. We are aware
that a detente in the cold war is possible
only if the Communists know that there
is nothing to be gained by war.
President Johnson has tread a care-
ful path between the two horns of this
dilemma. He has clearly demonstrated,
by word and deed, the determination of
the United States to resist aggression.
He has also told the world that we have
no desire to terminate the quest for
peace. While it is difficult to continue
the progress toward peace that we have
been making with the Russians, at the
same time that we are fighting in Viet-
nam, the President has repeatedly made
clear that he wants to try.
I ask unanimous consent that the edi-
torial from the Baltimore Sun of. June 7
be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THE DOOR IS OPEN
The President, as noted by Philip Potter
in the Sunday Sun, has consistently inter-
woven two major themes in his recent public
utterances on foreign affairs. One theme is
the determination to defend freedom and re-
sist aggression; the other is to continue the
pursuit of world peace and especially to con-
tinue to seek the cooperation of the Soviet
Union toward that end. These are not new
themes by any means. They have been the
central and consistent purposes of the John-
son administration.
The significant thing about the President's
restatements of them in his speeches of the
past few weeks has been the way he has given
them equal emphasis and linked them as in-
separable twin aspects of the country's policy.
In stressing their connection he has directed
his remarks to Moscow and the United States
allies as well as the American public. In the
words of an aid, quoted by Mr. Potter, the
President has been telling Russia "that an
overall struggle between us and the Russians
is nonsense, and the Russians stand to lose a
great deal by it. We are not going to be
pushed out of Vietnam. There is eno real
reason w iy Russia should undertake such an
attempt. There is no real quarrel between
our people."
Mr. Johnson returned to this theme in his
commencement address at Catholic Univer-
sity yesterday. "War," he said, "serves no
necessary end of any nation on earth" but
in the direction of better understanding with
Russia, the gradual relief of tensions and
by the London Economist: "There are a lot
of sensible people who agree that the West
should put up a fight in Vietnam but are
worried about the effect this will have an the
hopes of a stable relationship between the
West and Russia. This is a reasonable
worry; in preparing for the world of 1975,
when China will have nuclear missiles and
will not yet have run out of revolutionary
steam, it ought to be a major aim of Western
policy to keep Russia neutral or, even better,
to enroll it in the attempt to contain China.
Mr. Johnson would greatly increase the sup-
port he gets if he spelled out the connection
between his Vietnam policy and his policy
toward what we call, for want of a better
single word, coexistence."
Latterly the President has been doing just
that. Our commitments are to defense and
they will not be abandoned; "we' want no
part of any appeasement or of any aggres-
sion." But there is no commitment to mili-
tarism any more than there is to isolation.
We "invite peace to enter" the troubled,
divided world and welcome all joint efforts
which have that in view. It is a firm bid
to Moscow to resume the efforts to keep the
doors open and to use its influence against
the closing of them by any nation.
TRIBUTE TO LAWRENCE KNOWLES
AND OTHER PEACE CORPS VOL-
UNTEERS
Mr. PELL. Mr. President, as a co-
sponsor of the original Peace Corps au-
thorization legislation and one who
believes most strongly in this type of pro-
gram, I have followed as closely as pos-
sible the course of the Peace Corps vol-
unteers from my State in their endeav-
ors. I have recently been informed that
Lawrence Knowles, a Peace Corps vol-
unteer, and the son of Mr. and Mrs.
Lawrence G, Knowles, of 25 Barberry
Hill, Providence, R.I., who presently is a
faculty member at the College of Busi-
ness Administration at the Haile Selas-
sie I University in Ethiopia, has been
commended, editorially, in the college
newspaper, Busi-Body.
Mr. Knowles, who is 26 years of age,
has a B.S. degree in mathematics from
Harvard, and in 1963 received a degree
of Master of Business Administration
from the University of Virginia.
The College of Business Administra-
tion in Addis Ababa was started in 1963,
and then had only 12 full-time faculty
members, 8 of whom were Peace Corps
volunteers. During 1964, there were 210
full-time students, with 13 faculty mem-
bers, 9 of whom were volunteers. Mr.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July 7, 1965
Knowles has been teaching business
management and accounting.
I am informed that the local people
were very skeptical at the beginning of
this program. Now, however, it should
be obvious from the editorial-in-the stu-
dent newspaper that this situation has
radically changed.
I ask unanimous consent to have
printed in the RECORD an editorial cap-
tioned "The Pioneers Leave," from the
Busi-Body. I note with great pleasure
the statement that the Peace Corps vol-
unteers have made a truly practical con-
tribution to better international under-
standing. To these students, they have
demonstrated both their love of hard
work, and their unrelenting -self-sacrific-
ing missionary spirit.
I am informed that at this time the
local business community thinks most
highly of this College of Business Ad-
ministration, and is most pleased with
the faculty and the graduates. My fel-
low Rhode Islander, Lawrence Knowles,
is one of thousands of dedicated Peace
Corps volunteers who have served as
65
ambassadors of good will throughout AppROPRIATION3 COMMITTEE, JUNE 10, 19
the underdeveloped world, for in his mis-
sion Mr. Chairman, the recent heavy floods in
he has brought to the college win- Minnesota and elsewhere in the Mississippi
dam and understanding. Valley have been a tragic reminder to all of
I am sure that the praise received from us that the uncontrolled forces of nature
the Ethiopian student body and the com- can do incredible damage. There is one
munity is far more meaningful to Mr. agency of the Federal Government whose
th ' Sen- particular function has been to control and
I
The second letter, directed to the President
again, from Mr. Alvin Payne, vice chairman
of the State of Minnesota Water Resources
Board, points out succinctly that conserva-
tion is a continuing process, from which
benefits may be expected to be realized after
many years and for future generations.
Mr. Chairman, I wish to thank you very
much for this opportunity to testify in op-
position to reductions in soil conservation
assistance programs.
MARCH 3, 1965.
Hon. LYNDON B. JOHNSON,
President of the United States,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I have recently been reviewing
the proposed cut in funds to the USDA and
its impact on soil and water conservation in
this State. I am dismayed at this possible
reduction in services to the farmers of Min-
nesota and the hardship it would impose on
them. This State is fully exerting itself in a
program to conserve its natural resources,
specific laws have been enacted to cooperate
with the Federal. service to achieve a bal-
anced program of soil and water conserva-
tion, resource and recreational land use
planning. The proposed budget cutback
would seriously endanger the programs we
have and are planning; the wonderful work
that has already been accomplished would
wither. I personally feel that rather than
curtailing these funds, they should be in-
creased in order that we will have a better
land for the people of tomorrow.
Very truly yours,
KARL F. ROLVAAG,
Governor.
or a el.
Knowles than any that
atoll's could lavish on him from the Sen- harness these potentially destructive forces. STATE of MINNEsoTA,
ate floor. However, these Peace Corps of nature. For 30, years, the Soil Conserva- WATER RESoURcES BOARD,
tion Service has worked to make nature St. Paul, Minn., May 14, 1965.
volunteers have given so much of them- work for the good of man-and not for evil President LYNDON B. JOHNSON,
selves, that I think all Americans owe purposes. The White House,
them a great debt of gratitude. This committee has before it the budget Washington, D.C.
There being no objection, the editorial estimates for fiscal 1966 which, I believe, DEAR SIR: Your budget proposals for soil
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, do not give adequate consideration to some conservation activities, a departure from
as follows: of the urgent requirements for soil and water past practice, now being considered by the
THE PIONEERS LEAVE conservation in the United States. I know 89th Congress, causes us to comment.
the committee is well aware of the highly The Minnesota Water Resources Board, in
The end of the current academic year controversial proposal to establish a revolt'- its experience of the past decade in estab-
marks the departure of six faculty members lug user fee fund for soil and water conser- lishing State watershed districts within our
and, a secretary-all Peace Corps volunteers- vation practices. i wish to be on record as State, has witnessed the devotionof the soil
from the College of Business. In all school- firmly opposed to the $20 million reduction conservation district supervisors in carry-
teachers come and go; there is nothing un- in appropriations for conservation opera- ing out their task of motivating fellow land-
usual about that. But this is a special case. Lions and to the substitution of user fees owners to apply to their land soil conserva-
The names of Kreuser, Bayorek, Cordasco, levied upon farmers. tion practices. It has further observed that
Sprague, Tener, Tracy, Knowles and Rachut -I oppose this proposal because it denies this group of community leaders are knowl-
will always be remembered in the history of an established policy that for 30 years has edgeable of soil conservation principles, and
CBA. Without their presence here, the crea- benefited all the people through sound soil more than other groups, soundly aware of
tion of the college in October 1963, would and water conservation practices. Many of related resource problems of their community
have been difficult, if not impossible, due to these advances could not have been made and of this State.
the lack of teachers. Their contribution to if individual farmers had been expected to Soil conservation district supervisors per-
getting the college started is remarkable, pay for the technical services provided by formed their duties with the technical sup-
especially in view of the difficult conditions the Soil Conservation Service. Landowners port of the Soil. Conservation Service of the
under which they had to work. At the time and operators should not be expected to bear United States Department of Agriculture.
the college opened, there was a shortage alone the financial burden of conserving After a quarter of a century of development,
of almost everything: suitable classrooms, natural resources, where these measures ben- the need for soil and water land use care
books, equipment, etc., but they made the efit the public at large and future genera- still remains on much of the Nation's acres.
best of what was available. bons on the land and in urban areas. The continued teamwork of a local district
The significance of the work of this dy- i respectfully urge that this committee governing body and of the above-mentioned
namic force lies in these two things. In reject the Budget Bureau's proposal as a. Federal agency is still of utmost importance
the first place, they have shown that a good backward step that would prove costly to the to the public interest of the Nation's urban
lecturer need not be a hunch-backed, grey- Nation. I wish to join with my distinguished dwellers, and to the welfare and security of
haired old man. Though most of them are colleagues in the Senate who strongly sup- our country.
relatively young, yet their lectures, charac- port an increase in appropriations to permit it appears to us that your proposals of
terized by careful and thorough prepara- more SCS technical assistance In support shifting costs of land capital improvements
tion, and methodical presentation, have of local conservation endeavors. I want to to landowners, will have the effect of kill-
generally been of very high standard. see that program strengthened, because it ing the existing satisfactory method of plac-
Furthermore, they have shown that an ideal is a. sound investment in the future of this ing conservation practices on the land. It
teacher is not required to play the role of a dynamic country. must be remembered that the benefits to the
boss all the time. They always maintained I also ask that the following two letters landowner from conservation practices ap-
a smiling face to all the students even on be made a part of mystatement before this plied to the land, do not accrue Immediately
occasions when this was difficult. committee. The first is a letter to the Presi- to the owner, but flow to him over the long
We the students of CBA have got much to dent of the United States from the Honora- run. In recognition of this situation the cur-
learn irpm these people. Briefly, they have ble Karl F. Rolvaag, Governor, State of Min- rent governmental program Is proper, since
taught us the love for handwork-hardwork nesota, urging that he consider the impact there are immediate benefits secured by the
for its own sake. Also, their self-sacrificing on soil and water conservation in Minnesota public, for its investment as well as a return
missionary spirit should not go unnoticed. resulting from the proposed SCS reductions. over the long run.
