THE COMMUNIST PARTY - A MANUAL ON ORGANIZATION

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• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-03362A001600070001-4
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 124
• Document Creation Date: November 17, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 8, 2000
• Sequence Number: 1
• Content Type: BOOK

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THE
COMMUNIST
PARTY
?
A MANUAL ON
ORGANIZATION
Approved
070001-4
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THE COMMUNIST PARTY
A MANUAL ON
ORGANIZATION
By
J. PETERS
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Contents
PREFACE
I. FUNDAMENTALS OF THE PARTY PROGRAM
II. BASIC PRINCIPLES OF PARTY ORGANIZATION 23
III. STRUCTURE AND FUNCTIONS OF PARTY OR-
GANIZATIONS
IV. PARTY MEMBERSHIP AND CADRES 103
V. RULES AND METHOIX3 FOR DISCIPLINARY
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T HIS organizational Manual fills a long-felt need.
It will be welcomed by many thousands of active
Party members who have looked forward to its
publication for a long time. Much of the material
used by Comrade Peters as the basis for this Manual
was, it is true, available, but it is scattered in many
documents over a period of years. Much of the
material was of late available, as for example, the
famous and thorough going resolutions and decisions
on the question of organization adopted by the
Second Organizational Conference of the Communist
International, which was printed in the Inpreoorr
some ten years ago (International Press Corres-
pondence, Vol. 6, No. 38).
Comrade Peters has added much to the existing
material both from more recent international ex-
perience and especially from the recent experience
of our own Party, experience that is very rich and
valuable. The Manual embodies, therefore, the best
that is available in the theory and practice of organ-
ization in our own Party and the Communist Inter-
national. Comrade Peters not only is thoroughly
acquainted with the fundamental principles of Lenin-
ist organization but has had a wide and varied ex-
perience in organizational work over a period of
many years. It is this combination of theory and
practice permeating the Manual that makes it so
valuable to our Party. I am sure that when this
Manual becomes popularized in the Party we will
wonder how we could have gotten along without
such a weapon for so long.
Aside from the fact that Manual will be of great
benefit to every member of our Party in the daily
work, it will, in the first place, provide the necessary
material for the training of our cadres, and help in
the solution of many problems with which our func-
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street nuclei, more than 250 sections, some
30 districts, and hundreds upon hundreds of frac-
tions in the trade unions and other mass organiza-
tions, there are many thousands of functionaries
who will find the Manual indispensible. It will be of
incalculable value especially to the functionaries in
the lower organizations, the organizers, secretaries,
agitprop directors,, literature agents, etc., the bureau
members of the shop and street nuclei, the Section
Committees, upon whom falls the main burden for
the execution of the line of the Party in the mass
work, the character of which determines the progress
of the Party in the solution of its main tasks.
If we remember that, as a result of the recent
growth of the Party, the majority of the Party mem-
bership is relatively new (less than two years in the
Party), then more emphasis is added to the value
of the Manual. The growth of the Party member-
ship and its increasing activity has not only mul-
tiplied our organizational problems but of necessity
require that many new comrades with little
organizational experience assume leading positions
in the lower Party organizations and in the
fractions. While we have made some efforts through
the Party Organizer and the "Party Life" column
in the Daily Worker, through conferences, etc., to
impart to them our knowledge and experience, this
has not been done systematically. Hence, many mis-
takes are made all over again by the new function-
aries, mistakes in the solution of problems which in
some sections of the Party have already been solved.
Now, with this' Manual at hand, the entire Party will
have available in an organized form the best ex-
perience that we have.
That the improvement in our organizational work
is very pressing was forcefully brought out at the
May, 1935, meeting of the Central Committee of the
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izational work of the Party were examined very
thoroughly. One of the things that was disclosed is
the lack of stabilization of the lower cadres. This
is mainly due to the fact that comrades are assigned
to tasks for which they are not fully prepared; they
are not given help, they are allowed to drift, with
the result that soon it is found that their work is
not satisfactory and changes are made. But the new
functionaries who replace them go through the very
same experiences. The result is constant change.
The examination, however, brought out the fact that
in those units and sections where we succeed some-
what in stabilizing the cadres the work is much
better than in those where there is constant change.
If the Manual will but aid in the solution of this
one burning question it will more than justify its
publication.
The examination of the work of the Party dis-
closed that, in practice, there is still an insufficient
orientation in conducting our work along the lines
laid down in the Open Letter (adopted at the Extra-
ordinary Party Conference, July, 1933), that is,
from the viewpoint of concentration in the main fac-
tories, industries, trade unions, the placing of the
center of gravity of our work in the lower organ-
izations.
This, of course, involves in the first place the con-
centration of our efforts towards the building of the
Party in the factories, the creation of shop nuclei
and the development of the shop nuclei into real
mass Party organizations in the factories, carrying
out all the tasks of the Party, leading the struggles
of the masses in these factories-the struggles on
all issues, economic and political.
The Manual takes up this question in great detail.
It explains why we Communists are the only political
Party that builds its basic organization in the fac-
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tories. t to es u.p the questions of t e construe io
of the shop nuclei, their' methods of work under
varying conditions, the relation of the shop nuclei
to the sections, to the trade union fractions, etc. I
am convinced that this Manual in the hands of our
comrades in the shop nuclei will aid in the improve-
ment of the work of the shop nuclei, as well as in the
more rapid and systematic building of shop nuclei
where they do not as yet exist.
Another central question dealt with at the May
meeting of the Central Committee was the work
of the trade union fractions. With the strengthened
position of our Party in the A. F. of L. unions the
improvement of the work' of the trade union frac-
tions has become of increasing importance. The
Manual deals with these important questions; the
role of the fractions, how they are to be built, their
work, their relation to the Party organizations, etc.
The question of increasing the recruiting power
of the Party, the methods of recruiting, the over-
coming of the high fluctuation of members, all these
problems that are so closely connected with the work
of the lower organizations, the questions of methods
of dues collections, initiation of new members, the
education of the new members, etc., are taken up
and treated in great detail.
It is unnecessary in this introduction to mention
all the important questions treated in the Manual.
This can be seen from a. glance at the index. Suffice
it to say that it deals with all the vital questions of
Party organization. Let us mention just two more
types of questions dealt with. First, the opening sec-
tions which explain in a very elementary and detailed
manner the Party itself. What is' the Communist
Party; what is its role in relation to the other organ-
izations of the workers; what is its fundamental
policy; what are the main tactics of the Party, etc.
It is a fact that many of I our Party members have
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these questions. 'The second type of questions dealt
with that should be mentioned we are 'sure will be
most welcome to the comrades charged with the
various duties in the shop and street nuclei: What is
the task of the various functionaries? How often
have we faced the question that a comrade is
assigned a post, let us say unit organizer, agitprop
director of the unit, Daily Worker agent of the
unit; and the comrade receives no records of the
comrades who preceded him in the post, no guidance
as to his or her tasks? Finally, I wish to call atten-
tion to the section dealing with the structure of the
Party from top to bottom, illustrated by a number
of charts, which will give the comrades an appre-
ciation of the whole of the machinery of the Party,
their relation to it, the understanding of their special
task in relation to the whole Party.
Naturally, the Manual will not by itself solve our
problems. Nor will it bring the best results if it
will be conceived of as a blue print to be applied me-
chanically. It will be most effective if it is properly
understood as a guide to the daily practical prob-
lems. In this respect it is necessary not only that
we ensure every Party member securing a copy of
the Manual and reading it-and especially every
comrade holding a post of responsibility from the
units up-we must organize the collective study of
the Manual in the units, among the various func-
tionaries in the units, sections and districts.
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THE COMMLfNIST PARTY
A MANUAL ON ORGANIZATION
I. Fundamentals of the Party Program
THE Communist Party is the organized vanguard
of the working class, composed of the most class-
conscious, the most courageous, the most self-sacri-
ficing section of the proletariat. -The Communist
Party does not stand above, but is part and parcel of,
the working class. It is the general staff of the
proletariat.
The Communist Party ' is armed with the teach-
ings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. These
teachings are a powerful weapon in the hands
of the Communist Party. They enable the Party
to direct the struggles of the working class along
the correct line, and to gain victories while avoiding
unnecessary sacrifice. These teachings enable the
Party to know which forces are acting in the inter-
ests of the working class and which against it. By
means of these teachings the Communist Party is
able to find the best methods of struggle of the
working class against capitalism, and for socialism.
THE ROLE AND AIM OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
As the leader and organizer of the proletariat,
the Communist Party of the U.S.A. leads the work-
ing class in the fight for the revolutionary overthrow
of capitalism, for the establishment of the dictator-
ship of the proletariat, for the establishment of a
Socialist Soviet Republic in the United States, for
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ment of soda ism, a firs stage o t e c ass ess
Communist society.
Our Party realizes that certain conditions must
exist before the outworn capitalist system can be
overthrown.
What are the conditions? Comrade Lenin, in his
pamphlet, "Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile
Disorder, answers this question.
. . for revolution it is essential, first, that
a majority of the workers (or at least a major-
ity of the class-conscious, thinking, politically
active workers) should fully understand the
necessity for revolution and be ready to sacrifice
their lives for it; secondly, that the ruling classes
be in a' state of governmental crisis which draws
even the most backward masses into politics, . . .
weakens the government and makes it possible
for the revolutionaries to overthrow it rapidly."
(Little Lenin Library, Vol. 20, p. 65.)
These two conditions alone are not sufficient for
the successful struggle of the working class. Even
if the masses know that socialism liberates the
working class, even if the masses know that social-
ism can be won only through revolution, unless there
is a strongly organized Communist Party which ex-
plains the aims and methods of the struggle to the
workers, unless it itself organizes these struggles,
and is itself in the forefront of them, the revolution
cannot be victorious. Lenin wrote about the need
for a strong Communist Party as the advance guard
of the working class in the following words :
"In order that the mass of a definite class may
learn how to understand its own interests, its
situation, may learn how to carry on its own
policy, precisely for this an organization of the
advanced elements of the class is immediately
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s may orm a negligible section of
the class."
How will the Communist Party convince the
majority of the working class that a revolution is
necessary? The Communist Party can do this by
becoming the trusted vanguard, the beloved or-
ganizer and leader of the, struggle of the working
class. Agitation and propaganda alone are insuf-
ficient. Something more is needed to convince the
masses of the proletariat of the necessity for the
overthrow of the old order.
Learn Through Struggle
The workers also need schooling through their
daily struggles under the leadership of the Com-
munist Party. Workers learn by their own experi-
ences that only through stubborn struggle can they
wrest any concessions from the capitalists. They
lq rn the relationship of classes in present-day
society. They learn the nature of bourgeois democ-
racy and of fascism. TheY learn the role of the
henchmen of the bourgeoisie in the ranks of the
working class, they learn the role of the reformist
leaders of the trade unions and of the Socialist
Party. In other words, the, proletarian masses learn
through their own ?experiences that their class, the
working class, has class enemies-the bosses, the
exploiters, the capitalists and their henchmen. They
learn that there is only one way out of misery, in-
security, unemployment, etc.-the way of the final
overthrow of the old order, ,and the establishment of
the new-the proletarian dictatorship.
