THE SOVIET UNION SPEAKS ON AFRICA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-03061A000300010022-5
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 5
• Document Creation Date: December 9, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 29, 1998
• Sequence Number: 22
• Publication Date: September 1, 1964
• Content Type: REPORT

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September 1964
THE SOVIET UNION SPEAKS ON AFRICA
on African Socialism. In the Communist view there is but one so-
cialism, the so-called "scientific" socialism, which is communism. Al-
though there are many paths to reach it, communism is the only goal of
socialism. Thus African and Arab socialism are referred to as stepping
stones toward achieving, with Soviet assistance, a Communist state. The
Soviet Union expresses it as follows:
"In many liberated countries, as was said before, various concepts of
social development are spreading and appear under the name 'African
Socialism,' 'Arab Socialism' etc. All these concepts of socilr ism
are different from each other and for that reason relations with them
should be differentiated.
In the opinion of the African advocates of socialism, scientific
socialism does not suit the African reality; the r`:~ople of Africa
should build their own African socialism. The appearance of such
views is not only a result of immaturity of social relations but
also of the influence of anti-Comrmmist propaganda and the spread
of pseudosocialist ideas of 'democratic socialism.' For all the
diffusiveness and vagueness of 'African socialism' it is possible
to determine several of its features: a lack of understanding that
socialism is incompatible with private capitalist ownership of the
means of production and the false notion that socialism is a society
of petty producers where every man has his own means of production...
Communists not only do not deny the objective necessity of various
roads to socialism but actually originated that idea. Marxism-
Leninism teaches that socialism occurs in such forms as are organ-
ically linked with all elements of national existence. The peoples
of Africa will go along their own road to socialism. However there
can be no 'European,' 'African' or any other type of socialism.
rocess. Consequently we cannot s-Deak of
socialism' but about the particular path of the African people to-
ward socialism as a whole."
Kommznist (Theoretical journal of the CPSU,
Moscow), #4, April 1963
"Countries which have won their freedom will proceed to Socialism
along tried and tested paths and along paths discovered by the popu-
lar movement. There are no grounds therefore for counterposing 'Af-
rican Socialism' to scientific Socialism if by 'African Socialism'
we mean the specific ways and means of the transition to Socialism
in keeping with African reality.
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"This, alone co sect, unc?.ers anr'?.-.ug of the question is constantly
gaining ground in Africa. Take, for example, the evolution of opin-
ion in the Convention Peoples Party of Ghana. The party rules a-
dopted shortly a:cter the winning of independence spoke of 'African
Socialism' as the main goal. Over the following years a lively dis-
cussion about Socialism was conducted through the pages of Ghanaian
newspapers. In a speech made on April 22, 1961, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah
spoke no longer of 'African Socialism' but of Socialism in general,
sa;;rin t':-,at Socialism 'assumes the public ownership of the means of
production.'* The new CPP programme adopted in 1962 acknowledges
that its ideolo 'is based on scientific socialism.'** In a talk
with the author of this article on December 8, 1T2, Dr. Nkrumah
said that 'there is only one socialism' as a particular system of
social production.'
*Building a Socialist State. Address by Dr. Nkrumah, President
of the Republic of Ghana, to CPP Study Group, April 22, 1961
**Programme of the Convention Peoples Party. For Work and Happi-
ness, Accra, 1962, p.7
'On African Socialism,' Prof. I.I. Potekhin Director of
African Institute, Academy of Sciences of the USSR, in
International Affairs (Journal of the Communist 'Society
for the Diffusion of Political and Scientific Knowledge,'
Moscow), #1, 1963
The Communists must continually fight the belief that Africans have
little in common with the Soviet Union:
"A completely erroneous counterposing'of scientific Socialist theory
to 'African Socialism' has gained wide currency among African Soci-
alists; scientific socialism is not suitable for African reality, we
shall build our own African Socialism, is what they say.
What is 'African Socialism'? No single, complete theory of this con-
cept exists. Each individual advocate of 'African Socialism' has his
own ideas about it and gives a different meaning to this concept, but
they are all united by a common desire: to abolish the exploitation
of man by man. Yet it is precisely this which is the main content of
scientific Socialism. Therefore, on this point, the main one, there
is no divergency of views between the advocates of scientific and
'African' Socialism."
However erroneous the concept of African socialism in the Soviet view,
it is treated as a potential step toward communism:
"Equally, 'African Socialism' is not to be dismissed out of hand.
It embraces genuine attempts b progressive people to find ways of
transition to socialism which accord with the special conditions of
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Africa. But at the same time the theory of 'African Socialism' is
also used as a means to deceive the working masses in the interests
of capitalist development ."