Their stay here has been a true practical
contribution toward better international
understanding, often on people's lips but
rarely translated into action. Again, accept
our inadequate word of thanks. We wish
you the best of luck, success, and prosperity
in all your future endeavors.
STATEMENT - BY SENATOR MON-
DALE ON CONTINUED SUPPORT
OF NATIONWIDE CONSERVATION
EFFORTS
Mr. MONDALE. Mr. President, the
importance of providing continued sup-
port of our conservation efforts through-
out the country should be of primary
concern to every Member of Congress.
I ask unanimous consent that my state-
ment-before the Subcommittee on Agri-
culture, of the Senate Appropriations
Committee, be printed at this point in
the RECORD.
There being no objection, the state-
ment was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
STATEMENT BY SENATOR MONDALE BEFORE THE
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the answer to which may well determine
whether any talks occur at all. Secretary
Rusk and the President at times have seemed
to be saying that we want a peace under
which the Vietcong will simply fold up and
go away, leaving South Vietnam as an armed
American dependency. The Communists
are not going to negotiate any such peace,
any more than the United States would in
their place. There will have to be major
concessions on both sides. In our view, as
in Senator FULBRIGHT'S, the best hope for a
settlement lies in a return to the 1954 Geneva
agreements.
This means accepting the military neu-
tralization of North and South Vietnam,
Laos, and Cambodia, the ultimate withdrawal
of all foreign forces from the whole area,
and provisions by which each state can freely
decide its own future. It means being pre-
pared to accept an ultimately reunified Viet-
nam under a Communist, or coalition, or
democratic government if that is what the
people of both areas decide they want.
The President mentioned the 1954 agree-
ments as a peace aim once, but whether he
seriously supports Senator FULBRIGHT'S view
is not clear. It was the United States, at
the prompting of John Foster Dulles, which
first violated the spirit of those agreements,
and President Johnson would find strong
opposition within his own 'administration
to the change of basic policy involved in
Senator FULBRIGHT'S position. But if the
President really wants peace, and really
wants self-determination for southeast Asia,
he will have to recognize past mistakes and
resolve to avoid them.
So also the hard decision will have to be
made that it is impossible to arrange a con-
sensus by which his policy wins support
both from Americans who want peace in Asia
and those who want an expanded war. Re-
publicans In Congress who are beginning to
criticize him for failing to aim at total vic-
tory will simply have to be told that their
policy demands costs and risks which the
United States cannot justify. We are con-
fident that the great majority of Americans
would overwhelmingly support the President
If he leaves it to the Goldwater Republicans
-to become the war party.
Those Americans who prefer a peace based
on the 1954 agreements to hopeless entangle-
ment in an Asian land war must continue
to make their feelings unmistakably known.
They must conduct a summer offensive of
their own to assure the President, their Sen-
ators, and their Representatives, that a peace
settlement involving major concessions on
both sides is the honorable, realistic, and
politically stronger objective for American
policy.
KEEPING OUR SHIRT ON
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to have printed in
the RECORD an article entitled "Keep-
ing Our Shirt On," written by Ronald
Steel, and published in the magazine the
New Leader of July 5, 1965. I am pleased
to associate myself with the content of
the article.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
KEEPING OUR SHIRT ON
(By Ronald Steel)
The middle of a hurricane may be an in-
opportune place to call for relaxation, but
perhaps it is not a bad idea to do so when
there is a tendency to panic. Foundering in
the sea of its own ineptitude, the adminis-
tration is thrashing around desperately in
all W
wave that breaks over gits head spasmodically to every
d.seeminly
Incapable of making calculated judgments.
Fron the banks of the Potomac, where crisis For all practical purposes, the cold war in
diplomacy appears to have become a way of Europe has already been won-by the West.
life, the world looks very black indeed. What now remains is the unfinished business
In Vietnam, as we defend a regime which of working out an arrangement with Russia
could not exist 5 minutes without our mill- for a nuclear-free zone in central Europe and
tary support, we are isolated from many of a gradual reunification of the Continent
our allies and condemned by virtually every- based on the withdrawal of both the Red
one else. Our client states in southeast Asia Army and the U.S. Army. But instead of
are crumbling, China refuses to be quaran- using the detente to work out-a European
tined, the Japanese are restoring their broken settlement-one of de Gaulle's objectives, al-
ties with the mainland, and India totters though he doesn't have the power to pull it
on the bring of anarchy. To make matters off-the administration has become so In-
worse, Peiping's atom bomb eventually will fatuated with the military arrangements of
be able to neutralize ours by holding For- NATO that it cannot contemplate the
mesa and the Philippines as hostages. thought of giving them up.
Nor is the situation much brighter any- Even while we congratulate ourselves on
where else. In our own backyard, as we call our pragmatism, we are still the victims of a
it, the Alliance for Progress has become a cold war mentality. In Latin America, for
bad joke, Castro Is in Cuba to stay, the example, this attitude has led us to trans-
occupation of Santo. Domingo has been a form Fidel Castro from an irritant into a
humiliating fiasco, and Latin America seems source of torment. By mistaking Fidelismo
doomed to a decade of revolution and dic- for an instrument of Russian power rather
tatorship-if not of U.S. occupation. To than recognizing it as a Caribbean caudil-
round out a sorry picture, the U.N. has ceased lismo with a Marxist veneer, we glamorized
to furnish an obedient stamp of approval for Fidel, turning him from a small-time dema-
our actions, demagoges from Egypt to Indo- gogue into a symbol of antivanquismo for
nesia tell us to go to hell, NATO is dying on all Latin America. We made him a hero for
its feet, and an exasperating De Gaulle plucks those who have little use for his politics but
the fruits of his independent diplomacy in are dazzled by his defiance of us. Most
Europe and the churning tiers monde of poor ironical' of all, by insisting that Cuba is a
but aspiring states. Russian satellite, we made it difficult for the
No wonder frustrated generals and im- Russians to extricate themselves from their
patient advisers urge the President to do foolish over-extension in the Caribbean. We
something to stop this appalling state of af- turned Cuba, in short, into the Kremlin's
fairs. No wonder that they-puzzled by the South Vietnam.
chasm between our awesome military might We did this because we have not been able
and our limited political power over other to make any real distinction between the
nations-ponder instant solutions that will half-baked Marxism that animates much of
"
"
and the Russian Imperial-
third world
somehow solve all our problems once and for the
all. They are disturbed, even angered, by ism that seemed so threatening to Western
the fact that the United States, with its Europe. This is why we threw ourselves into
atomic arsenal, can neither push its allies the tribal warfare of the Congo, why we are
into line nor smother revolutions. When fighting a war in behalf of a succession of
faced with stalemate, they strike out with doomed regimes in Saigon, and why we have
bombs and Marine bridages to relieve the virtually invaded Santo Domingo, brandish-
intolerable sense of frustration. The world ing, like McCarthy, a list of 55 "Communists,"
is not going the- way they would like it. and and decreeing our right to combat any in-
at times like these almost any kind of ran- surrection in Latin America which does not
dom activity seems better than sitting tight. suit our standards of propriety.
But if we take a few minutes off for a It is this obsession with labels, this simple-
calm look at the world and remove our cold minded assumption that Moscow, or Peiping,
war spectacles, we can see a strange gap be- or both, must inevitably benefit from any
tween what we think is happening and what change in the status quo anywhere, that
is really happening. All our cold war habits brought the Marines back to the Caribbean
tell us that we are engaged in an endless and took us into a war against Asians in
struggle with an international Communist Vietnam. We have assumed all the obliga-
monolith dedicated to our destruction-a tions of a colonial power without any of its
struggle to which there can be no limits historical justifications or economic benefits.
because the very soul of mankind hangs in Equating communism with nationalism,
the balance. We have been thinking this we have made Peiping, of all places, seem
way ever since the days of the Truman Doc- like the protector of national independence
trine in 1947, and-despite everything that in southeast Asia, and have convinced much
has happened in the world since then-we of the world that we are simply imperialists
are loathe to think otherwise. It flatters our trying to replace the French empire with our
ego and inspires us with a sense of purpose. Own.
Yet for all its familiarity, this is not a very In this struggle of white men against
accurate view of the. world as it is. Asians it is not surprising that the Commu-
That Communist monolith which used to Dist-led Vietcong are considered as patriots
give us so many sleepless nights has been in a second anticolonial war-this time
blasted full of holes as Moscow and Peiping against us rather .than against the French.
squabble for the mantle of Saint Marx and In order to win a civil war in the south, we
conduct what looks suspiciously like an old- bomb the north. And unless the Saigon
fashioned power rivalry. The cold war call regime is saved, we are told, all of Indo-
to arms, with its lurid picture of Cossacks china will "go Communist," whatever that
swarming from the Indian Ocean to the Eng- means in a Communist world split by feuds.
lish Channel, no longer sets anybody's pulse That is little more than sounding the bell
going. Indeed, how could it at a time when for Pavlov's salivating dog. Most of the na-
Washington and Moscow are virtually con- tions in the great arc from Pakistan to Korea
spiring to keep the lid on the turbulent via Indonesia, like the rest of the "third
third world? A beleaguered Berlin, which world," are likely to turn eventually-where
once threatened to set, off a world war, has they have not already done so-to some
now all but disappeared from the head- variety of authoritarian socialism. They
lines, and even its wall has been punctured may label it communism or "guided democ-
full of doors. The NATO alliance, which racy" or any number of phrases designed for
was designed to contain Russian aggression maximum public confusion.. We can call it
in Europe, is falling apart precisely because communism if we like, but under whatever
no one any longer believes such aggression label it need not be any more hostile to
is likely. It has become a victim of its own American interests than Is a Conm Nnist
success," impervious even' to he artificial Yugoslavia in central Europe.
respiration of the MLF applied periodically If we are trying to immunize Indochina
by an impatient Washington. against the Marxist theories in vogue in the
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE July 7, 1965
ex-colonial world, we are wasting our money,
our prestige, and the lives of our soldiers.