These experiences will be learned in the day-to-day
struggles in the fight for better conditions, in strikes
for higher wages and shorter hours, in the struggles
for adequate relief, for unemployment insurance,
against evictions. The masses will learn in these
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police with their clubs and revolvers and gas bombs,
the militia with their machine guns; the extra-legal
forces of the bourgeoisie (Ku Klux Klan, Vigilantes,
etc.) with their lynch law; the press with its poison-
ous anti-working class propaganda; they will recog-
nize the role of the church; the judges with their
injunctions and vicious sentences against workers;
the mayor of the city or town, the governor of the
state, the President of the United States, always
supporting the capitalists. They will see the re-
actionary leaders in the A. F. of L. unions treacher-
ously helping the bosses to crush the struggles of
the workers for a decent living and against capital-
ism. They will see the efforts of the Socialist Party
leaders to fuse themselves more and more with the
leaders of the A. F. of L. unions. They will see the
cynically conciliatory policy of the Right wing of
the S.P. toward the bourgeoisie and A. F. of L.
bureaucrats. They will see the role of the Trotsky-
ites as the advance guard of the counter-revolution,
supplying the capitalists with "arguments" against
Communism and the Workers' Fatherland, the Soviet
Union. They will see the Lovestoneites, the rene-
gades from Communism.
Convince Through Leadership
The workers learn through their own experiences
that they must have a Communist Party, which
leads them in their struggles, which draws the cor-
rect conclusions from these struggles, and which,
in the preparation for, and in the midst of, the
struggles, continuously exposes every move of the
enemy and teaches the workers the lessons that
should be learned in their struggles. The Commu-
nist Party, part and parcel of the proletariat, has
only one interest: a better life for the exploited,
oppressed masses, the end of all exploitation. While
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cannot be finally abolished under the capitalist
system, it leads and organizes the fight of the
masses for better conditions now because the inter-
ests of the workers are its interests, and because it
knows these day-to-day struggles develop the work-
ers for their final task--'the overthrow of capitalism.
The Communist Party explains to the workers
that even those concessions which are won by them
through hard-fought battles will be taken back by
the bourgeoisie unless the workers build and
strengthen their mass combat organizations, espe-
cially their unions. In these fights the masses will
see their enemies, will realize that there is only one
Party they can trust, only one Party which fights
uncompromisingly with them against the enemy,
the Party which is their flesh and blood-their Party
-the Communist Party.
In this way, the Communist Party will win the
confidence of the masses, and become their recog-
nized leader, their General Staff, their vanguard,
which they will follow in the final battle to victory.
Bourgeois Dictatorship--Proletarian Dictatorship
Bourgeois Democracy--Proletarian Democracy
Comrade Stalin in his book, Foundations of Lenin-
ism, gives a very clear analysis of the question of
dictatorship and democracy. We quote a few
paragraphs:
"The State is an instrument in the hands of
the ruling class for suppressing the resistance of
its class.enemies. In this respect the dictatorship of
the proletariat in no way differs, in essence, from
the dictatorship of any other class, for the prole-
tarian State is an instrument for the suppression
of the bourgeoisie. Nevertlieless, there is an essen-
tial difference between the, two, which is, that all
class States that have existed heretofore have
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the exploited majority, whereas the dictatorship
of the proletariat is the dictatorship of the ex-
ploited majority over an exploiting minority.
".. . the dictatorship of the proletariat cannot
be `complete' democracy, a democracy for all, for
rich and poor alike; a dictatorship of the prole-
tariat `must be a State that is democratic in a new
way (for the proletariat and the poor in general)
and dictatorial in a new way (against the bour-
geoisie)'.*
". . `pure' democracy, . . . `perfect' . . . democracy
and the like, are but bourgeois screens to conceal
the indubitable fact that equality between ex-
ploiters and exploited is impossible. The theory of
`pure' democracy is the theory of the upper stra-
tum of the working class which is tamed and fed
by the imperialist plunderers. It was invented to
hide the sores of capitalism, to camouflage im-
perialism and lend it moral strength in its struggle
against the exploited masses. Under the capitalist
system there is no true `freedom' for the exploited,
nor can there be, if for no other reason than that
the buildings, printing plants, paper supplies, etc.,
indispensable for the actual enjoyment of this `free-
dom', are the privilege of the exploiters. Under the
capitalist system the exploited masses do not, nor
can they, really participate in the administration
of the country, if for no other reason than that
even with the most democratic system under cap-
italism, the governments are set up, not by the
people, but by the Rothschilds and Stinneses, the
Morgans and Rockefellers.
"Democracy under the capitalist system is
capitalist democracy, the democracy of an ex-
ploiting minority based upon the restriction of
the rights of the exploited majority and directed
against this majority. Only under the dictator-
ship of the proletariat is real `freedom' for the
exploited and real participation in the administra-
* Quoted from V. I. Lenin, State and Revolution.
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o n ry ;; t o proletarians an peas-
ants possible. 'Under the dictatorship of the pro-
letariat democracy is proletarian democracy-the
democracy of the exploited majority based upon
the.restriction of the rights of the exploiting mi-
nority and directed against this minority." (Foun-
dations of Leninism, by Joseph Stalin, pp. 51-52.)
1 t,
THE ALLIES OF TH
E PROLETARIAT
The chief strategic aim of our Party in the pres-
ent period is to win the majority of the working
class for the struggle against capitalism. This is
an essential condition for victory over the bour-
geoisie and for preparing the workers for the decisive
battles for the dictatorship of the proletariat.
The revolutionary overthrow of the capitalist sys-
tem is the historic missions of the working class. But
the workers cannot fulfills their mission if they fail
to win over the -wide sections of the toiling masses.
It is essential that the proletariat wins to its cause
all its allies, without whom there cannot be a suc-
cessful revolution.
Who are the allies of the American ,working class?
The Open Letter, adopted by the Central Committee
in July, 1933, very clearly answers this question.
The Poor and Small Farmers
The Open Letter stressed the following facts:
The most important. allies of the American working
class are the poor and small farmers. These farm-
ers, as well as broad sections of the middle farmers,
are hardest hit by the whole development of post-war
capitalism and especially by the economic crisis.
They are most brutally exploited by the government,
by the banks, by the trusts and the insurance com-
panies. Their interests are consequently directed
objectively against finance capital.
The main task of the Party in its worx among
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agricultural wage workers, organizing them into
the trade unions and the Party, organizing and lead-
ing strikes of the agricultural workers for better
wages and working conditions. Such strikes, in
many places, have already played an important part
in the development of the farmers' movement. At
the same time the Party has the important task of
winning over the poor and small farmers, and also
broad sections of ruined middle farmers, for the
struggle against capitalism on the side of the prole-
tariat; while at the same time it must strive to
neutralize other sections of middle farmers. This is
an important prerequisite for a successful struggle
against the offensive of capitalism, against fascism
and for the defense of the Soviet Union, and for
the final victory of the proletariat.
The Negro People
The other important ally of the American prole-
tariat is the mass of 13,000,000 Negro people in
their struggle against national oppression. The
Communist Party, as the revolutionary Party of the
proletariat, as the only Party which is courageously
and resolutely carrying on a struggle against the
double exploitation and national oppression of the
Negro people, becoming particularly intense with
the developing crisis, can win over the great masses
of Negro people as allies of the proletariat against
the American bourgeoisie.
The Party can stand at the head of the national
revolutionary struggle of the Negro masses against
American imperialism only if it energetically car-
ries through the following tasks :
"The Party must mobilize the masses for the
struggle for equal rights of the Negroes and for
the right of self-determination for the Negroes in
the Back Belt. It must ruthlessly combat any
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It must not only in words, but in deeds, overcome
all obstacles to the drawing in of the best ele-
ments of the Negro proletariat, who in the recent
years have shown themselves to be self-sacrificing
fighters in the struggle against capital. In view
of this, special attention must be given to the
promotion of Negro proletarians to leading work
in the Party organizations. In all mass actions,
strikes and unemployed struggles the Party must
pay particular attention that, in formulating prac-
tical demands, it takes into consideration and gives
expression to the special forms of exploitation, op-
pression and denial of the rights of the employed
and unemployed Negro masses. At the same time
the Party and in the first place the Negro com-
rades must genuinely improve the methods of
patient, systematic but persistent struggle against
the ideology and influence of petty-bourgeois na-
tionalists among the Negro workers and toiling
Negro masses." (An Open Letter to All Members
of the Communist Party, pp. 14-15.)
International Solidarity
The Communist Party systematically aids the
revolutionary liberation movement of the oppressed
peoples of the colonial countries (Cuba, Philippines,
Latin-America, India, China, etc., etc.).
The Communist Party mobilizes the masses for
international solidarity with the struggle of the
workers in other capitalist countries.
The Communist Party rallies the masses against
imperialist war and fascism, and for the defense
of the Soviet Union.
The Soviet Union is the,, only fatherland of work-
ers all over the world. It pis the achievement of the
international. proletariat. It is the most important
factor for the liberation of all workers in, every
country. Therefore, the workers all over the world
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and must defend it with all their power against the
attacks of the capitalist powers.
The Petty Bourgeoisie
It is necessary and possible also to win over to
the side of the workers broad sections of the lower
petty bourgeoisie and intellectual workers in the
cities and to neutralize other sections of the petty
bourgeoisie (municipal and state employees, lower
officials, teachers, intellectuals, students, petty bour-
geois war invalids, artisans, small shop-keepers),
who have been brought into action as a result of the
tremendous pressure of the crisis. This can be
done only if the Party will come out resolutely in
defense of their interests, by organizing and lead-
ing teachers' strikes, students' demonstrations, re-
sistance to reduction of salaries of city and state em-
ployees, resistance to robbery through inflation and
bank crashes, etc.
But the more widespread the movement among the
non-proletarian masses becomes and the more acute
the task of winning allies of the proletariat becomes,
the more intensely must the Party work to extend
and organize its proletarian base. This very extension
of the movement of the non-proletarian masses makes
it incumbent on the Party not to allow itself to be
side-tracked from its main task, namely, the winning
of the decisive influence in the factories, above all in
the basic industries (steel, metal, railway, maritime,
mining, etc.), and the systematic building up of
factory nuclei and trade-union organizations.
"If the Party intensifies its activity among the
petty-bourgeois masses without at the same time
and above all strengthening its base in the big
factories and among the most important sections
of the American working class ... then the danger
arises that the Party, having only weak contacts
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will be driven away from its proletarian base, and
instead of leading the petty-bourgeois masses will
succumb to the influence of petty-bourgeois senti-
ments, illusions and petty-bourgeois methods of
work." (Open Letter, p. 16.)