Prof. Potekhin, Peoples of Asia and Africa,
#1, 1962
On National Democracy. The Communist goal of seizing power in each
country demands unorthodox tactics in Africa where there is no traditional
communist power base of "sufficiently well organized working class and
peasantry prepared to accept the working class leadership and a Marxist-
Leninist Party." Not only is there no leadership for the so-called work-
ing classes, there is no class structure of exploited and exploiter and no
proletariat which Communists postulate as the justification for revolution-
ary action to bring about a Communist state. As a substitute, Soviet com-
munism calls for national democracies or ruling coalitions of radical groups.
Such governmental structures can most easily be converted to Communism once
cadres are trained.
"An important factor in carrying out the urgent revolutionary tasks
is the training of cadres dedicated to the people. The problem of
cadres in the countries we are discussing has two aspects; first,
there is an acute shortage of trained personnel in all spheres of
endeavor; second the state apparatus is still honey-combed with
reactionaries and some office holders are corrupt. The revolu-
duty to train
tion forces, therefore consider it their prime
ex its devoted to their Male and ca able of running the machin-
ery of state, managing the economy and taking charge of education
and culture ."
"National Democracy -- Key to Social Progress,"
A. Sobolev, World Marxist Review, Feb. 1963
On African Unity, Arab Unity. Soviet writers emphasize that unity is
desirable not as an end in itself but as a means of combating colonialism:
"... only unity and solidarity on an anti-imperialist and democratic basis
can help to spread and intensify the national liberation movements of
peoples." After the founding of the Organization of African Unity, Khrush-
chev sounded the key Soviet view, namely, African unity is praiseworthy if
directed against imperialism and if it is ready to unite with international
fronts :
"An active struggle in the defense of peace, for national liberation
and against colonialism in all its forms and manifestations must throw
wide bridges from continent to continent, unite and draw together the
ples of all races and nationalities, re igious beliefs and politcal
convictions."
Pravda, July 25, 1963
Khrushchev reiterated the Soviet view that international unity based on
c 1 a s s is the essential unity for communism in an address to Aswan dam
workers which excited considerable adverse Arab comment:
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"Certain speakers have addressed us here. I have listened to their
words: We axe Arabs, we are Arabs, unite, Arabs, and so on. If you
take this position it might seem that we Russians have nothing to do
here among you Arabs; should we pack up and go home? We are not Arabs.
Our teacher and leader, Vladimir Ilrich Lenin, also appealed for unity
-- not on a national basis, however, but on a labor and class basis!"
Ibid, may 18, 196+
On Pan-Africanism. Antony Buzek, former Czechoslovak News service
official now living in London, reported that news agencies of Communist
Europe were under orders to try to discourage pan-African movements while
seeming to be sympathetic with them, according to Der Kurier, Vienna,
March 26, 1962. Pan-Africanism has "its weak sides, which can give rise
to extreme forms of nationalism" according to Prof. Potekhin. As an "in-
strument of national egoism and national exclusiveness" it might work
against Soviet influence in African institutions. However, as with African
unity, pan-Africanism is laudable if it follows the Soviet prescription:
"Some understand pan-Africanism as a solidarity of African peoples
in the fight against imperialism for the destruction of the conse -
c~uences of colonialism and for economic and social progress. Thus
understood, pan-Africanism deserves every support of the forces of
progress. The others regard pan-Africanism as the opposition of
peoples of black race to peoples of white race. Such an interpreta-
tion is advantageous only to the imperialists, the enemies of the
peoples of Africa."
"Pan-Africanism and the Struggle of Two
Ideologies," Prof. Potekhin, Kommunist,
#'l, January 1964
"These pro-imperialist circles, taking refuge in talk about "genuine
African socialism" try to emasculate the class content of the prole-
tarian struggle and to compel the African working class to betray the
principles of proletarian internationalism. They seek to dra? into
African workers' movement the narrow nationalist slogan that "all
Africans are brothers."
Aziy_a i Africa Segodnya (Asia and Africa
Today) 12 11 On Overthrowing Independent African Governments. Bourgeois national
leaders may be tolerated in the early stages of Communist political devel-
opments:
"It is known that the majority of new national states of Africa and
Asia are headed by bourgeois political leaders who usually take a
position under a nationalistic flag... Nevertheless Lenin considered
it natural that at the beginning of any national movement the bour-
geoisie plays the role of the leading force..."
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After independence when the "imperialists" are out of the way, the
bourgois leaders may be overthrown:
"In case the national bourgeoisie refuses to cooperate with the pro-
gressive forces, the working class [the Communists] and its party
may be forced, in the interests of the nation, to remove the bour-
geoisie from authority and to form a people's democratic state."
Narody Asii i Africa (Peoples of Asia and
Africa) #11 1 3
Or a civil war may be called for:
"In some instances, when social contradictions are particularly exac-
erbated, the class war and the national liberation movement may de-
velo into revolutionary wars. To recognize that such wars are just
and lawful is not to contradict the principle of peaceful coexistence."
Konmzunist, (Moscow) #13, 1960
Note: All underlinings have been added.
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