If.; however, we are trying to contain Chinese
power, that can only be done by encouraging
the creation of strong and independent
states in east Asia whatever their political
complexion. A Communist Vietnam need
not become a party to the quarrels between
the Chinese and ourselves. If Ho Chi Minh,
with a long record of crafty nationalism, can
be a better barrier to Chinese expansion
than the revolving generals in Saigon, then
more power to him. It would be to our ad-
vantage, not to Peiping's, if he were to be-
come, in effect, the Tito of southeast Asia.
But such a prospect is still unthinkable
in Washington, where a blood-dripping
Chinese dragon has replaced a domesticated
Russian bear as the new inspiration for cold
war slogans that never die, and rarely even
fade away. These slogans, inherited from
central Europe in the late 1940's, are about
as useful a guide to the mid-1960's as a map
of Cincinnati is on the streets of Barcelona.
Stumbling around with our old maps and
our dark cold war glasses we have not noticed
that the postwar world that preoccupied' our
energies for thepast 20 years is now a thing
of the past. It has been succeeded by a
state of semipermanent revolution through-
out the ex-colonial world that neither we nor
Russia can control-and which perhaps we
would be better off not trying to suppress.
So much of the panic and despair in
Washington today is rooted in a vision of
the world which for some time has been
obsolete. If we can keep our shirt on and
make a cold assessment of our real interests,
If we can relieve ourselves of an archaic
vocabulary, we might discover that the world
is surprisingly different from the way we
THE'WAR-.IN'VIETNAM
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to have printed in the
RECORD an article concerning the war
in Vietnam, written by David L. Graham,
and published in the Brunswick, Maine,
Record of June 18, 1965..I associate my-
self with the comments of the article in
criticism of the policy of the United
States in making war in Asia.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
ON THE CONTRARY
(By David L. Graham)
What is war? Nowadays it is difficult to
say.
Americans have died by the hundreds in
Vietnam, and thousands more seem likely to
join them-skewered on steel, shot to death,
blown to bits. But don't call it War. Don't
let on to the American people that they are
at war. War is too terrible a word.
THIS IS WAR
War conjures up images of homes laid
waste and loved ones lost forever, of the
wounded screaming with pain and the dead
heaped up like garbage. War is not bands
playing and the flag to April's breeze un-
furled. War, modern war is sudden death
from the sky, the stench of burned flesh, and
the dust of cities razed to the ground. Mod-
ern war is a mutilated child limping through
the ruins of its village, a fire-bombed woman
twisted in agony.
But nobody says we are at war. Nobody in
Washington has declared war. It is just that
the American commander in southeast Asia
has been given authority to commit his
ground forces to battle. By Presidential de-
cision, that is, the Vietnam tragedy has
moved into its third and final phase--total
war.
The fiction that we are there as trainers
and advisers has collapsed totally. Ameri-
can servicemen are there to fight and die.
Contributions of aid and braid have proved
inadequate. Ambassador Taylor, former
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, sees
hard fighting ahead.
For our troops' sake, let us hope that the
former general Isas wrong in this as he has
been wrong in the past. Like Secretary of
Defense McNamara, another sponsor of the
Vietnam nightmare, Mr. Taylor's chief con-
tributions to the campaign have been cheery
predictions and gross miscalculations. In
this way the pair have become President
Johnson's most trusted advisers.
In other respects, last week was the week
that was. Last week the South Vietnam
generals were back in Saigon reshuffling the
power. For the ninth time in 2 years the
Government collapsed and with it, let us
hope, the fiction that American troops are
in South Vietnam at the request of its Gov-
ernment. What Government? Take any
number from, one to nine--only American
support has kept them propped up like dum-
mies in the driver's seat. The Vietnamese
people have had no more to say about their
Government than you or I. American de-
mocracy is not for export, either to Vietnam
or to the Dominican Republic.
Well, at least we are containing commu-
nism, people'say, keeping it from spreading
across southeast Asia. Do they really think
so? Not only are we driving North Vietnam,
China, and Russia into an unwilling unity,
but the more power we pour into South
Vietnam, the stronger grows the Communist
Vietcong. They now have 47,000 troops, we
estimate, the largest number ever. They
now control more than half the country.
Recently they have wiped out whole bat-
talions of South Vietnamese troops.
You cannot impose "freedom," least of all
upon people who are of an alien culture and
a different race. But militarily we were all
powerful, we thought, and so we chose to
ignore the political and Social realities. Our
effort to suppress the Vietcong revolution
accordingly failed. But instead of learning
our lesson and withdrawing, we doubled the
stakes. We struck at North Vietnam, whose
aid to the Vietcong rebels has been a mere
trickle compared with the men and military
hardware we have flooded the country with.
When a prudent man's investments go bad,
he cuts his losses, gets out. Our loss in
Vietnam has been some $5 billion, but instead
of getting out, we doubled our investment,
threw good money and good men into a worse
gamble; we bombed North Vietnam.
This gamble, too, has now gone sour. Far
from "persuading Hanoi that this (war) is a
losing proposition," to use Ambassador
Taylor's unhappy phrase, our bombing of
North Vietnam has only hardened the
enemy's will--es anyone but a presidential
adviser could have predicted. Slapping a
battle-hardened man in the face is no way
to crush his spirit.
By our air attacks on a nation without air
power, we have lost most of our friends and
all but united our enemies. In the larger
sense, our bombs have been duds. It is at
this point that we have decided to again
double the stakes and commit our ground
forces to combat. A full-scale war is on and
we, the American people, are in it.
DEATH OF MOSHE SHARETT, FOR-
MER PRIME MINISTER OF ISRAEL
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, Moshe
Sharett, Israel's first Minister of Foreign
Affairs and its second Prime Minister,
died today from cancer at the biblical-age
of 3 score and 10. Since 1960 Mr. Sharett
had been chairman of the World Zionist
Organization and the Jewish Agency.
Coming to what was then called
Palestine from his native Ukraine in
1906, Moshe Sharett grew with his coun-
try and helped it grow. He studied in
Tel Aviv, in Istanbul, and at the London
School of Economics. He worked as a
journalist and as a public servent, serv-
ing from 1933 to 1948 as head of the po-
litical section of the Jewish Agency.
When Israel gained its independence
in 1948, Moshe Sharett became that new
nation's first Minister of Foreign Affairs.
And when David Ben Gurion stepped
down from the post of Prime Minister in
1954, Moshe Sharett succeeded him as
his country's second Chief Executive, a
post he held until the next year. He then
resumed his duties as Foreign Minister
until he left that office in 1956.
Mr. Sharett's death marks the passing
from the world scene of a battler for his
nation's independence and a striver for
peace. For many years he was arrayed
against Great Britain, the mandatory
power in Palestine, but one Israel's in-
dependence was gained he had the ma-
turity and statesmanship to work as a
friend with Britain for his nation's good.
Mr. Sharett symbolizes the revolutionary
who, when the aim has been achieved,
becomes a great leader of his people,
The people of the United States, I feel,
join the people of Israel in mourning his
passing.
SOCIAL SECURITY AMENDMENTS
OF 1965
The Senate resumed the considera-
tion of the bill (H.R. 6675) to provide
a hospital insurance program for the
aged under the Social Security Act with
a supplementary health benefits pro-
gram and an expanded program of medi-
cal assistance, to increase benefits under
the old-age, survivors, and disability in-
surance system, to improve the Federal-
State public assistance programs, and
for other purposes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill
is open to further amendment.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, it is my hope that Senators who
have amendments will offer them. I
have discussed a number of amendments
with Senators. We would be willing to
accept some of those amendments if they
would offer them.
We would like to debate some amend-
ments and vote tonight, because we could
do that just as well as doing it tomorrow.
We might have a long weekend instead
of a short weekend, if we could proceed
to vote on these amendments.
EARLIER EFFECTIVE DATE OF PUBLIC ASSISTANCE
PAYMENT INCREASES IS IMPERATIVE
Mr. YARBOROUGH. Mr. President,
the provisions of title IV of House bill
6675 increasing Federal payments un-
der the public assistance titles of the So-
cial Security Act are-although a per-
suasive case for still greater increases
can be made-a small, though signifi-
cant, step in the direction of more ade-
quate payments. I question, however,
the wisdom of delaying the effective date
of the increases until January 1, 1966,
especially when the effective date of the
OASDI increases is retroactive to Jan-
uary 1, 1965. Because of the existence
of a means test in the administration
of thepublic assistance programs, retro-
active payments would be extremely dif-
ficult to administer. A person's means
changes from time to time; and it would
be hard to go back and figure what a
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 July 7, 196 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX
sincerity * * * it goes beyond mere polite- The cumulative effect produced by months
ness," ..., of reporting by seven or eight journalists was
Carlos . Y5emarchi, counselor from.Argen- the worldwide. impression that a religious
know that Hawaii was tllg first country in
the world to recognize the independence of
Argentina? King Kameharneha signed a
treaty with our country through a captain
of an Argentine ship that visited Hawaii in
1816. I would like to stay much longer. I
am glad to have the opportunity to learn
something about Hawaii in such a short
time."
Dr. Solomon B. Area, Ambassador from
Uganda: "It's an island paradise where peo-
ple go for enjoyment * * *. I have come and
found that to be very true. Everything is
so exotic * * * the food is exotic, the peo-
ple are good, climate is good * * * so what
else can you ask for? You got everything
here."