THE UNITED' FRONT
"The increasingly sharp attacks against the
workers raise more insistently than ever the neces-
sity of the establishment of the working-class
fighting front to resist these attacks and to win
the demands of the workers. The working class
in the United States is still largely unorganized.
That part which is organized is largely under the
influence of the A. F. of L. bureaucracy, which
keeps it split up in innumerable ways by craft
divisions, by discriminations against the Negroes
and foreign-born, by divisions between the skilled
and unskilled, etc. That smaller section which
has begun to question the capitalist system is
further divided between the leadership of the
Socialist Party and the Communist Party, while a
considerable section stands aside, still bewildered
by these divisions and the problems it does not yet
understand, and further confused by the shouts
of those small but active groups, the renegades
from Communism, the usteites, etc." (Earl
Browder: Report to the Eighth Convention of the
Communist Party, U.S.A., p. 55.)
The Communist Party understands that the road
towards our main strategic' aim, the winning of the
majority of the working class for revolutionary bat-
tles, leads through, a broad united front of the
masses. The united front }~s organized by the Com-
munist Party for the united struggle of Communists
and all other workers, members of other parties or
of no party whatever, for the defense of the inter-
ests of the working class against the bourgeoisie.
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united front except that the unity shall be one of
struggle for the particular demands agreed upon.
The united front is therefore, first and foremost, the
coming together of working class forces for action
for demands upon which the forces have agreed.
For example: In a given factory the- workers may
be Democrats, Republicans, Socialists, Communists,
or members of the A. F. of L. without any political
affiliation; Catholics, Protestants, etc. When the
employer increases the working hours or reduces the
wages, the policy of the Communist Party is im-
mediately to unite the workers to resist the em-
ployer's attacks, to organize shop committees, griev-
ance committees, to bring the various unions and the
workers who belong to different parties into a solid
line against the bosses. This united front, according
to the situation, will enable the workers in this given
factory to fight unitedly against the bosses. In this
action the Communist Party will show the workers
that only the Communist method of waging the
struggle will bring victory.
The systematic application of the united front in
the big factories is of decisive importance, especially
for leading strikes, establishing a united fighting
front, and tearing down the barriers between the
revolutionary workers and the masses of other work-
ers. The decisive factor in establishing the united
front is tireless, every day activity among the work-
ers in order to prove, in every question, the correct-
ness of our slogans and our proposals for action.
Apply to Unions
This application of the united front of the factory
workers in action is very easily understood. But
when we pass from the factories to the unions and
to the parties, the confusion begins. What is the
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a Communist? The trade unionist thinks only of the
interest of the workers in the particular trade or
occupation embraced by his own union. The Com-
munist thinks of the interests of the working class
as a whole, and aims to bring the whole working
class into common action for their common interests.
The method of the united-front action in the factory
must also be applied to the unions, which must be
brought together for common action. But the bu-
reaucratic leaders of the unions are against such a
policy for obvious reasons (their role as agents of
the bourgeoisie).
Nevertheless, we must consider the fact that they
are at the head of the unions of the workers, and
therefore cannot be ignored. In most instances, if
the rank and file is approached by us for a united
front, the first reaction is: Did the executive com-
mittee of our union take up this question? Is it en-
dorsed by them? If we have not approached their
leaders, we already find one obstacle against the
workers even considering our proposal. Therefore,
in many cases while approaching the rank-and-file
membership directly with our united-front proposals
for action on specific issues, while organizing our
influence through building united-front committees
(shop committees, grievance committees, etc), in.the
factories, and in this way increasing our influence,
we also appeal, at the same time, to the leaders of
the unions and the Socialist Party who have a mass
following, and we are prepared to negotiate with
them. If they agree to act with us, so much the
better, even though we may be sure that at some
stage of the action they will try to betray the
workers. If they refuse to negotiate for the united
front, then we must expose them and the obstacle
they are putting in the way of the united front.
In this manner, the prestige of the bureaucratic
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unions receives a severe blow.
The united front must not be limited only to
special campaigns. Nor must we abandon efforts to
achieve a united front because we do not succeed at
once in winning over the workers for struggle, and
because they do not at once want to separate them-
selves from their reformist leaders. The united
front must not lead to subordination of the revolu-
tionary policies to that of the reformist leaders in
the way of a so-called "non-aggression pact". United
front means uninterrupted, patient, convincing work
to destroy the influence of reformists and the bour-
geoisie. The rejection of the united front proposals
of our Party and the immediate urgent demands of
the workers by the reformist leaders must impel us
to make even stronger efforts to organize a common
fighting front in the factories, mines, and among the
unemployed masses, in the locals and branches of
the A. F. of L. and Socialist Party, with the workers
who are under the influence of the reformists.
The united front could and should be built on all
issues concerning the interests of the working class,
such as war and fascism, elections, unemployment
insurance, wage cuts, conditions, hours, defense
of political prisoners, etc., besides the immediate
daily problems of the workers in the factory or in
the industry.
The Communist Party in the united-front activi-
ties does not give up for a moment its independent
political role. Thus, the Party, in all phases of the
united-front action, while fighting side by side with
the non-Party workers, must politicalize the strug-
gle and show its perspective clearly.
The Party, in its every day work, must clarify to
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the woi.'-ers in a positive and concrete way the prin-
cipal diffe..ence between us and the reformists. The
Party, by its practical work, must prove to the
workers that we are the fighters for a united strug-
gle and that the reformist, leaders are the splitters
and disrupters of the struggle.
We must show clearly in action that the Com-
munist Party is the only Party that fights uncom-
promisingly for the interests of the workers.
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H. Basic Principles of Party Organization
T HE Communist Party is organized in such a way
as to guarantee, first, complete inner unity of
outlook; and, second, combination of the strictest
discipline with the widest initiative and independent
activity of the Party membership. Both of these
conditions are guaranteed because the Party is or-
ganized on the basis of democratic centralism.
Democratic centralism is the system according to
which :
1. All leading committees of the Party, from the
Unit Bureaus up to the highest committees, are
elected by the membership or delegates of the given
Party organization.
2. Every elected Party committee must report
regularly on its activity to its Party organization.
It must give an account of its work.
3. The lower Party committees and all Party
members of the given Party organization have the
duty of carrying out the decisions of the higher
Party committees and of the Communist Interna-
tional. In other words, decisions of the C.I. and of
the higher Party committees are binding upon the
lower bodies.
4. Party discipline is observed by the Party mem-
bers and Party organizations because only those who
agree with the program of the Communist Party
and the C.I. can become members of the Party.
5. The minority carries out the decisions of the
majority (subordination of the minority to the ma-
jority). Party questions are discussed by the mem-
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Y Y Y g
until such time as a decision is made by the Party
} committee or organization. After a decision has
been made by the leading committees of the C.I., by'
the Central Committee of the Party, or by the Na-
tional Convention, this decision must be unreservedly
carried out even if a minority of the Party member-
ship or a minority of the local Party organizations is
{ in disagreement with it.
6. The Party organizations, Units, Sections, and
Districts, have the full initiative, right and duty to
decide on local questions within the limits of the
general policies and decisions of the Party.
Decisions of Higher Bodies, ' Binding on Lower Bodies
On the basis of democratic centralism, all lower
Party organizations are subordinated to the higher
bodies; District organizations are subordinated to
the Central Committee; Section organizations are
subordinated to the District Committee; Party Units
(shop, street and town) ,are subordinated to the
Section Committees.
All decisions of the World Congress and commit-
tees of the C.I. must be fulfilled by all parties of
the C.I. All decision of the National Convention
and the Central Committees must be fulfilled by the
whole Party; all decisions of the District Conven-
tion and Committee must be fulfilled by the Section
organizations of that District; all decisions of the
Section Convention and Committee are binding on
the shop, street and town Units in that Section.
A Party committee or Unit Bureau, throughout
the whole of its activity from Convention to Con-vention, from Conference to Conference, from Unit
meeting to Unit meeting, is not only under the con-
trol of the higher Party committees, but also under
the control of the whole Party membership in the
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committee is not capable of carrying out its task and
the correct Party line, this committee can be changed
through the calling of an extraordinary Conference
by decision of the higher committees, or by the initia-
tive of the lower organizations with the approval of
the higher committees.
The Communist Party puts the interest of the
working class and the Party above everything. The
Party subordinates all forms of Party organization
to these interests. F'roni, this it follows that one
form of organization is suitable for legal existence of
the Party, and another for the conditions of under-
ground, illegal existence. Under conditions where
there is no possibility of holding open elections or
broad Conventions, the form of democratic central-
ism necessarily has to be changed. In such a situa-
tion, it is inevitable that co-option be used as well
as election. That means that in such a situation the
higher committees will appoint the lower committees
(for example, the Central Committee may appoint
the District Committee; the District Committee may
appoint the Section Committee, etc.). Or, in very
exceptional cases, when the lower committee is to
act quickly, this committee has the right to co-opt
new members to the committee from among the best
leaders of the organization; and this co-option must
be approved by the higher committee.
But even in the most difficult situation, the Party
finds ways and means of holding elections. The Con-
ventions or Conferences under such conditions will
necessarily be smaller. The organization will be
tighter so as to eliminate as far as possible the
danger of the exposure of delegates to the class
enemies. Under conditions of extreme terror, open
election of committees would endanger the elected
leaders and make it possible for the bourgeoisie and
their police agents to capture the leaders of the
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movement. Therefore, such a method is used by the
Party in electing leading committees during such a
period which eliminates the danger of exposure.
Democratic centralism t ierefore represents a flex-
ible system of Party organization which guarantees
all the conditions for combining the conscious and
active participation of the whole Party membership
in the Party life together with the best forms of
centralized leadership in the activity and struggles
of the Party and the working class.
PARTY DISCUSSION AND FREEDOM OF CRITICISM
The free discussion on questions of Party policy
in individual Party organizations or in the Party
as a whole, is the fundamental right of every Party
member as a principal point of Party democracy.
Only on the basis of internal Party democracy is it
possible to develop Bolshevik self-criticism and to
strengthen Party discipline, which must be con-
scious and not mechanical. There is complete free-
dom of discussion in the Panty until a majority de-
cision has been made by the Unit or the leading
committee, after which discussion must cease and
the decision be carried out by every organization and
individual member of the Party.
It is clear, however, that basic principles and de-
cisions, such, as for example, the Program of the
Communist International, cannot be questioned in
the Party.
We cannot imagine a discussion, for example,
questioning the correctness of the leading role of
the proletariat in the revolution, or the necessity for
the proletarian dictatorship. We do not question
the theory of the necessity for the forceful over-
throw of capitalism.. We do not question the cor-
rectness of the revolutionary theory of the class
struggle laid down by Marx, Engels, Lenin and
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ary nature of Trotskyism.