Emmanuel Y, Agorsor, first secretary from
Ghana: `'It's a beautiful State. The tropical
climate and vegetation reminds me very
much of home, I am really impressed by the
way people live here, just like we live in my
country. People are friendly and very in-
terested In vif itprs.and foreigners. It's dif-
ferent from any other State in the United
States in this respect. We all looked forward
to Hawaii and we are very happy we came."
Philippe Husson, counselor from France:
"Everybody seems so happy and your State
is flourishing. It's so full of warmth here.
People welcome you in a very charming way.
We appreciate this very much. I have inten-
tions of coming back with my wife for a
The falsity of this impression became
evident to the special study mission to
southeast Asia which, I headed in the
fall of 1963, This congressional delega-
tion, composed of members of the For-
eign Affairs Subcommittee on the Far
East and Pacific, visited Vietnam about
a month before Diem's overthrow.
We found-and reported to the Con-
gress-that while certain special privi-
leges were given to all Christian faiths
as a holdover from the earlier French
rule in Vietnam, religious persecution
was not being directed against the Bud-
dhists by the Diem regime.
Our observations were later confirmed
by the report of a special United Nations
fact finding team which visited Vietnam
at the invitation _ of. President Diem to
investigate the charges of religious op-
pression by the Buddhists. This team
was in Vietnam at the time of President
Diem's assassination, and its report was
issued after it was too late to be of help
to the wrongly maligned, Vietnamese
leader.
To lend further credence to the as-
sertions made by Father O'Connor in his
article, which I am inserting hereafter in
c-Q c o ' the RECORD, I should like to cite the ex-
gro I perience of the study mission regarding
the journalists in Saigon.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CLEMENT J. ZABLOCKI
OF WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSF OF REPRESENTATIVES
''Wednesday, July 7, 1965
Mr. ZA$LOCKI. Mr, Speaker, I have
long contended that the overthrow of
President Diem of South Vietnam in late
October 1964, was the indirect result of
inaccurate and biased reporting by
American and other newsmen stationed
in Saigon.
The flood of stories alleging police
? brutality, religious persecution and sup-
pression of liberty by Diem and his re-
gime were, it appears, in large part re-
sponsible for the removal of U.S, support
and the eventual overthrow and assas-
sination of President Diem and his
brother, Nhu.
Additional facts to back up this belief
are provided in an article which appears
in the July 3 issue of America magazine
by the Reverend Patrick O'Connor, the
Vietnam correspondent for the National
Catholic Welfare Conference, In a well-
documented presentation, Father O'Con-
nor points out how unreliable were many
of the, presumably "factual" stories ema-
nating from Vietnam.
It _ is his, contention that a Buddhist-
inspired effort to discredit President
Diem' succeeded" because reporters ac-
cepted Buddhist "charges without inves-
..tigation and because they failed to
remain objective in a complex and politi
tally charged dispute.
As Father O'0Qnnor says in his article:
In an effort to ascertain the truth, our
group conducted an "in reverse" press
conference to which press correspond-
ents in Vietnam were invited. The pur-
pose of this meeting was to allow them to
express their views on the Vietnam situ-
ation and air their gripes against the
Diem government.
Among those who"attended was Father
O'Connor, whose news dispatches had
differed sharply with other reporters. At
my invitation, he recited the facts of the
incident at Hue, which began the overt
Buddhist campaign, as he knew them.
None of the reporters present, including a
subsequent Pulitzer Prize winner, offered
to refute him. Some of them, however,
had filed stories which differed signifi-
cantly.
Mr. Speaker, the July issue of Ram-
parts magazine contains an article which
contends that a "Vietnam Lobby" exists
which promoted Diem into the Presi-
dency of South V19tnam, kept him in
power, and swayed the Eisenhower and
Kennedy administrations into supporting
him.
"The Vietnam Lobby" by . Robert
Scheer and Warren Hinckle is to be rec
ommended to those with a taste for
fantasy, for the article can hardly be
considered fact. It contains a paucity of
documentation, an abundance of sweep-
ingly incorrect judgments and a conspir-
atorial view of recent history.
Rather than a. "Vietnam Lobby," I
might suggest a better case could be
made for an . anti-Diem lobby which
would include- certain. American writers
ansi journalists... Father O'C onnor's arti-
cle raises solve questions on that, point.
A3593
I commend his article which follows, to
the attention of my colleagues:
THE DOWNFALL OF THE DIEM GOVERNMENT IN
VIETNAM WAS THE RESULT OF A CAMPAIGN
TOUCHED OFF BY A NEAR RIOT IN HUt ON
MAY 8, 1963-PUBLIC OPINION AND U.S. POL-
ICY WERE INFLUENCED BY REPORTING OF THIS
AND SUBSEQUENT EVENTS IN MAJOR NEWS-
PAP AND MAGAZINES-HOW ACCURATE WAS
THIS REPORTING?
(By Patrick O'Connor)
Two years ago, a series of events began
in South Vietnam that led to the overthrow
of its Government on November 1, 1963, and
the murder of its President. There followed
a prolonged political instability in the coun-
try, setbacks in the military resistance to
Communist aggression, and a new-to many
observers, a more, somber-phase in south-
east Asian affairs.
In the process that led to the revolution
of November 1, press reports of the events
between May and November played an ex-
tremely influential part. These reports af-
fected public opinion throughout the world,
especially in tie United States, and thus
swayed policy decisions. They encouraged
the forces within Vietnam that were working
for the Government's overthrow. And they
are likely to shape and color the writing of
history.
Not all the foreign correspondents resident
in or visiting Vietnam in 1963 contributed
to the final result. This article will quote a
few samples from some of those who did or
who, writing soon afterward, manifested
what had been a current view in important
circles.
The 6-month campaign against the Ngo
Dinh Diem government was led in South
Vietnam by a section of Buddhists who al-
leged that they were victims of intolerable
religious persecution. The event that set off
their campaign was the, tragic killing of
eight persons in a near riot in Hue on May
8, the feast of Buddha's birthday.
No foreign correspondent was in Hue at the
time. Few important happenings can have
been so inadequately and so inaccurately re-
ported as this key incident.
On May 6, the Government had telegraphed
orders throughout -the country that a de-
cree issued and reissued years earlier, re-
stricting the public display of all "inter-
national religious flags," should be -enforced
forthwith. The purpose of the decree was
to assert the preeminence of the national
flag outside purely religious precincts. Cath-
olics, especially the refugees from the north,
had been flying the white-and-yellow Vati-
can colors on festivals. Since 1950, the or-
ganized Buddhists had flown the multicol-
ored flag adopted by the World Buddhist As-
sociation.
In some places, the local authorities took
their time about applying the order of May
6 as regards Buddhist or Catholic flags. In
Hue, the Buddhists had already hung out
their flags when, on May 7, the ill-timed or-
der arrived. Naturally, they were unwilling
to take them down. The authorities agreed
that the order would be suspended until
after the festival days. Hence, on the morn-
ing of May 8, everybody in Hue was free to fly
a Buddhist flag anywhere. The bonzes (Bud-
dhist monks) knew this; they knew also,
and apparently had accepted, the restrictions
to be put in force later.
Early on May 8, however, Buddhists gath-
ered at Tu Pam pagoda for the birthday
celebrations. Banners were displayed de-
nouncing the Government for injustice"
and religious discrimination. Thich ("vener-
able") Tri Quang, militant organizer of
a Buddhist movement in central Vietnam,
harangued the crowd, reading out anti-Gov-
ernment slogans and criticizing the admin-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX July 7, 1965
istration. "We are changing this ceremony
into a meeting," he announced.
That evening, Buddhists assembled again
at Tu Dam for the customary dance of the
flowers. The bonzes canceled the ob-
servance and told the crowd to march di-
rectly to the Government radio station.
There they demanded that a tape recording
of the morning's speech, with its anti-Gov-
ernment slogans, be broadcast.
A radio official protested that he could not
put any speech on the air that had not been
authorized in advance. The bonzes per-
sisted. The station director, knowing what
was in the recording, telephoned the chief
of province, a Buddhist, who ordered him not
to broadcast it.
Thich Tri Quang now urged the crowd to
stay until the authorities yielded to their
demand. They swarmed up to the station
and over the porch. Security forces were
called out to protect the installation.
Led by a major in a light armored car, sol-
diers carrying American MN-III concussion
(not fragmentation) grenades approached
the crowd. Suddenly two powerful explo-
sions took place, in which eight persons,
children and women, on the porch were
killed. According to expert testimony, MK-
III grenades could not have caused the muti-
lation of bodies or the hole in the pave-
ment that resulted. (The ordinary effect of
these grenades, according to the official U.S.
field manual, 1s to cause shock, concussion,
or burst eardrums.)
The Government claimed that the tragedy
was caused by plastic explosives thrown by
the Communist Vietcong. The Buddhists
leaders claimed that they had eight martyrs,
killed by the Government.
The troops did not fire into the crowd.
When the major in charge was put on trial
in 1964, the prosecutor never once alleged
that they did.
The number of victims, eight, was given
to me by Thich Tri Quang himself in Hue
later that month. The same number was
mentioned by the prosecutor in the trial a
year later.
Following are some of the
counts of the May 8 tragedy
is the faith professed by twee 70 percent"
of the Vietnamese.
No national religious census has ever been
taken in Vietnam. Responsible Vietnamese
and foreign observers have estimated the
percentage of practicing Buddhists in the
population at something between 20 and 30.
Some would put it under 20. During 1963,
however, foreign correspondents gave these
varied, unsubstantiated figures for the per-
centage of Buddhists: "about 90" (Associated
Press, May 13), "about 80" (Associated Press,
May 29) ; "about 75" (New York Times,
June 5), "70" (New York Times, July 28) ;
"80" (Time, June 14); "about 80" (United
Press International, July 1), "more than 80"
(United Press International, July 30).
A remarkable myth has been accepted and
propagated in press reports regarding the
episcopal silver jubilee of Archbishop Ngo
Dinh Thuc of Hue, brother of the late Presi-
dent Diem. According to an article in The
Reporter (Sept. 12,1963):
"During the first week of May, Catholics
of Hue had decorated the city with crosses,
Vatican flags and large pictures of Arch-
bishop Thuc to celebrate the 25th annia,er-
sary of his ordination as bishop. These gere-
monies ended on Sunday, May 5 * * *. On
the night of May 6, while the city streets
were still festooned with Thuc's picture, a
telegram from the presidency in Saigon or-
dered enforcement of a regulation that only
the national flag should be flown during re-
ligious ceremonies. * * * The Catholic deco-
rations remained .on the bridge across the
Perfumed River. * * * The Buddhists, carry-
ing defiant banners, crossed the river in sam-
pans."
Readers of the New Yorker (Dec. 14, 1963)
were told:
"The commemoration of the 2,507th anni-
versary of the Buddha's birth * * * hap-
uened to overlap [a celebration] commemo-
rating the 25th anniversary of Archbishop
Thuuc's consecration as bishop. The trouble
had begun when Thich Tri Quang, the
Buddhist leader of central Vietnam, refused
to send Thuc a congratulatory telegram.
published ac- The Government thereupon gave orders for
in Hue. The _ strict enforcement of a 2-year-old ban against
first three are from Newsweek:
"Twelve persons were killed in flue during
the Buddhist demonstration protesting an
order from President Diem forbidding them
to fly their flag on the birthday of Gautama
Buddha" (May 27, 1963); "A month earlier,
Diem's troops had fired into a Buddhist pro-
cession celebrating the 2,507th birthday of
the Buddha in Hue, killing 11 people" (July
15); "Diem's troops fired into a Buddhist
procession, in Hue, killing nine Buddhists
who were demanding the , right to fly the
Buddhist Sag" (September 2).
UPI reported (June 2) that Government
troops and armored cars "opened fire against
thousands of persons protesting against al-
leged religious discrimination," and a New
"York Times editorial (June 17) mentioned
"the killing of Buddhists by Government
troops during a Buddhist ceremony in Hue."
Both these sources continued to put the
number of those killed at 9; AP put it at
11 even as late as August 23, and again in
1964.
According to Time (Aug. 9) : "Government
troops forbade Buddhists to unfurl their
flags. * * * When the Buddhists protested,
the government soldiers stupidly shot "down
nine demonstrators." As the New Yorker
told it (Dec. 14) : "Maj. Dang Sy, the
Catholic deputy chief of the province, or-
dered his troops to use live ammunition and
grenades and the nine killings took place."
Press reports were apparently the basis for
the communication addressed to the U.N.
General Assembly by 17 nations, in Septem-
ber, 1963, alleging that "nine persons were
killed when troops fired on the participants"
In "appropriate [Buddhist] ceremonies" in
Hu4. The same message asserted Buddhism
the flying of religious flags, despite the fact
that during Thuc's celebration the Vatican
flag was displayed along with the national
flag and Thuc's picture appeared all over
Hue. The Buddhists defiantly began to dis-
play their own banners 3 days before the
Buddha's birthday, on May 8, while the
Catholic flags and pictures were still up."
This is untrue. Archbishop Ngo Dinh
Thuc did not celebrate his silver jubilee in
Hue until June 28-29. The record shows
that he was in Qui Nhon on April 30, in
Danang on May 1, in Dalat May 3-4 and in
Saigon May 5-6. He did not allow the public
flying of the Vatican flag. In August 1962,
he ordered the Redemptorists to take down
the papal flags hoisted outside their new
church in preparation for the dedication
ceremony. After that time, no Vatican flags
were flown publicly in Hue.
Where did the untrue story originate? At
least one of the journalists quoted got it
from an American official in Saigon, a man
who had not been in Hue on May 8. It looks
as if some partisan informant hoodwinked
the U.B. Embassy in Saigon or the consulate
in Hue, or both.
Another fiction, perhaps from the same
source, was apparently accepted by American
officials in Huci after the August 21 raid on
the pagodas and passed on to the New York
Times and United Press International. On
August 23, the Times said:
"Despite Government reports that no one
was killed in the attack on the Buddhists,
diplomatic sources reported from Hue that
nearly 100 priests, students, and Boy Scouts
were killed or wounded during the attack on
Tu Dam pagoda. At least 30 persons were
reported to have been killed there."
United Press International said much the
same thing on August 23: "Diplomatic
sources, citing latest reports from Hue, said
some 100 Buddhists were killed or wounded
when Government troops stormed the main
Tu Dam pagoda there Wednesday. Sources
said that of this number they believe at
lease 30 Buddhists were killed."
In November, after the overthrow of the
Diem government, the Buddhist bonzes in
Tu Dam stated definitely that nobody had
been killed in the August 21 raid on their
pagoda.
A similar attack was reported in Saigon.
Associated Press from Tokyo (August 22),
quoting Saigon, said: "At least 'l monk was
reported killed and 30 monks and nuns
wounded in the midnight raid on Saigon's
Xa Lol pagoda." Months later the bonze
spokesman in Xe Lol pagoda told me that
nobody had been killed there.
The story that bonzes had been killed in
Hue or Saigon was apparently flashed im-
mediately to Washington and believed there.
An Associated Press story of August 21 from
Washington declared: "Official sources said
the crackdown included hundreds of arrests,
the seizing of important pagodas and killing
of some monks."
Newsweek next reported (September 2) :
"Some 2,000 pagodas were raided. At least 30
Buddhists are said to have lost their lives."
The truth is that about a dozen pagodas were
raided, in Saigon, Hue and a few other towns.
Most of the thousands of pagodas in the
country were left untouched. Newsweek
also stated: "The troops in Operation Pagoda
had three dominant characteristics: 'They
were Catholic, they were from Hue, and they
were ruthless."" On inquiry, the basis for
this proved to be a remark reportedly made
by a non-Catholic Vietnamese officer about a
handful of men, less than a squad, at one
pagoda.
A New York Times story of August 23
said: "Two of [Col. Le Quang Tung's] bat-
talions are reported to be 'Catholic bat-
talions."' Colonel Tung, murdered in the
general staff headquarters on November 1,
commanded the Vietnamese Special Forces.
An article in Esquire (January 1964) echoed
the Times, saying: "Two of Colonel Tung's
battalions, which carried out the pagoda
raids, were so-called 'Catholic battalions.' "
Who called them that, we are not told. I
myself was told, however, by two U.S. officers,
advisers with the Vietnamese Special Forces,
that there were no Catholic battalions. Fur-
thermore, I was told by American and Viet-
namese sources that the men who actually
entered the pagodas in Saigon were not from
the special forces.
On September 2, Newsweek said: "Even
more seriously, fighting was reported to have
broken out between Catholic and Buddhist
troops in Dinh Tuong. Sixty soldiers were
reported to have been killed and 120
wounded." Times picked up the same canard
(August 30) : "At week's end, according to
one report * * * at the small town of My
The * * * Buddhist and Catholic troops
turned on each other." Exhaustive inquiries
from military and civilian sources proved
this story to be entire untrue. It was re-
leased by Reuters and by United Press Inter-
national, which, however, speedily tried to
have it killed.
Early in the Buddhist campaign, the for-
eign press made sweeping allegations such as
the following: "The South Vietnam Govern-
ment * * * Is made up chiefly of Roman
Catholics" (Associated Press, May 13); "Most
of Ngo Dinh Diem's lighh Government offi-
cials, chiefs of provinces and military offi-
cers are Catholics" (Newsweek, May 27);
"Most high Government officials, chiefs of
provinces, and military officers are Catholics"
(New York Times editorial, June 17) ; "Diem
and his principal Government officials are
Roman Catholics" (United Press Interna-
tional, July 8).
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965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
It came as a surprise to some of the press nantly so" (United Press International, July
corps to learn that only 3 of the 19 Viet- 28). On June 7, Associated Press said cau-
namese generals of that time (and only 1 of tiously: "Leading Catholic priests say the
the 4 corps commanders) and 5 of the 17 matter is political, not religious."
Cabinet ministers were Catholics. On the other hand, phrases and statements
On July 15, an, Associated Press release appeared that gave ordinary readers across
said: 'Vewspapers also reported the promo- the world the impression that the issue was
tion of Col. Do Cao Tri, a Roman Catholic, one of religious persecution. Here are a few
to the is the rank step brigadier general, assuring apparently examples from the New York Times: "re-
p to g command ligious conflict" (June 5), "the current re-
of an area that will include the Buddhist ligious dispute" (June 11), "bitter religious
holy city of Hue." Do Cao Tri is not a crisis" (June 14), "5-week-old religious
Catholic. It would be a glaring exaggera- crisis" (June 16), "controversy between the
tion to imply that Hue can be called a Buddhists and the Government, which is
Buddhist holy city in the sense that Jeru- Roman Catholic" (July 21).
salem or some or Mecca is a holy city. _ From other sources: "the current religious
According to an article in the Washington dispute between militant Buddhists and the
Post (June 23) : "Among South Vietnam's Catholic-led government" (Reuters, June
private schools, Catholic-run Institutions re- 10) ; "The government is deep in a freedom of
ceive Government subsidies; Buddhist-run religion conflict with Vietnam's Buddhists"
institutions do not." Less than 4 percent (United Press International, July 9), "South
of Vietnam's, private secondary schools, Vietnam's 10-week-old crisis over religious
Catholic and other, and less than 1 percent freedom" (United Press International, July
of private primary schools, received any 23), "the Government's moves in crushing the
Government aid at all. Buddhists' religious movement" (United
The total amount given to all was minimal, Press International, August 25) ; "religious
less chain $6,500 "for the year. The chairman conflict between President Ngo Dinh Diem, a
of the allocations committee in 1963 was a Roman Catholic, and Buddhist leaders"
Buddhist. Most of the 29 schools receiving (Associated Press, July 15); "The U.S.-backed
grants were indeed Catholic-run, some of regime, which launched a wave of terror
them serving poor refugees. The only pri- against Buddhists" (Newsweek caption, Sep-
vate school receiving a Government grant in tember 2).
the Saigon-Cholon area was one conducted Correspondents, it is true, usually took the
by a Buddhist ' bonzess. Buddhist schools routine precaution of saying "alleged" when
were few, simply because Buddhists have not they wrote of "persecution" or "discrimina-
m'ade much effort in the field of general tion." However protective this word might
for Buddhist studies, received a total of more
than $6,000 (451,000 piastres) from Govern-
Went finds in 1962.