We do not question the political correctness of the
decisions, resolutions, etc., of the Executive Com-
mittee of the C.I., of the Convention of the Party,
or of the Central Committee after they are ratified.
Otherwise, every under-cover agent of the bour-
geoisie and every sympathizer of the renegades
would have an opportunity of continually raising
their counter-revolutionary theories in the Units,
Sections, etc., and make the members spend time and
energy in discussing such questions, thus not only
disrupting the work of the Party, but also creating
confusion among the less experienced and trained
elements in the Party. (As a matter .of fact, this is
what enemies of the Party are always trying to do
in the name of "democracy".)
However, that does not mean that the problems
dealt with in such decisions-and how best to apply
these decisions-are not to be clarified in the Party
organizations by discussion. On the contrary, a most
thorough discussion for the purpose of making every
Party member understand these resolutions and de-
cisions and how to apply them is essential for effec-
tive Party work.
Party discipline is based upon the class-conscious-
ness of its members; upon the conviction that with-
out the minority accepting and carrying out the
decisions of the majority, without the subordination
of the lower Party organizations to the higher com-
mittees, there can be no strong, solid, steeled Party
able to lead the proletariat. This discipline is based
upon the acceptance of the C.I. and the Party pro-
gram and in the confidence of the membership in the
Communist International and in the Central Com-
mittee.
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is no conscious and voluntary submission on the basis
of a thorough understanding of the decisions of the
Party. "Only conscious discipline can be truly iron
discipline" (Stalin).
Why Do the Communists Attach So Much Importance
to Discipline?
Because without discipline there is no unity of will,
no unity in action. Our Party is the organized and
most advanced section of the working class. The
Party is the vanguard of the proletariat in the class
war. In this class war there is the capitalist class
with its henchmen and helpers, the reformist lead-
ers, on one side, and the working class and its allies,
on the other. The class war is bitter. The enemy
is powerful; it has all the means of deceit and sup-
pression (armed forces, militia, police, courts,
movies, radio, press, schools, churches, etc.). In
order to combat and defeat this powerful enemy,
the army of the proletariat must have a highly
skilled, trained General Staff (the Communist
Party), which is united in action. and has one will.
How can an army fight against the army of the
enemy if every soldier in the army is allowed to
question and even disobey orders of his superior
officers? What would happen in a war if, for ex-
ample, the General Staff orders an attack, and one
section of the army decides to obey and go into
battle; another thinks that it is wrong to attack
the enemy at this time and stays away from the
battle; and a third section decides to quit the
trenches and retreat to another position instead of
going forward?
Unity in Action
Let us take an example from the class struggle.
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ra-
tion should be held against police terror and gives
directives to the Sections to mobilize the whole mem-
bership to get the greatest possible number of work-
ers to the demonstration. The date and place of the
demonstration are set by the District Committee.
One Section, after receiving the decisions, works out
plans to mobilize the masses, and activizes the whole
Section to work for the demonstration. Another
Section does not think that the issue is very impor-
tant and neglects to mobilize the membership; a
third Section decides that the time set by the Dis-
trict Committee is not the best one and instructs its
members to mobilize at a later hour; and a fourth
Section decides to come at an earlier hour. What
kind of a demonstration would it be? What would
workers think and say about such a Party?
Our Party cannot lead the masses if there is not
unity in action. Unity of will and action can be
achieved only if all the members of the Party act as
one-are disciplined. If each Party member should
decide which decision of the Party he wanted to
carry out; if each member would carry out only
those decisions which he liked and ignored those with
which he disagreed, it would be impossible to lead
the masses in the struggle against capitalism. An
army with that kind of leadership would be defeated.
Unified opinion is essential for unity in action, for
successful work of the Communist Party. What
would happen if each Party member would interpret
a political issue individually and bring his individual
opinion to the masses? The workers in a factory,
for example, would get as many opinions on certain
questions as there are Party members in the factory.
The unified opinion which is hammered out in the
Party by discussion is necessary in order that the
Party be able to lead the masses in their constant
struggles.
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EL -
Self-criticism is the most important means for de-
veloping Communist consciousness and thereby
strengthening discipline and democratic centralism.
Self-criticism helps to discover all the mistakes, devi-
ations, shortcomings, which separate us from the
masses, and to correct them. It helps us to discover
and expose the harmful policies or practices of or-
ganizations and individuals who work against the
interest of the masses. Self-criticism helps us to im-
prove the work of the Party organizations; to ex-
terminate bureaucracy; to expose the agents of the
enemy in our ranks.
"Let us take, for instance, the matter of guid-
'ance of economic and other organizations on the
part of the Party organizations. Is everything
satisfactory in this respect? No, it is not. Often
questions are decided, not only in the locals, but
also in the center, so to speak, 'en famille', the
family circle. Ivan Ivanovitch, a member of the
leading group of some organization, made, let us
say, a big mistake and made a mess of things.
But Ivan Federovitch does not want to criticize
him, show up his mistakes and correct him. He
does not want to, because he is not disposed to
`make enemies'. A mistake was made, things went
wrong, but what. of it, who does not make mis-
takes?
."Today I will show up Ivan Ivanovitch.
Tomorrow he will do they same to me. Let Ivan
Ivanovitch, therefore, not be molested, because
where is the guarantee th4t I will not make a
mistake in the future? Thus everything remains
spick and span. There is peace and good will
among men. Leaving the mistake uncorrected
harms our great cause, but that is nothing! As
long as we can get out of the mess somehow. Such,
comrades, is the usual attitude of some of our re-
sponsible people. But what does that mean? If
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in the words of Marx, storm the heavens, if we
refrain from self-criticism for the sake of the peace
of some comrades, is. it not clear that nothing but
ruin awaits our great cause and that nothing good
can be expected?
"Marx said that the proletarian revolution
differs, by the way, from other revolutions
in the fact that it criticizes itself and that in
criticizing itself it becomes consolidated. This is
a very important point Marx made. If we, the
representatives of the proletarian revolution, shut
our eyes to our shortcomings, settle questions
around a family table, keeping mutually silent
concerning our mistakes, and.drive our ulcers into
our Party organism, who will correct these mis-
takes and shortcomings? Is it not clear that we
cease to be proletarian revolutionaries, and that
we shall surely meet with shipwreck if we do not
exterminate from our midst this philistinism, this
domestic spirit in the solution of important ques-
tions of our construction? Is it not clear that by
refraining from honest and straight-forward self-
criticism, refraining from an honest and straight
making good of mistakes, we block our road to
progress, betterment of our cause, and new success
for our cause? The process of our development
is neither smooth nor general. No, comrades, we
have classes, there are antagonisms within the
country, we have a past, we have a present and a
future, there are contradictions between them,
and we cannot progress smoothly, tossed by the
waves of life. Our progress proceeds in the form
of struggle, in the form of developing contradic-
tions; in the form of overcoming these contradic-
tions, in the form of revealing and liquidating
these contradictions.
"As long as there are classes we shall never
be able to have a situation when we shall be able
to say, `Thank goodness, everything is all right'.
This will never be, comrades. There will always
be something dying out. But that which dies does
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fends its dying cause. There is always something
new coming into life. But that which is being
born is not born quietly, but whimpers and
screams, fighting for its right to live. Struggle be-
tween the old and the new, between the moribund
and that which is being born-such is the basis of
our development. Without pointing out and expos-
ing openly and honestly, as Bolsheviks should do,
the shortcomings and mistakes in our work, we
block our road to progress. But we do want to go
forward. And just because we go forward, we
must make one of our foremost tasks an honest
and revolutionary self-criticism. Without this
there is no progress." (Stalin, Report to the
Fifteenth Congress of the Communist Party of
the Soviet Union, pp. 65-66.)
Two Kinds of Criticism
Self-criticism is a natural part of the life of the
Party. How can the members fail to criticize the
Bureau or committee if :its work is poor, if it makes
mistakes? Without self-criticism there can be no
Communist Party. But this criticism must never
depart from the line of the Party, from the princi-
ples of Marxism-Leninism. We should make it very
clear that there are two kinds of criticism: one
which, on the basis of the line of the Party, on the
basis of revolutionary theory and practice, analyzes
mistakes and shortcomings, and offers concrete pro-
posals for improvement in, the work of the organ-
ization or individual member. This is Bolshevik self-
criticism-constructive criticism. A good example
of such self-criticism is the Open Letter, adopted at
the Extraordinary Party Conference. The other is
the kind of criticism which, is based on distortion of
the line of the Party or does not offer any proposal
to improve the work, or to correct mistakes. This
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bly leads not only to driving out new members, dis-
couraging the weaker elements and disrupting the
work of the Party, but also leads to factionalism.
WHAT IS FACTIONALISM AND WHERE DOES
IT LEAD?
Comrade Stalin, in his speech on the Communist.
Party of the U.S.A., in 1929, gave an excellent an-
swer to this question :
". . . factionalism weakens the Party spirit, it
dulls the revolutionary sense and blinds the Party
workers to such an extent that, in the factional
passion, they are obliged to place the interests of
faction above the interests of the Party, above the
interests of the Comintern, above the interests
of the working class. Factionalism not infre-
quently brings matters to such a pass that the
Party workers, blinded by the factional struggle,
are inclined to gauge all facts, all events in the
life of the Party, not from the point of view of
the interests of the Party and the working class,
but from the point of view of the narrow interests
of their own faction, from the point of view of
their own factional kitchen.
". . . factionalism interferes with the training
of the Party in the spirit of a policy of principles;
it prevents the training of the cadres in an honest,
proletarian, incorruptible revolutionary spirit, free
from rotten diplomacy and unprincipled intrigue.
Leninism declares that a policy based on prin-
ciples is the only correct policy. Factionalism, on
the contrary, believes that the only correct policy
is one of factional diplomacy and unprincipled
factional intrigue. That is why an atmosphere of
factional struggle cultivates not politicians of
principle, but adroit factionalist manipulators, ex-
perienced rascal's and Mensheviks, smart in fooling
the `enemy' and covering up traces. It is true that.
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trary to the fundamental interests of the Party
and the working class. But the factionalists do
not give a rap for that - they care about is
their own factional diplomatic kitchen, their own
group interests... .
"It is, therefore, snot surprising that poli-
ticians of principle and honest proletarian
revolutionaries get no sympathy from the faction-
alists. On the other hand, factional tricksters and
manipulators, unprincipled intriguers and back-
stage wire pullers and masters in the formation of
unprincipled blocs are held by them in high honor.
" . factionalism, by weakening the will for
unity in the Party and by undermining its iron
discipline, creates within the Party a peculiar fac-
tional regime, as a result of which the whole in-
ternal life of our Party is robbed of its conspira-
tive protection in the face, of the class enemy, and
the Party itself runs the danger of being trans-
formed into a plaything of the agents of the
bourgeoisie. This, as a rule, comes about in the
following way: Let us say that some question is
being decided in the Polit-Bureau of the Central
Committee. Within the 'olit-Bureau there is a
minority and a majority which regard each de-
cision from their factional standpoint. If a fac-
tional regime prevails in the Party, the wirepullers
of both factions immediately inform the peripheral
machine of this or that, decision of the Polit-
Bureau, endeavoring to prepare it for their own
advantage and swing it in the direction they de-
sire. As a rule, this process of information becomes
a regular system. It becomes a regular system
because each faction regards it as its duty to in-
form its peripheral machine in the way it thinks
fit and to hold its periphery in a condition of mo-
bilization in readiness for, a scrap with the fac-
tional enemy. As a result, important secret de-
cisions of the Party become general knowledge.
In this way the agents of the bourgeoisie attain
access to the secret decisions of the Party and
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life of the Party against the interests of the
Party. True, such a regime threatens the com-
plete demoralization of the ranks of the Party.
But the factionalists do not care about that, since,
for them, the interests of their group are supreme.
. factionalism consists in the fact that it
completely nullifies all positive work done in the
Party; it robs the Party workers of all desire to
concern themselves with the day-to-day needs of
the working class (wages, hours, the improvement
of the material welfare of the workers, etc.) ; it
weakens the work of the Party in preparing the
working class for the class conflicts with the bour-
geoisie and thereby creates a state of affairs in
which the authority of the Party must inevitably
suffer in the eyes of the workers, and the workers,
instead of flocking to the Party, are compelled to
quit the Party ranks. . What have the factional
leaders of the majority and the minority been
chiefly occupied with lately? With factional scan-
dal-mongering, with every kind of petty factional
trifle, the drawing up of useless platforms and sub-
platforms, the introduction of tens and hundreds
of amendments and sub-amendments to these plat-
forms.
"Weeks and months are wasted lying in am-
bush for the factional enemy, trying to entrap
him, trying to dig up something in the personal
life of the factional enemy, or, if nothing can be
found, inventing some fiction about him. It is
obvious that positive work must suffer in such an
atmosphere, the life of the Party becomes petty,
the authority of the Party declines and the work-
ers, the best, the revolutionary-minded workers,
who want action and not scandal-mongering, are
forced to leave the Party.
"That, fundamentally, is the evil of factionalism
in the ranks of a Communist Party." (Stalin's
Speeches on the American Communist Party, pp.
27-30.)
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M. Structure and Functions of the
Party Organizations
T HE most important points where the Communist
Party must work untiringly so as to fulfill the
task of winning the majority of the working class
for the struggle against capitalism are the fol-
lowing :
1. -The big factories, mines, mills, docks, ships,
railroads, etc., where the great masses of the basic
sections of the proletariat are employed. The Com-
munist Party puts its main energy into building
Party organizations in these places.
2. The A. F. of L. unions and Railroad Brother-
hoods, where millions of organized workers can be
won for the Party program and led in decisive strug-
gles. The Communist Party realizes that one of the
most important tasks in winning the majority of the
decisive sections of the proletariat is gaining influ-
ence among members of A. F. of L. unions. In order
to achieve this, every available Party member must
;join the union of his industry, craft or occupation
and work there in a real Bolshevik manner, helping
to build the union, fighting for better conditions, ex-
posing the bureaucratic, treacherous leaders as the
agents of the employers and, in this way, proving
to the rank and file what the leadership of the
Communists means in the labor movement.
3. The independent unions where the Communists
must work with the same energy and perspective as
as in the A. F. of L. unions.
4. The organized and unorganized masses of un-
employed. The Communist Party fighting for unem-
ployment relief and insurance leads and organizes
the unemployed masses, maintains fractions in all
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breakable link between the unemployed and employed
workers in the fight for social insurance and better
conditions.
5. The fraternal, cultural and sport organizations
in which there are large numbers of working people.
The Communist Party persistently works in the mass
organizations of workers, especially workers in basic
industries, and through the effective work of dis-
ciplinel fraction leads them and wins their confi-
dence in the Communist Party.
6. The Negro organizations (churches, fraternal,
cultural, etc.). The Communist Party through well
functioning fractions in these institutions of the
Negro people, leads the fight for the special inter-
ests of the Negroes ( against discrimination, segrega-
tion) for the liberation struggle of the Negro people.
7. The huge farms where large numbers of agri-
cultural workers are employed. The Communist
Party through its farm Units fights for the interests
of the agricultural workers (farm laborers) and or-
ganizes them in unions.
The main strategic aim of the Communist Party is
to win the majority of the working class for the
proletarian revolution. In order to achieve this aim
the Communist Party establishes closely knit organ-
izations everywhere where workers work for their
living (factory), where they live (neighborhood),
where they are organized for the defense of their eco-
nomic interests (unions and unemployment organiza-
tions), or organized for satisfying their cultural
desires (clubs, sports and cultural organizations).
These Party organizations which lead the masses in
the struggle for their economic and political de-
niands are the following: (1) Shop and Street Units.
Both of these forms of organizations are full-fledged
Party bodies. (2) Fractions. The Party leads the
masses organized in unions and other mass organiza-
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in the hands of the Party to carry the policy of the
Party among the masses.
THIS PARTY ORGANIZATIONS
The basic organization of the Party is the Shop
Unit (Nucleus), which may consist of three mem-
bers or more in a given place of employment, i.e.,
factory, shop, mine, mill, dock, ship, railway ter-
minal, office, store, farm, etc.
The other form of membership organization is the
Street or Town Unit, comprising a group of mem-
bers living within a given territory.
The leadership of the Unit is the Unit Bureau,
elected by the membership of the Unit.
The next higher organization is the Section. The
Section is made up of a number of Shop, Street or
Town Units in a given territory. The size of the
territory of a Section is decided upon by the District
Committee. The Party always strives to make the
territory of the Sections as small as possible in order
to be able to carry on work more effectively.
The highest body in the Section is the Section Con-
vention. The Section Convention is a meeting of
delegates elected by the Shop and Street Units of the
Section. The leading committee in the Section is the
Section Committee and is elected by the delegates at
the Section Convention from ' among the best mem-
bers of the Section. The Section Committee is the
highest leading body in the Section between Conven-
tions, It is responsible for all its actions and de-
cisions to the Section Convention. The elected Sec-
tion Committee must be approved by the District
Committee., The Section Organizer is elected by the
Section Committee, subject to the approval of the
District Committee. Should, the District Committee
not approve the election of a Section Organizer the
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tion made to the Section Committee.
The next highest organization in the Party is the
District. The District organization is made up of the
Sections in a territory assigned to it by the Central
Committee. The District covers a certain portion of
the country (a part of one, or one, two and some-
times three states, depending upon the industries, on
the size of the membership, etc.). The highest body
in the District is the.District Convention, which is a
meeting of delegates elected at the Conventions of
the Sections in the District. Between Conven-
tions, the highest committee in the District is the
District Committee, elected by the delegates of the
Sections at the District Convention. The District
Committee is responsible for all its actions and de-
cisions to the District Convention and Central Com-
mittee. The elected District Committee has to be ap-
proved by the Central Committee. The District Or-
ganizer (political leader) is elected by the District
Committee subject to the approval of the Central
Committee.
The highest Party body is the National Conven-
tion. The National Convention is a meeting of dele-
gates elected at the District Conventions. The high-
est committee of the Party in one country is the
Central Committee, elected by the delegates at the
National Convention. The Central Committee leads
the Party organizations, with full authority, between
Conventions and is responsible for its actions and
decisions to the National Convention and to the
Executive Committee of the Communist Interna-
tional.
WHAT IS THE BASIS OF REPRESENTATION TO
CONVENTIONS?
The number of delegates to Conventions is not
fixed in the Constitution of the Party.
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pen s on % con 600070001-4
plus the numerical strength of the given Units, Sec-
tions and Districts.
The strategic importance of a Shop Unit, or Con-
centration Section, or of a District is the governing
factor in deciding the number of delegates to the
Convention. For example, the Section Committee can
decide whether a Shop Unit from a big factory sends
proportionately more delegates to the Section Con-
vention than a Street Unit with the same number
of, or perhaps even more, members.
The conditions under which the Party works are
also an important factor in deciding the number of
delegates. For example, a District which works part-
ly illegally will have a smaller number of delegates
to the District Convention than other District with
the same number of Units working more openly.
On the other hand, in one District, because of cer-
tain problems which have to be clarified before the
broadest possible gathering, the situation may de-
mand a much larger representation from the Units
or Sections to the Section or District Convention
than another District where no such problem exists.
At the Eighth Party Convention of our Party, the
general rule of representation was the following:
1. The Units elected one delegate for each five
members to the Section Convention.
2. The Section Conventions elected one delegate
for each 15 members in the Section to the District
Convention.
3. The District Conventions elected one delegate
for each 100 members in the District to the National
Convention.
THE PARTY CONFERENCES
The Sections, with the approval of the District
Committee, and the Districts, with the approval of
the Central Committee, may call meetings of dele-
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gates for a conference between Conventions. These
conferences take up the work of the respective or-
ganizations and discuss problems concerning new
tactics necessitated by changed situations. The
difference between a convention and conference is
that the conference does not elect a new leadership
and that all decisions must be approved by the higher
Party committee. The Party conference has the right
to elect new members to the Committee if some old
ones have been removed for one reason or another,
and has the right to remove individual members
from the committee if for sufficient reason it believes
they are not fit to be leaders of the organization.
The Party committees elected at the Conventions
are composed of the best, most developed comrades
in the given organization. Representation to the
Section Committee is not on the basis of representa-
tion from each Unit; nor does each Section elect a
representative to the District Committee. At the
same time we must bear in mind that the Section
Committee or a higher Party committee must have
among its members comrades who are working in the
most important factories, as well as members of the
most important trade unions, in order to maintain a
living connection between the leadership and the
masses at these important points.
The size of the Party committees always depends
on the numerical strength of the organization which
elects it, on the importance of the organization, and
on the given situation. The approximate average
size of the committee is the following :
Unit Bureau - 3-5 members
Section Committee - 9-11 members
District Committee-15-19 members
Central Committee-30-35 members
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WHAT ARE THE PARTY BUREAUS?
The Bureau is the leading body in the Section,
District and Center between committee meetings,
acts with full authority during this period, and is
responsible to the committee by which it is elected.
Their approximate size is:
Section Bureau -about 5 members
District Bureau -about 7-9 members
Political Bureau of the C.C.-7-9 members
As a general rule the Party committees meet as
follows:
Unit Bureau-once a week
Section Bureau-once a week
Section Committee-twice,, usually, but at least
once a month
District Bureau-once a week
District Committee-once a, month
Political Bureau--once a week
Central Committee-once i two months
THE COMMUNIST' INTERNATIONAL
(COMINTERN)
The Communist International is the international
organization of Communist Parties in all countries.