The Washington, Post article stated, fur-
ther: "Catholic priests are the rectors at
the predominantly Buddist universities at
Hue and Dalat." The university in Hue is
a state institution. The re, for was a Viet-
namese priest-scholar whom the Diem gov-
ernment dismissed in August 1963. Under
him there were four administrative bureaus
in the university, each of them headed by
a non-Catholic. Of 30 persons employed
in the university administration, only 5 were
Catholics. The University of Dalat is a
Catholic institution. The same article
states: "Only 2 of the 16 Cabinet members
are "Buddhists.", According to my informa-
tion, the Cabinet had 17 members. If only
2 of the 12 non-Christians were Buddhists,
that merely illustrates the inaccuracy of the
estimate, repeated by the writer, that Bud-
dhists form 70 to 80 percent of the popula-
tion.
Throughout the 6 months before the coup,
many foreign journalists showed an almost
"obsessive preoccupation with President Ngo
Dinh Diem's religion. They harped on it day
after day and transferred his religious affilia-
tion to the Government. "The Roman
Catholic government of President Diem"
(Washington _ Post editorial, June 11) ;
"Diem's Catholic government" (Newsweek,
June 24; Associated Press, Washington, July
11); "Catholic President Ngo Dinh Diem's
government" (United Press International,
June 9, 16; August 18)-these were typical
word-groupings. In a single story, Reuters
(Jung 13) spoke of the "Roman Catholic-led
government," the "5-week-old religious
crisis" and "Catholic President Ngo Dinh
Diem."
Ithas, been claimed that the correspond-
ents In general, and the New York Times in
particular, always declared that the dispute
was political under a religious banner. One
did Indeed find such statements as these;
,"'lowly the entire matter has become mo g
political-than r"ellgious. In its larger context
the cri s
s s basically political" (New York
Times, June -16) ; "politico-religious crisis"
(United Press International, June 1), "The
Buddhist campaign has become more po-
litical and now Is seen as being predomi-
i
A3595
misconceptions. Time, which occasionally
erred, said on August 9: "Since he took over
the government in 1954, Diem has gone to
great lengths not to offend the Buddhist
majority * * *, Whenever there is a
whisper of opposition, the government treats
Catholics like anyone else." On October 18,
it said: "Even Diem's severest critics in
Saigon concede that there was no serious
religious persecution until the present
troubles began, and that the Buddhist move-
ment has become a political force dedicated
to Diem's overthrow."
It is not within the scope of this report to
quote from correspondents who disagreed
with those I have quoted.
Finally, a note of social and even gastro-
nomic interest may be added. About 3 weeks
after the coup d'etat of November 1, the
foreign correspondents in Saigon-with some
exceptions-were invited by the Buddhist
bonzes, as a mark of appreciation, to a din-
ner. It was given in the premises of Xa Loi
pagoda, which had been the bonzes' com-
mand post during most of their campaign.
The guests were greeted by girl members of
Buddhist Youth, who pinned on each a
yellow Buddhist ribbon. The nine-course
dinner-vegetarian, to be sure-was enjoyed
in the jubilant atmosphere of a victory cele-
bration.
Protecting American Patents
misled. The cumulative effect produced by HON. PETER W. RODINO, JR.
months of reporting by seven or eight jour-
nalists was the worldwide impression that OF NEW JERSEY
a religious persecution of Buddhists by Cath- IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
olics did indeed exist in South Vietnam..
Correspondents who reported the politi- Wednesday, July 7, 1965
cal Buddhists' allegations throughout 6 Mr. RODINO. Mr. Speaker, in recent
months did not take the time or trouble years several vital segments of American
to investigate them carefully. They left industry have suffered severe revenue
their readers with reiterated allegations and losses as a result of Government
vivid descriptions of carefully staged pro- pur-
tests, but without the hard, precise informa- chases of foreign products manufactured
tion by which the allegations could be from stolen U.S. Patents. Most seri-
judged. ously affected have been the pharma-
There were. also notable oversights. In ceutical, chemical, and electronic indus-
June 1963, the Government issued a detailed tries, which are heavily concentrated in
report that listed, province by province, the New Jersey. This unfair competition
pagodas newly built or restored since Ngo is jeopardizing the jobs of American
Dinh Diem had come to power 9 years earlier. workers and discouraging our American
More than one-fourth of the country's 4,766
pagodas had been constructed in that period, firms from continuing the expensive
and more than one-fourth repaired. The re- investment in essential research and de-
port showed that the Government had given velopment of new products.
money grants totaling more than 8 million To eliminate this unfair situation, I
piastres and hundreds of hectares of land for have introduced in the House H.R. 5675,
pagodas. It itemized the amounts, locations, which would prohibit Government pur-
and pagodas. I did not see these facts re- chases of any products manufactured
ported by the Associated Press, the United pirated
Press International, the New York Times, from patents. An identical bill
Newsweek, or Time. introduced by Senator HARRISON WIL-
Rarely did any correspondent mention that LIAMS, S. 1047, is now the subject of
Vice President. Nguyen Ngoc Tho, chief rep- hearings in the Senate. I am glad to say
resentative of the President in negotiating that labor and management are united in
with the Buddhist leaders, was himself a support of this essential legislation, and
Buddhist, or that two of the Government's I, under unanimous consent, include the
three-man Interministerial Committee were text of a resolution adopted by the New
non-Christians.
mands" were not the real issue now and that RESOLUTION IN SUPPORT OF FULL PATENT
the intention w.as to bring about the over- PROTECTION TO SAVE JOBS IN AMERICAN
throw of the government. This, as far as I INDUSTRY
know, was not revealed at the time in the Whereas 1965 marks the 175th anniversary
dispatches of the journalists concerned. of the first patent law in the United States;
A certain number of errors and omissions and
are always to be expected in news stories Whereas through a' technicality in the
written in a foreign land, and under the con- statutes covering patent law protection, cer-
stant stress of having to meet a deadline. tain Government agencies have assumed the
It is noteworthy, however, that in Vietnam right to bypass patent laws in the purchase
in 1963 the errors and omissions usually of products from foreign countries which do
tended to favor the Buddhist agitation not respect American patent laws; and
against the government. 'Whereas such loopholes In the law have
Efforts were indeed made to correct popular resulted in the purchase of many millions of
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX July 7, 1965
dollars of such foreign products, which are
manufactured under cheap labor conditions
and manufactured under formulas stolen,
copied and otherwise infringing on American
patents; and
Whereas in the pharmaceutical, chemical,
and electronic industries such stolen patents
and other infringements of American patents
have resulted in the loss of thousands of
American jobs and have adversely affected
the livelihood of nearly 5 million workers
in organized labor; and
Whereas such practices threaten the very
incentives for research and manufacture
which have kept America in the forefront of
industrial and medical developments; and
Whereas U.S. Senator HARRISON A. WIL-
LrAMS of New Jersey, and Congressman PETER
W. RODINO, Jr., of New Jersey, have intro-
duced identical bills in Congress aimed at
Insuring full and adequate protection in
safeguarding employment opportunities for
American workers under our patent laws; be
It hereby
Resolved, That the New Jersey State AFL-
CIO in convention voice support for Senator
WILLIAMS' bill S. 1047 and Congressman
RoDINo's bill H.R. 5675, being identical meas-
ures designed to protect and strengthen the
American patent system by insuring that no
Government agency be permitted to purchase
products manufactured abroad through
stolen or infringed American patents; and
be it further
Resolved, That the New Jersey State AFL-
CIO bodies to adopt identical resolutions in
the interest of the American labor movement
and in preservation of American jobs; and
be it further
Resolved, That copies of this resolution
be sent by the secretary-treasurer of the
New Jersey State AFL-CIO to the national
AFLr-CIO with a recommendation that the
S. 1047 and H.R. 5675 be made part of the
legislative policy of the AFL-CIO for adop-
tion by the Congress of the United States,
and with the request that this resolution be
.submitted to the 1965 national convention
of the AFL-CIO for its support and adoption.
Wanton Cruelty and Terrorism
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN 0. MARSH, JR.
the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD for the benefit
of other Members of the House.
ASSURANCE ENOUGH
If anyone requires further proof of the
wanton disregard of all principles of morality
by the Vietcong terrorists, they need only
recognize the execution of U.S. Army
Sgt. Harold George Bennett for what it is:
an outrageous denial of the prisoner-of-war
standards aocepted by civilized peoples.
They are in effect, saying, "This is what
we believe."
When the bombs exploded in the Saigon
restaurant-hardly a military objective,
which the Hanoi radio proudly confirmed-
killing and wounding more than a hundred
men, women, and children, they told us
again, "This is what we believe."
Behind that simple statement and the
two latest acts of savagery lies the inescap-
able and deadly truth about the enemy in
Vietnam. They hold nothing sacred except
the will to win.
We have met this breed before.
Certainly we'll be hearing from the self-
appointed get-out-of-Vietnam magistrates
that these are only acts of desperate men
eager for self-government. Their thinking
has as much reasoning behind it as the
statements of justifiable revenge coming
from Hanoi.
We've had assurance enough just what
kind of government the South Vietnamese
would be forced to endure under the direc-
tion of the Red comrades.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. GEORGE P. MILLER
tion of personal independence and freedom,
for we believe that rightness is inherent in
individuality. With confidence in ourselves
and each other, we willingly accept the con-
sequences of our decisions.
"We are aware of the greatness ofour Na-
tion: Our political heritage of democracy
and freedom, our opportunities for personal
advancement. We appreciate our educa-
tional advantages. And we do want the ma-
terial gains that our society is so famous for.
"But at the same time, we see that the
happiness that should follow our Nation's
material wealth is not there as is should be.
For even the most rich there Is no limit, no
end, to the desire for the things that money
can buy. And as for the poor, the pursuit
of even the necessities of life often goes un-
rewarded. Most of us, as a people, are ad-
dicted to the formula that money and suc-
cess are the same, many of us to the idea
that the main purpose in life is to improve
social status.
"The pettiness of our desires is made even
more apparent when we look outside our
country. The UNESCO Courier of June 1964
tells us that for each of us who inherits a
life of comfort, two inherit a life of want, and
these two will spend their lives usually sick
and always close to starvation. Two out of
three may never know what clean water
looks or tastes like. And now, with the im-
provements in communications, these people
who always were poor, for the first time feel
poor.