It is the World Communist I Party. The Communist
Parties in the various countries affiliated to the
Comintern are called Sections of the Communist In-
ternational.
The World Congress composed of delegates from
all the parties affiliated to the Communist Interna-
tional (Comintern) is the highest authority in Com-
munist Party' organization.
The date of the Congress and the number of dele-
gates from the various Communist Parties are de-
cided upon by the Executive Committee of the Com-
munist International (E.C.C.L). But the number of
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is decided upon by special decision of the Congress
itself, in accordance with the membership of the
given Party and the political importance of the given
country.
The leading body of the Communist International
during the period between Congresses is the Execu-
tive Committee of the Communist International
(E.C.C.I.), elected by the delegates at the World
Congress. The decisions of the E.C.C.I. are binding
for all Parties belonging to the Comintern and must
be promptly carried out. The Communist Parties
have the right to appeal against decisions of the
E.C.C.I. to the World Congresses, but must proceed
to carry out such decisions pending the final action
of the World Congress on the appeal. The leader-
ship of the Comintern (C.I.) is composed of the best,
most developed, experienced, tried, leaders of the
various Communist Parties.
The meetings of the Executive Committee of the
Communist International are in size similar to
a World Congress. These meetings are called the
Enlarged Plenums of the Executive Committee of
the C.I. Besides the elected members of the Execu-
tive Committee of the C.I. there are invited to this
Enlarged Plenum additional delegates from the
various countries, so that these Plenums have 300 or
400 delegates present from the various Parties. The
difference between a Congress and an Enlarged
Plenum consists in the fact that while delegates to
the Congress are elected on the basis of numerical
strength and political importance of the Communist
Parties, the number of additional invited delegates
from the Communist Parties to the Enlarged
Plenum is decided upon on the basis of the order of
business of the Plenum. These delegates are selected
by the Central Committees of the various Commu-
nist Parties. At the Enlarged Plenum of the E.C.
43
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to vote. The other invited delegates have the right
to participate in the discussion, but have only a con-
sultative vote.
The E.C.C.I. elects from among its members a
Presidium which is responsible to the E.C.C.I. The
Presidium meets at least once a month and acts as
the permanent body carrying out all the business of
the E.C.C.I. during the period between meetings of
the latter.
The Presidium elects from among its members the
Political Secretariat, which is empowered to make
decisions between Presidium meetings, and is re-
sponsible to the Presidium.
STRUCTURE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL
Let us briefly sum up the structure of the Com-
munist Party in the order of responsibility on the
basis of the foregoing description* :
Unit Bureau
Unit Membership Meeting
Section Bureau
Section Committee
Section Convention
District Bureau
District Committee
District Convention
Political Bureau of the C.C.
Central Committee
National Convention
Political Secretariat of the C.I.
Presidium of the C.I.
Executive Committee of the C.I.
World Congress of the C.I.
SHOP UNIT (NUCLEUS)
The Shop Unit (Nucleus) is the basic organization
of our Party in the place of employment (factory,
* See chart inserted at p. 64.
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should be organized in every factory, shop, mine, etc.,
where there are three or more members of the Party.
The main strength of our movement is in the
Units (Nuclei) in large factories because:
1. The large factories and railroads are the nerve
centers of the economic and political life of the
country.
2. In the large factories the workers are concen-
trated in large numbers.
3. Workers in these large factories have great in-
fluence on the workers in smaller shops.
4. The workers in large factories are better trained
and disciplined by the process of large-scale pro-
duction.
5. Workers in large factories are generally more
militant because, concentrated in large numbers in
one enterprise, they feel their strength.
Comrade Lenin, in "A Letter to a Comrade on
Our Problems of Organization," states that:
. The main strength of our movement lies in
the workers' organizations in large factories, be-
cause in the large factories are concentrated that
section of the working class which is not only
predominant in numbers, but still more predomina-
nant in influence, development and fighting capaci-
ties. Every factory must be our stronghold."
ADVANTAGES OF SHOP UNIT FORM
Why is the Shop Unit (Nucleus) the best form of
basic Party organization?
1. Workers feel the pressure of exploitation most
in the factory where they are employed. There they
have common interests and problems (wages, work-
ing conditions, etc.).
2. A properly working, well-trained, politically de-
veloped Shop Unit, although it may have to work
under the most difficult conditions, because of the
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highly developed spy system, etc., cannot be found
out and gotten rid of by the boss. In order to stop
the work of such a Unit, the boss must close the fac-
tory. That means stopping production-shutting off
the profits.
3. The Shop Unit is trained to work in a con-
spirative manner, in order to organize and lead the
other workers, to safeguard the organization and
prevent its members from ,being fired. Because of
this method of work the Shop Unit will remain the
most solid link with the masses under any conditions
(terror, illegality).
4. The Shop Unit registers the reaction of the most
decisive elements of the proletariat to every issue.
The reaction, sentiment, opinion of the workers
brought by the Shop Unit to the higher committee of
the Party makes it possible to formulate the best
policy or to correct and improve decisions. Through
the Shop Units, Party Committees are in daily con-
tact with the most important strata of the working
class.
5. The leadership of the Party gets its strength
from the Shop Units by drawing the most developed
comrades into the leading Party committees. In this
way direct contact with factory workers is estab-
lished.
6. The Shop Units, through their daily activities in
leading and organizing stryggles in the factories,
gain the confidence of the workers and spread the
influence of the Party to wider and wider circles. At
the same time the Shop Units bring into the Party
the best elements of this decisive stratum of the
proletariat, thus improving the social composition
of the Party.
7. The Shop Unit is very effective in building real
united fronts of workers on immediate issues (Griev-
ance Committee, Shop Committee) and also on
broader political issues (terror, election, war).
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and strengthening well-functioning fractions in the
A. F. of L. and other unions.
9. The Shop Unit brings the Daily Worker, this
mighty weapon of our Party, directly to the most im-
portant strata of the working class.
These are the main arguments for the necessity of
building the Party in the factories. These arguments
prove that in order to win the majority of the de-
cisive strata of the proletariat, the Party must be
rooted in the factories, mines, ships, docks, offices,
etc.
"The working class will be in a position to ful-
fill its role as the most decisive class in the strug-
gle against finance capital, as the leader of all
toiling masses, only if it is headed by a Commu-
nist Party which is closely bound up with the
decisive strata of the workers. But a Communist
Party with a very weak and inadequately func-
tioning organization in the big factories and
among the decisive sections of the American in-
dustrial workers, a Communist Party whose en-
tire policy, whose entire agitation and propaganda,
whose entire daily work is not concentrated on win-
ning over and mobilizing these workers and win-
ning the factories, a Communist Party which,
through its revolutionary trade union work, does
not build highways to the broadest masses of work-
ers, cannot lay claim to a policy capable of making
it the leader of the working class within the short-
est possible time." (Open Letter, p. 12.)
WHAT ARE THE BASIC INDUSTRIES?
The Party should concentrate all its forces and
energy to build Shop Units, first of all in the basic
industries.
Basic industries are those upon which the whole
economic system depends. They include:
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duction or consumption, life railroad, trucking, ma-
rine, etc.
3. Those which produce, power for running the
wheels of industry, electric, power plants, steam and
hydro-electric plants, etc.
It is also important to concentrate all our energy
to build the Party in the auto, textile and packing
house industries because of their strategic importance
in the economic system. Strong Party organizations
(Shop Units) in these basic industries with a mass
following could really influence and lead the millions
of workers engaged in these as well as in all lesser
industries in their daily struggles, and deliver de-
cisive blows to capitalism.
While it is of the utmost importance to concentrate
all energy of the Party to build and strengthen the
Units in the basic industries, the other industries
cannot be neglected. The Party systematically builds
Units in light industries (clothing, shoe and leather,
etc., in offices, stores, laundries, hotels and restau-
rants, etc.).
HOW TO BUILD i SHOP UNITS
The stronghold, the fortress of the revolutionary
movement, is in the factory. But in order to build
the revolutionary movement there, we must organize
all Party members working in one factory into a
Shop Unit. The main difference between the Com-
munist Party and the Socialist Party form of organ-
ization is that the Socialist Party organizations
(branches) are built on the ,basis of bourgeois elec-
tion wards and districts while the Communist Party
is built on the basis of the place of employment.
Party members who work in the same shop cannot
belong to different Street Units. If such forms of
organization were permitted, Party members work-
48
2. Thole which deliver material to the place of pro-
like steel, mining, oil, chemicals.
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would carry on their Party work in an anarchistic
way. Each one individually would try to give lead-
ership to the other workers.
The first step, therefore, in building the Unit in
a factory is to find who the Party members are.
This can be done by checking the membership regis-
tration or by getting information from the fraction
of the union. If we find three or more members, a
Shop Unit should immediately be organized.
Since the most effective work of the Party is inside
the factory, it is necessary to find ways and means
whereby developed Party members can get a job in a
given factory, and in this way to start building the
Party there.
The Street and Town Units have many members
who are working in big factories. These single mem-
bers should know that their main task is to build
the Party inside the factory. But it is not sufficient
to assign this basic task to these members. Their
Street Units must help them politically and organi-
zationally (forces from outside, shop papers, Daily
Worker distribution from outside, finances, etc.).
There are many good examples in our Party which
prove that with proper help, one member in a big
factory can recruit two, three or more members for
the Party in two or three weeks, and organize a Shop
Unit.
There are thousands of very close sympathizers,
readers of our press (Daily Worker or the language
papers), members of the unions and various frater-
nal and cultural organizations, who are working in
important factories. Conscientious effort will help
us to recruit them into the Party and thus build
Shop Units.
CONCENTRATION
Besides these organizational measures, there are
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strengthening the Shop Units. The best method is
the concentration of our bests forces around a factory.
This concentration work consists of systematic mass
agitation and propaganda among the workers in the
selected factory through distribution of the Daily
Worker, Party pamphlets, and other literature at
the factory gates or at the workers' homes, combined
with the holding of shop-gate meetings. This mass
agitation will help prepare the ground for the car-
rying on of successful work by our members inside
the factory.
A Shop Unit consisting of three members can
be strengthened by adding one or two of the best,
most developed, most reliable comrades from the
Street or Town. Unit. These comrades, as regular
members of the Shop Unit, help in working out
policies and making decisions for activity in the fac-
tory. They help the Shop Unit keep connection with
the Section Committee, and help guide and partici-
pate in the mass work outside of the factory. It is
absolutely essential that outside members . (from
Street Units) be always in the minority in the Shop
Unit.
WHAT IS THE GUIDING PRINCIPLE FOR THE OR-
GANIZATIONAL FORM OF A SHOP UNIT?