"This, too, is the world we inherit.
"But here, within our land, where we live
in prosperity? We know that when men be-
come slaves to their desires for material pos-
sessions, when people become less important
than things, when the dignity and worth of
any man is questioned or threatened, we
must be ready to sacrifice the security of
feeling better off than someone else and
adopt the security of living as important
and unique individuals.
"This is expressed in two lines of a Zen
poem :
"In the landscape of spring, there is neither
high nor low. The flowering branches grow
naturally, some long, some short.
"In other words, by the design of nature
the long branch is no more important than
the short branch, no more able to exist alone
than the tides independent of the moon.
And so with men.
"We can never submit to the cruel as-
sumption that people with certain admirable
assets are necessarily the most important
people or are to be envied. Yes, we admit
that some people have richer parents, some
people are more beautiful, some more tal-
ented, intelligent, some more highly edu-
cated or trained. But we can never form
judgments about who is most important or
who worth most admiration. We cannot do
it, because it destroys us, as individuals, as
a community, and as a nation. It destroys
every man who can't give his family the ma-
terial abundances so idolized by his society.
It destroys every artist, thinker, or person
whose thoughts flow contrary to public opin-
ion and who has consequently been crushed.
it destroys the community where the haves
compete, at the expense of the have pots.
And it destroys the nation that congratulates
itself on a reputation for affluence when
there remains in that nation a certain num-
ber of disillusioned, isolated, alienated, and
very poor persons-born to lose.
"So, we dare to believe in the natural di-
versity of human character. We believe in
achieving levels of understanding which melt
into tolerance, in defeating any propaganda
which tries to dictate what is success and
what is failure in our land. And as a final
aspiration, we believe in a softening of pre-
conceived and superimposed dictates a good
and bad, right and wrong.
"A nation of men and women thus dedi-
cated to the concept of the uniqueness and
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, July 7, 1965
Mr. MILLER. Mr. Speaker, at this
time of the year, when there are many
graduations being held, I was pleased to
find a valedictory address, given in my
congressional district, which I feel is
worthy of particular note. Miss Peggy
Paciotti, of Pacific High School in San
Leandro, Calif., had great wisdom in the
excellent speech which she gave on be-
half of her class, entitled "A Look
Ahead." I am pleased to insert her re-
marks in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.
CURRIER's COMMENTS
(By Win Currier)
A copy of the valedictory address deliv-
ered by Peggy Paciotti at the commencement
exercises of Pacific High School has been
forwarded to us and it Is worthy of publica-
tion.
A notation accompanying the copy of the
address says that "it breaks tradition for
such speakers by saying something."
We are not expert in the field to the ex-
tent that we can compare it with other
valedictory addresses that were given at the
various schools this month, but there is no
doubt that this one does say something sig-
nificant.
Her address follows:
"A LOOK AHEAD
"The end of an era marks the beginning
of a new one, and this new one is the era
of our involvement. It's the time when we
emerge from childhood's protective shell of
dependency and become a determining part
of this society, this world, this history that's
being recorded, this future that's being cre-
ated. We begin this era with an affirma-
OF VIRGINIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, July 7, 1965
Mr. MARSH. Mr. Speaker, in much of
our public discussion of the crisis in
Vietnam, there is overlooked the orga-
nized terrorism that is the hallmark of
Vietcong tactics. Those advocates of
withdrawal from Vietnam who condemn
American policy through rationalizations
that depict the Vietcong as patroitic rev-
olutionaries seeking to liberate their
country conveniently ignore the barbaric
savagery of the Vietcong. Their vio-
lence is not limited to the battlefield nor
is it directed principally against the mili-
tary forces of the Republic of Vietnam,
but rather through stealth and assassi-
nation, it seeks to intimidate and im-
mobilize the civilian populace of South
Vietnam through unparalleled acts of
terror.
Because the following editorial from
the Northern Virginia Daily, published
at Strasburg, Va., July 6, 1965, puts the
nature of the Vietcong tactics in proper
perspective, I should like to insert it in
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worth of every man, cannot fail itself Or
its foreign neighbors, or the future genera-
tions of mankind."
Project HOPE
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. BENJAMIN S. ROSENTHAL
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOth7 OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, July 7, 1965
Mr. ROSENTHAL. Mr. Speaker, a re-
cent article in the Flushing, N.Y;,
Queens Voice pays tribute to the many
busy executives who take time out from
their important tasks to work without
pay for worthwhile organizations like
Project HOPE.
In the article by Jackie Robinson, we
learn that suchmen as Jerome S. Hardy,
publisi-ier of Life magazine, ~ and Paul
Felix Warburg, a noted investment
banker, serve HOPE unselfishly as mem-
bers of the national HOPE board of
directors,
Mr. Robinson appropriately salutes
the men from industry, labor, and all
walks of life who, with medical people
such as Dr. William B. Walsh, founder
and president of Project HOPE, devote
their skills to humanitarian ideals.
The column by Jackie Robinson fol-
lows:_
'JACKIE ROBINSON SAYS
'(hy Jackie Robinson)
In the welter of anguished headlines about
racial strife and the ugly reflections of the
inhumanity of our times, we often fail to
note the powerful, quiet programs which are
being conducted to advance the march of
humanity.
Such a project is called to our attention
by Jerome S. Hardy, an erstwhile golf part-
ner, who is sacrificing a great deal of time
and energy to discharge his duties as the
chairman of the New York committee of a
magniflcently humane program called Pro)-
eat HOPE.
. Hope is a hospital ship which carries
around the world-to hundreds of thousands
in Asia, South America, and Africa-the best
America can offer in medical services 'and
people who teach professional .counterparts
in developing nations. The latter, in turn,
pass on the information and skills to younger
people of` their own countries.
Dr. W,illi m B. Walsh organized. HOPE in
1958. On Sts,maiden voyage to Indonesia in
1960, 200 doctors and 300 nurses were given
special training; 18,000 patients were treated
and ,700 operations performed. Thousands
of people were X-rayed and examined. In
1961, in south Vietnam, 500 major operations
were performed. Then, in 1963 HOPE moved
in on the Latin American front. During
lo months in Peru, 80,000 persons were di-
rectly aided by 'HOPE services-and several
hundred, thousand South `Americans were
helped indirectly.
Now, HOPE has sent medical teams to
Africa, while continuing to work in Saigon,
'1'n jllla, and Ecuador.
Vice President Hua +T F3ulzrI BEY, corn-
mi4g'pg on the work accoplished by this
project, has 'saki: ,There is'
only one. thing
1. I wrong with Project HOPE; namely, that it
consists of only one ship. We need many
more like .it,, 'It .behooves all Americans. to
pitch' in and help support the magnificent
Work .pf this floating American medical cen-
ter wits tbieir 4nanclal contributions."
Paul Felix Warbur&_board member of the
project, just recently returned from Conakry,
Guinea, in Africa, where the good ship
Hope is currently docked. Here is his reac-
tion to what he observed:
"To see our doctors and nurses in action,
working with their Guinean counterparts, is
something I will never forget. The impact
on the people of backward nations-such as
Guinea-makes one realize that the good
ship Hope means in good will between the
people of foreign lands and our country."
Dr. Walsh, Jerome Hardy, and all the other
humanitarian Americans who are helping to
wage peace by the concern for basic, humani-
tarian needs, are heroes in the ever-increas-
ing struggle to emphasize those things which
unite the peoples of the world, instead of the
considerations which divide them.
The 20th Anniversary of the U.N.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. JAMES H. SCHEUER
OF N9W yORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, July 7, 1965
Mr. SCHEUER. Mr. Speaker, I would
like to address this body today on the
topic of the celebration of the 20th an-
niversary of the United Nations. Today,
more than ever, we see the critical im-
portance of this international body as the
development of nuclear weaponry prolif-
erates. We ee,hey! the, Co;nplexion of
international diplomacy has changed
since the time when the German strat-
egist von Clauswitz stated that war is
but an extension of diplomacy.
The United Nations: has served a vital
function during the years since it was
set up at the Dumbarton Conference fol-
lowing World War II. It has sent peace
forces into Korea, Yemen, the Congo
(Leopoldville) and the Sinai Peninsula.
Currently, the United Nations is main-
taining a precarious peace in Cyprus be-
tween the Turkish and Greek commu-
nities. These forces have been able to
take the heat out of strained situations
and give nations some time to cool off
before bringing them to the conference
table.
In the field of technical and economic
assistance, the United Nations has per-
haps served its most vital role. By giv-
ing help and advice to the developing na-
tions, the United Nations has helped to
make these states more economically
viable. The work of ' Paul Hoffman,
Managing Director of the Special Fund,
has been invaluable in this regard and is
worthy of the greatest praise. The Eco-
nomic and Social Council, the Food and
Agriculture Organization and the re-
gional economic organizations of the
United Nations have been the sustaining
framework for the poorer nations of the
world.
Mr. Speaker, today the weaponry of
this world, include¬ only arrows and
axes and gunpowder but also the hydro-
gen bomb. We have enough weapons to-
day for the first time in history to eradi-
cate human life on this planet. The
'question thus becomes not one of the
need for a United Nations but how to in-
crease its effectiveness.
A3597
Only through a worldwide effort can
we ever hope to avoid the ultimate holo-
caust. If in 1995 we do not celebrate the
60th anniversary of the birth of the
United Nations, it is highly likely that
there will not be anyone left to celebrate
HON. CLEMENT :J. ZABLOCKI
OF WISCONSIN
'IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, July 7, 1965
Mr. ZABLOCKI. Mr. Speaker, a re-
cent issue of America magazine featured
three articles under the single title
"Vietnam Background." I previously
have inserted an article by the Reverend
Patrick O'Connor on alleged persecution
of Buddhists by the Diem regime.
At this point I would like to insert a
second article from "Vietnam Back-
ground." This one is by Prof. Quentin
L. Quade, of the political science depart-
ment at Marquette University, Mil-
waukee.
In his article, Professor Quade calls
for a clearer articulation of polify on
Vietnam, as a means of answering those
who have criticized U.S. actions in Viet-
nam and the Dominican Republic.