The form of Party organi-kation in the factory,
shop, mine, dock, etc., is determined by two factors,
which are very closely linked to each other:
1. That organizational form which will make the
Party Unit the most effective leader of the workers;
and
2. That organizational form which will best safe-
guard the Party members and the other militant
workers from the bosses' stop]-pigeons and thugs.
The organizational form must be such that it be-
comes possible for the Unit to do mass work. and at
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posure of the members, the discharge and blacklist-
ing of sympathetic and active non-Party workers,
and the exposure of militant union members.
The smaller the number of members who come to-
gether regularly, the smaller is the danger of ex-
posure. The Shop Unit which grows to over 10-12
members should be divided into two independent
working groups as quickly as possible. When we
find it necessary to split a Shop Unit, the first ques-
tion which should be considered is: Is it possible to
organize a Unit in another department from among
the Unit members? If there are three members in
the Unit who work in the same department, a Unit
in that department should be organized. If there are
not enough members in one department, Party mem-
bers working on several floors or in the same build-
ing should be organized in one Unit.
If a departmental Unit group is so big that it is too
cumbersome for effective work, the department Unit
should be divided into smaller groups on the basis of
Party members working near each other in the de-
partment. The Shop Unit may also consider organ-
izing Units on the basis of shifts. In this form of
organization, the decisive factor will be whether the
members on one shift are continually together in the
same work group, and whether the changing of shift
would not mean changing the composition of the
members in the same group.
The best way to build an effective Party Unit in
one factory is to concentrate on the most important,
so-called "key" department or departments.
The Leading Bodies in the Factory
As the Party grows in one factory, the question
arises: How will the work be coordinated? What
body gives leadership for the whole factory? In or-
der to make this problem clear, we will compare a
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actory in whis we have many Units, with a Party
Section. In the Section, the various units, as already
stated, come to a Convention and elect their leader-
ship, the Section Committee, which leads the work of
the whole Section between Conventions. Because of
the special conditions in a factory (spies, stool
pigeons, etc.), it is inadvisable to bring all members
together at one meeting. Therefore the best form of
organization is the delegate conferences of the Units.
The Units in the various departments and shifts
elect their representatives, according to the size and
importance of the Unit, to a conference, where these
delegates elect the leading body of the Party or-
ganization: the factory Unit Bureau. This Bureau
works in the same way as a Section Committee. It
has the right to make decisions for the whole body
(Party organization), in the factory. These decisions
are binding for each department and shift Unit and
for each individual member in the factory. The fac-
tory Unit Bureau is responsible for all its decisions
and actions to the delegate conference, which is the
highest body in the factory.
SAFEGUARDING THE UNITS
In order to coordinate the work of the various de-
partment units, the Bureau regularly meets with the
department Unit Organizers, receiving reports about
the activity of the department Units, and guides
them in their work. It is necessary to emphasize
again that in order to avoid the danger of spies, the
factory Unit Bureau should not bring all department
Unit Organizers to one meeting. The best method is
to meet with the individual , organizers separately.
There is need for continuous exchange of experi-
ences between the various department Units. There-
fore, it is necessary to call delegates to conferences
as often as possible, and at least once a month.
The department and shift, Units meet regularly
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elect their own Bureau, work out plans and activity
in the department, discuss Party problems, etc., in
the same manner as any other independent Unit of
the Party. There is no need to point out that the
factory Unit Bureau is constantly in touch with the
Section Committee and receives guidance and direc-
tives from this body.
WHAT ARE THE FRACTIONS IN THE FACTORY, AND
WHAT ARE THEIR RELATIONS TO THE
FACTORY UNIT?
It must be emphasized again that the factory Unit,
or, in big factories, the conferences of the delegates
of the Units, is the deciding Party organization in
the factory. It is responsible for all activity of all
individual Party members in the factory. Its de-
cisions are final on every question and only the
higher Party Committees-the Section Committee,
the District Committee, and the Central Committee,
have the right to overrule them. It is necessary to
emphasize this fact in order to clarify the relation
between the Party organization in the factory and
the leading fraction of the union which has members
in the factory.
To further clarify this problem, let us take an ex-
ample. In one city there area number of steel fac-
tories. The steel union has members in all these
factories. This union has a leading fraction on a
city-wide scale. This leading fraction has no right
to make decisions for any given factory over the
head of the Party organization in this factory. In
order to coordinate the work of the Units in the
various factories, the Section or District Committee
assigns one member of the leading fraction to each
factory as a regular member of the factory Unit.
They discuss the problems of the industry generally
with the Units and they guide them in their work.
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the nit. The decisions in this factory are made by
the Unit itself.
FRACTION INSID FACTORY
Now, let us see how the fractions inside the fac-
tory are functioning. If there is only one union in
the factory, we face the following problem:
Every member of the Party is or should be a mem-
ber of the union.- In other words, the Party Unit is
at the same time the Party fraction in the local
i union of their factory. In this case there is no need
for special fraction activities by the Party Unit as a
whole. But even in this case we will have fractions.
How? In the factory there are various committees
elected by the members of the union (grievance com-
mittees, department committees, factory committees,
etc.). These committees are, elected by the workers
in the factory. If the members of the Communist
Party are active, are good fighters, and are recog-
nized as such by the workers, we will have Party
members on every committee. For example : The
workers in the factory elect a factory or shop com-
mittee of fifteen. Out of this number, five are Party
members. These five Party, members compose the
fraction of the committee, and they are responsible
for all their activities in the committee to the factory
Unit or delegate conference.
In factories where there is more than one union
(craft unions), the ]Party members belonging to each
craft union compose the fraction in that craft union.
These Party members, as the fraction, are respon-
sible for all their activities to the factory Unit or
delegate conference.
Let us assume that in a factory there are other or-
ganizations, besides unions, such as a sports club, etc.
The factory Unit appoints comrades to join these
organizations and these comrades compose the frac-
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direction of the factory Unit.
WHAT IS THE POLITICAL TASK OP THE
SHOP UNIT?
The answer to this question may be divided into
two parts : First, participation in working out the
policy of the Party, and second, the application of
this policy in the daily work (mass work) of the
factory Unit.
The factory Units have not only the right, but it is.
their Communist duty to participate in formulating
the general policy of the Party. How- is this task
performed? The policy of the Party is decided at the
Convention in the form of adopted resolutions. These
resolutions are prepared for discussion by the Cen-
tral Committee. The draft (proposed) resolution is
published in the Party press or in pamphlet form at
least two months before the date of the Convention.
The Unit membership organizes a thorough discus-
sion on these draft resolutions. At the end of these
discussions the Unit votes on this resolution, either
adopting it as is, or making amendments as it thinks.
necessary.
The Unit always has the right to make pro-
posals to the Section, District, or Central Com-
mittee as to the points on the order of business of
the Convention as well as to suggest amendments to
the draft resolutions. These amendments and pro-
posals are presented to the Convention by the dele-
gates. The delegates at the Convention, after dis-
cussing the resolution and the amendments, vote on
them.
The delegates who bring up amendments cannot.
be instructed by their organizations to vote under all
circumstances for these amendments. If a delegate?
at the Convention, after his amendment is dis-
cussed, becomes convinced that the amendment is
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the proposals which he introduced.
After the Convention, the delegates report to their
Units. The Unit discusses the report and works out
the details for applying the resolutions to the con-
crete situations before tiienI.
The Shop Unit should discuss and express' its
,opinion on all important political problems and tasks
of the Party. In this discussion the members of the
Nuclei should report the rea=ction of the workers with
whom they are in contact (A. F. of L., Socialists,
non-party, etc.), to the given issue. This discussion
will help also the Section, District, and Central Com-
mittees to formulate correct slogans, to prepare
proper actions, to react; quickly and correctly to
,every happening, to all changes of the political life
of the community, to work out a, correct tactical line.
BRING PARTY CAMPAIGNS INTO THE FACTORY
The Units should participate in all campaigns and
actions of the Party, that is, bring them into the
factory. In order to be able to carry on this very
important work, the Shop Units must develop their
own initiative, and must be well acquainted with the
general line of the Party. Otherwise, they will not
be able to apply the line of the Party in their work
in the factory.
It is especially important to understand how, to
carry. on work during election campaigns. The Shop
Units can counteract all the demagogy of the capi-
talist. parties if concrete problems of the factory
workers are used in exposing the programs of capi-
talist parties. The Units then can easily show the
workers that only the Communists represent and
-fight for their interests.
The general task of the Party is to win over the
majority of the working class for its program. To
achieve this aim, the Shop Units must become the
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In order to win the confidence of these workers, the
Shop Units must react quickly on all issues. A Shop
Unit must utilize the attacks of the bosses on their
working conditions for agitation and organization,
for the counter-offensive for higher wages, better
working conditions, etc.
At the same time the Shop Unit must show the
workers how, in their fight for their daily bread, they
come up against the close connections between their
bosses and the city, state and federal government,
the political representative of the boss class. The
Units conduct struggles for the daily demands of the
workers in the shop, for social and unemployment
insurance, against taxation of small incomes, against
sales taxes, for better housing, lower rents, etc.
ANSWER THE WORKERS' QUESTIONS
In order to win the confidence of the workers, the
Unit must be able to give a correct answer to every
question which bothers the workers. However, this is
possible only if the Unit systematically gathers as
much material about the given situation as possible.
With the help of the Section Committee, the Unit
should equip itself with material about the profits
of a company, e.g., the dividends paid out to the
coupon clippers, the income of the bosses, how they
live (house, apartment), how many servants and
automobiles they have, and their political connec-
tions with the city, state and federal government.
If a Unit is armed with such important material, it
will be easier for it to bring these facts to the atten-
tion of the workers, in connection with their griev-
ances, through shop paper, leaflet and Daily Worker.
The Shop Units must convince the workers of the
necessity for organizing unions, of the necessity for
united struggle for better conditions, for freedom of
organization (union recognition), for equal rights
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tory spy system, against war and fascism, against
)ynching of Negroes, for the freedom of class war
prisoners.
The Shop Units should 'mobilize the workers by
continuous agitation for ' international solidarity
actions (support of the struggles of colonial peoples;
against fascism in Germany, Italy, Spain, Poland,
etc.; for the defense of the Soviet Union) and should
contrast the conditions of the workers in the Soviet
Union with those in the given factory and neigh-
borhood.
The Units must follow very carefully every step
that is taken by the capitalist class in the city and
county councils, state legislatures and Congress, and
expose all their moves through leaflets, shop papers,
and the Party press. This should always be done by
starting out with the concrete problems of the
workers in the given factory and neighborhood and
'bringing forward the slogans of the Party suited to
the situation.
By bringing forward continuously the political
problems of the workers, the Shop Units increase
the general political understanding' of the workers,
increase their class consciousness and bring them
into working class political activity.