While I do not completely agree with
Professor Quade that the administra-
tion can or should make explicit the
scope for our current policy, his conclu-
sions about the underlying theme of that
policy are valid ones and deserve care-
ful consideration.
For that reason I urge the attention of
my colleagues to the article, which ap-
pears hereafter:
VIETNAM BACKGROUND
(By Quentin L. Quade)
(NOTE.-What is the aim of American for-
eign policy? How many Vietnams and
Dominican Republics must we be prepared
to police? These questions are being re-
peatedly asked by the critics of the adminis-
tration's foreign policy. Although the an-
swers to them are implicit in that policy, they
have not as yet been clearly articulated
and they must be.)
Faced with massive, if often incoherent,
criticism of its policy in Vietnam, the ad-
ministration has gone a considerable dis-
tance toward explaining that policy. The
President, Secretaries Rusk and McNamara,
and other spokesmen. have devoted them-
selves more and more to the root question
of why the United States is involved in this
remote place. In attempting to give an an-
swer, these men have elaborated three inter-
related themes that seem to constitute the
premises of our Vietnam policy.
The first premise is that the world is inte-
gral, and that the struggle in Vietnam is
simply part of the wider conflict with the
forces of aggression. In President John-
sons' words: "This is the same battle we
have fought for a generation." The second
premise is really a lesson drawn from ex-
perience. It argues that the modern ag-
gressor's appetite is insatiable and cannot be
appeased. As the President has declared:
"Wherever we have stood firm, aggression
has been, i tilted, peace restored, and liberty
maintained:" And; Secretary Rusk affirms
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A3598 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX My 7, 1965
this judgment: "We are told that southeast essarily results in conflict, which conflict
Asia is far away-but so were Manchuria and will ultimately be decided in favor of the
Ethiopia." The third premise, which inevi- international proletariat, i.e., the. Commu-
tably colors the first two, is an appraisal of nlst regimes as self-defined representatives
the character of contemporary cortimisnism. of the proletariat.
This judgment is perhaps best expressed by Whit is to be said of this doctrine, and
Dean Risk, who, while acknowledging con- how is the United States to respond to it?
Sict between China and the Soviet Union, The first point-and, though it may seem a
nonetheless insists that both are "com- truism, the most important-is that the
mitted to the eventual communization of doctrine is erroneous; it does not genuinely
the entire world." portray the realties of international life.
Taken together, these three prudential (This is not to say, of course, that Marxism-
judgments represent a rationale or theory of Leninism, and particularly the creed of
U.S. action in Vietnam. This rationale and Lenin's "Imperialism," has no pertinence
the, judgments on which it is based are re- to past and present world politics. But Com-
jected by some (Walter Lippmann) as being munists propound this doctrine as the total
substantively incorrect. But it is possible to explanation, and this, clearly, it is not.)
share, and. support the administration's But despite the error at Its basis, in nearly
theory and its premises, and still be seriously a half-century communism has worked
dissatisfied with it-not because it is wrong, rather substantially, and has expanded from
but because it is insufficient. For in one areas proximate to St. Petersburg and Mos-
crucial respect the position of the adminis- cow until today it commands one-third of
tration, as enunciated to date, is warning: the world. And to the extent that it has
it seems to have no "resolution dimension," worked, to its proponents it seems true.
no end in sight. This phenomenon of error confirmed by suc-
This fact helps to explain the abundance cess is not uncommon, and the notion of
of criticism directed, at the policy. Dean self-fulfilling prophecy is particularly perti-
Rusk has called for sense not nonsense from nent to communism. Since Lenin, its lead-
opinion leaders in the country, but he and ers have stated that such-and-such would
his colleagues are at least partly responsible happen, and have then gone out and made it
for the Incoherence of much of the criticism, happen.
simply because the administration has failed If this analysis of international commu-
to piovide a final 'rationale of Its policy. nism is correct, what are its implications for
Wliat te the end of ,U.S. policy in Vietnam? U.S. policy? Since the U.S. basic objective
I-low long will it continue, and how often will in foreign policy is to achieve and maintain
it be repeated? Walter Lippinann`undoubt- relative world order, it is obliged to neutralize
edly speaks for many when he says: "The the aggressive and disruptive tendencies of
addicts of the global and crusading theory the Communist countries, which are pres-
should ask themselves how many more Viet- ently the primary-though certainly not the
IYams and Dominican Republics they are pre- exclusive-source of world disorder. To
pared and able to police." achieve a neutralization of Communist ag-
There is implicit in present American gressiveness, the United States must blunt
policy an answer to these questions, but it and deter every instance of Communist ex-
has not as yet been articulated. Its articula- pansionism, whether it be in Berlin, Korea,
ticn requires an appraisal of human nature, Vietnam, or elsewhere.
and a testing of the universality of that But this is where Lippmann's question be-
nature. It requires the kind of probing done comes pertinent and where, I suggest, the
by Pope John XXIII in "Pacem in Terris." rationale of the administration's policy is
The most fundamental objectives of Amer- deficient: Is this confrontation with com-
ican foreign policy is to achieve and maintain munism to continue indefinitely, perhaps in
conditions of relativepeace and order around perpetuity? Are we to anticipate an un-
the world. A part of this objective is to ending series of Vietnams in the future, each
enable ,the various peoples of the world to of which will present the awful possibility of
define their own political order freely. This the holocaust? Is our present policy ten-
policy is presented as an accurate reflection, able if it has no prospect but repetition of
first, of what our own national security re- itself?
quires, and second, of. the best condition. for This need not, however, be the prospect of
all men. our present policy. The ultimate justifica-
Applied to Vietnam, this general policy tion of the policy is that if, over an extended
Is specified roughly as follows: South Viet- period of time, we consistently frustrate each
nom Is an independent state whose political Communist effort at expansion, we will force
integrity is presently threateiaed by attempts the Communists to reassess the validity of
to impose a regime upon it. The threat Is their doctrine in its international dimen-
in several forms: Vietcong guerrillas are sions "and, one may hope, abandon It in
waging a form of civil war, but this is more practice.
than simple internal 'dissension, because Emphasis on this principle, I think, can
the Vietcong are representative of an inter- make our present policy integral; hence it is
national conspiracy; as such, they are re- essential to clarify the elements of the asser-
ceiving substantial support from outside tion. First, it affirms the possibility of
South Vietnam. In this context, there is fundamental change in the Communist
direct involvement of North Vietnam, and countries, especially regarding their atti-
indirect involvement of China and the So- tudes in international politics, and this
viet Union. Thus, against the background of avoids the danger of freezing our perceptions
our basic foreign policy, the defense of South of communism, a danger eloquently cited in
Vietnam is important In itself. But it is also Pacem In Terris. And this is just another
important in a larger sense: it is a direct way of saying that before Communist leaders
confrontation between us and the Commu- are Communists, they are men; in them is a
nist powers. human nature that can guide them out
In this sense, any integral American policy of the paths of aggression and into the
in Vietnam must have at its root an assess- paths of rational accommodation and ad-
ment of the character of communism today, justment. But to the extent the Com-
including the possibility of differentiating munist leaders are able to fulfill their er-
among the several brands now available. In roneous prophecies, they will not follow the
terms of its international ramifications, dictates of humanness. This country must
which are most pertinent here, communism therefore speed and facilitate that reasser-
is a world view that gives its adherents cer- tion of human nature in the Communist
tain conceptual categories that serve as op. regimes by demonstrating in the concrete
'erative motives or dynamics in international order the error of their theory.
politics. More precisely, it is a doctrine of In this regard, it may not be premature
combat that, sees the world divided between to suggest that we are witnessing the be-
imperialists and the oppressed. According to ginning of such a transformation in the
the doctrine, this division of the world nec- Soviet Union. Though it remains essen-
tially totalitarian in its internal makeup, it
has been increasingly reluctant to heighten
international tensions. Why? Perhaps in
part, at least, because its expansionistic ef-
forts in its natural areas-Europe-have
been quite definitely rebuffed. Is it incon-
ceivable to anticipate a similar transforma-
tion in the Chinese attitude, if we can suc-
cessfully deter them?
What does this mean for our policy in
Vietnam? We are, it seems to me, obliged
to deter and finally discourage Communist
aggression there, be it Vietcong, North Viet-
namese, Chinese or Soviet. Implicit in this
judgment is the willingness to escalate the
conflict as high as necessary to achieve the
objective of negotiations on the basis of
guarantees of South Vietnamese integrity.
Escalation "as high as necessary" is loaded
with frightening possibilities, of course, but
the alternative is even more frightening. To
set a self-imposed limit on our escalation
would be comparable to telling an opposing
poker player that you would only bet so
high and then drop out. Equally important,
we must be prepared to continue the con-
flict so long as is necessary, expecting that
our huge economic superiority translated
into military stamina will cause our ad-
versaries to reach a point where, they judge
the price of aggression too high.
And finally-Walter Lippmann's question
can now be answered-we must be prepared
to repeat this performance in response to
every instance of Communist expansionism,
on the judgment that there is a genuine end
in view.
Repeal of Excise Taxes
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN V. LINDSAY
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, July 7, 1965
Mr. LINDSAY. Mr. Speaker, for the
recent repeal of manufacturers' excise
taxes to have their maximum effect, they
should be passed on to the consumer. I
am happy to note that this is the view
taken by ,a distinguished member of the
New York business community who has
indicated that his company plans to pass
on the tax savings in a price reduction.
Mr. Speaker, under permission I insert
in the RECORD a letter from Mr. Henry
Steinway of the famous piano making
firm of the same name which indicates a
policy that I hope will be followed by
American business generally:
STEINWAY & SONS,
July 2, 1965.
Hon. JOHN V. LINDSAY,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR JOHN: A few months ago I wrote you
about our interest in excise tax repeal and
you were good enough to reply, expressing
your interest in this matter. I would just
like to thank you for your support of this
measure which repealed this tax that has dis-
criminated against pianos and other musical
instruments since 1941.
For your information, we, Steinway &
Sons, have immediately reduced our whole-
sale price to o'ar dealers by the total amount
of the tax and have reduced our suggested
retail price by the amount of the tax, to-
gether with the normal markup on this tax.
In this way we are passing on the maximum
benefits to the public as we believe this
was the Intention of Congress.
Sincerely yours,
HENRY Z. STEINWAY,
President.
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