In this way the circle of sympathizers will con-
stantly broaden, the basis I for recruiting new mer-
bers into the Party will be established and thus in-
crease its influence.
WHAT ARE THE ORGANIZATIONAL TASKS OF THE
SHOP UNIT?
The main organizational task of the Shop Unit is
to establish strong connections with all the workers
in the factory. Thus the workers can be mobilized
for quick action when the I need arises. In order to
achieve this aim, the factory Unit must throw all
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in organizing united front actions forte various
campaigns of the Party (against war and fascism,
election campaign, May First, etc.), and on the con-
crete issues in the factory. (grievances, speed-up,
wages, freedom of organization). In this -organiza-
tional activity of the factory Unit, we must pay spe-
cial attention to the problems of the Negro workers in
the factory, because of the special form of exploita-
tion they are subjected to and because they are dis-
criminated against on the job. A special approach
and methods should also be worked out to organize
the women and the young workers in the factory.
Every Shop Unit has the task of building as well as
strengthening the Y.C.L. Unit in the factory.
The other organizational tasks of the factory Unit
are the following: (1) To control and check whether
the general decisions of the membership meeting and
the concrete assignments are carried out by every
member of the Unit. (2) To control the membership
dues. (3) To get finances for the work of the Unit.
(4) To see whether the members of the Unit are
members of the union; to see whether Party mem-
bers in the union and other mass organizations work
regularly in the Party fractions. (5) To keep in
constant touch with all sympathizers. (6) to dis-
tribute literature and to sell the Daily Worker
every day. (7) To establish and carefully guard the
printing apparatus which publishes papers and leaf-
lets. (8) To find specific methods for detecting and
exposing stool pigeons. (9) And last but not least,
constantly to recruit new members into the Party.
The shop paper, the organ of the Communist Party
Unit in a given factory, mine, dock, ship, office, etc.,
is the most effective instrument in the hand of the
Unit for agitation and organization.
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paper should be issued regularly. In shops where
there is no Unit asset, but there are one or two
Party members, the issuance of a shop paper will be
a great help in building the Party Unit.
Who Is Responsible for the Shop Paper?
The Shop Unit its responsible for the paper. That
does not mean that the Street Unit which helps the
Shop Unit from the outside has no responsibility.
On the contrary, the comrades should consider it
their duty to help the Shop Unit not only in dis-
tributing, but also in producing the paper. Espe-
cially at the beginning, the printing, financial help
and distribution of the paper will be on the shoul-
ders of the Section Committee or concentration
Unit. It should be understood, however, that the
policy of the paper, the text of the articles, etc., is
decided upon by the Shop Unit and not by the con-
centration Unit. From the very beginning the Shop
Unit members should be strained by the Section Com-
mittee to edit and produce the paper themselves.
Every Shop Unit should be equipped with a machine
for printing its paper. The Section Committee
should continuously aid the Shop Unit in this and
all other needs.
Who Edits the Shop Paper?
The shop paper is edited, by a committee elected
by the Shop Unit. But we must keep one very im-
portant matter in mind. 'The shop paper as a Party
organ is the paper of all the workers in the given
shop, mine, etc. Therefore, it is essential to interest
the best non-party workers in the actual editing of
the paper. The larger the number of workers who
take part in editing the shop paper, the more effec-
tive weapon will it be, and the closer will these non-
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party workers be drawn to the Party. Scores of
workers should be induced to write articles for the
paper. We must make every worker feel that the
shop paper is his. The higher committees must give
the utmost help in educating members for editing
shop papers.
Who Finances the Shop Paper?
The Shop Unit finances the paper by getting the
greatest possible number of workers in the factory
to buy and otherwise support the paper. If the
paper is good, raises the basic issues confronting
workers, explains them well, and gives correct advice
to the workers as to what to do about them, the
workers will support it. A paper which has no finan-
cial support inside the factory will find it hard to
keep going. We must bear in mind that under cer-
tain conditions (as in Germany today) it will be
quite difficult to get money for the shop paper from
the outside. It will have to be supported by the
workers themselves inside of the factory. This finan-
cial basis must be prepared now-today-by the
Shop Unit (donations, subs, sale of paper, etc.).
The workers in Germany provide splendid exam-
pies of financing shop papers. There, under the most
difficult conditions of terror, workers in the shop
find ways and means of supporting their paper. For
example, they leave their contribution for the paper
either on the bench of the comrade who they think is a
Communist, or in many cases put this contribution
in the pocket of the comrade or leave it on their
own bench, where the comrade can pick it up.
Who Distributes the Paper?
The most effective distribution of a shop paper is
from the inside. Each Shop Unit, each individual
member, should use the experiences of other Units
and of other Communist Parties in methods of dis-
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ribu ion. We rea ize now cut it is in it er
Germany to distribute shop papers and leaflets. In
spite of this the Shop Units do distribute them.
Members of the Shop Units will find thousands of
ways of bringing the shop paper into the factory if
we properly explain the importance of doing so. The
shop paper could and should be distributed from out-
side also (Street Unit), but it must be emphasized
that the workers will react more favorably to the
paper if they get it from the inside, if they know
that the paper is given to them by one who may be
working in their department. The workers will have
great respect for a Party, which is skilled enough
to spread the paper inside, in spite of the strenuous
effort of the boss to keep ' it out. Besides this, we
know that there will be a time when it will be more
difficult to distribute Party material at the shop
gate than inside the factory. We have to train our-
selves, train our forces, inside the factories, today,
for this work. The shop paper is and will be the
most important link between the masses and the
Party.
There is no need to emphasize that the printing,
editing, financing and distribution of the shop paper
must be organized in such a way that the company,
through its stool pigeons, will not know what work-
ers are involved.
WHAT IS THE STREET UNIT?
The Street Unit is the Party organization in the
neighborhood.
The Street Unit is composed of those Party mem-
bers who live in a certain territory, and cannot be-
long to a Shop Unit. (ITousewives, professionals,
small store-keepers, unemployed workers who are out
of_ the 'ship for a long period and, for the time being,
employed workers who have not as yet organized
Shop Units.)
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The Town Unit is the Party organization in a
small town.
-The Town Unit is composed of all those Party,
members in a given town who cannot belong to ,,L
Shop Unit and where there are not enough mere-
bers to form Street. Units.
WHAT ARE THE POLITICAL TASKS OF THE
STREET AND TOWN UNITS?
The basic task of the Street Unit is to win over
the majority of the working class in the neighborhood
to the fight for the active support of the revolu-
tionary struggles, and to make them conscious fol-
lowers of the Communist Party.
In order to achieve this basic task the Street Unit
must first of all concentrate on organizing and lead-
ing the struggle for unemployment relief and social
insurance. In the daily work of the Street or Town
Unit, we must always keep in mind that the Unit,
as the Party in the territory, must win the confi-
dence of the masses, must become the leader of the
workers of the given street, district or town.
A Party Street Unit which is not involved in mass
work, which does not organize and lead the struggles
in the neighborhood, cannot become the leader of the
proletarian masses. Patient, continuous, systematic
work of the Unit among the workers in the neigh-
borhood will bring results. The Unit must react to
every issue which affects the workers. The problems
of unemployment (relief, insurance) ; the high cost
of living (high rent, high food prices, high elec-
tricity and gas rates, etc.) ; sanitary conditions (on
the street, in the homes, in schools) ; free lunch,
clothing for the children; the various taxes on ne-
cessities (sales tax, tax on small incomes, etc.) ; civil
rights (free speech, assembly, press) ; police brutal-
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harass the workers are the problems which the Street
and Town Units must tackle.
The Unit which knows, these problems, which
quickly reacts to all these issues and brings forward
the proper slogans for action, will succeed in gather-
ing around itself the working masses in the neigh-
borhood. The unemployed organizations will grow,
our fractions in the different workers' organizations
will be strengthened, and the Unit will become the
established and trusted leader of the workers in the
street or town.
Must Be Known} as Fighters
In order to gain these :results, the Unit as a whole
and every individual member of. the Unit should be
known by the workers in the street or town as fear-
less fighters in the interests of the working class.
In the daily work of the Unit we should systema-
tically gather all relevant, information about the
workers and other sectibns of the population in the
street or town. We should know who is who; we
should know not only those workers who voluntarily
gather around the activities of the Party organ-
ization, but those who are inclined to be sympathetic
as well as those poisoned by the capitalist propa-
ganda of the enemies of the working class and by the
counter-revolutionary Trotsky renegades. We should
know those workers who are in the Socialist Party
and other organizations led and influenced by re-
formist and reactionary :leaders.
A Street or Town Unit jacquainted with the in-
dividuals in its territory could formulate the correct,
most compelling slogans and, actions for the mobiliza-
tion of the masses. Such a Unit would not have
any great difficulties in taking its part in an election
campaign, or any other campaign of the Party. In
the election campaign, the Unit should be able to
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A Unit should know in advance who will vote Com-
munist, and who is inclined to vote for the bourgeois
parties, and should adjust its activities accordingly
-not only in the mass campaigns, but also in per-
sonal contacts.
If the workers know, through the Unit's activity,
how bravely and uncompromisingly the Party fights
for the interest of the workers, and if at the same
time the Unit can convince the workers of the anti-
working class role of the other parties-such a Unit
can gain tremendous influence and a large vote dur-
ing election campaigns. Such a Unit carrying on
daily mass work (street meetings, house-to-house
canvassing, distribution of leaflets, mass meetings,
distribution of the Daily Worker, publication of a
neighborhood paper, etc.), during the election cam-
paign, will show results, not only in the number of
votes cast for the Party, but in gaining better con-
ditions for the workers and new recruits for the
Party, as well as new readers for the Daily Worker.
Aids Shop Unit
Another important task of the Street and Town
Unit is to help the Shop Units in its territory or near
to it, in their daily work. The well-organized assis-
tance of a Street or Town Unit to a Shop Unit can
greatly increase the possibilities of building organ-
ization inside the factories. If there are not many
forces in the Street Unit this assistance can be
limited to one or two things : for example, systematic
sale of the Daily Worker in front of the factory; or
systematic holding of shop-gate meetings; distribu-
tion of leaflets or shop papers from the outside. The
Street Unit can also help the Shop Unit do open
work around the factory, in the street-car and bus
stations, etc., etc.
The Street Unit must not adopt a patronizing atti-
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cisions for the Factory Unit. It must help from
the outside in a manner determined by the Shop
Unit.
Finally, a Street Unit or Town Unit should con-
centrate on a large factory in its territory. The
concentration point, if there is more than one fac-
tory in the territory, should be decided upon in
consultation with the Section Committee. The best
method of organizing the work around the concentra-
tion factory is to set up a special concentration
group from among the members of the Unit. This
group should be composed of members who volunteer
to carry out this very important task and at the
same time have the necessary qualifications for the
work.
It should be understood that after the group is set
up on a voluntary basis, the carrying out of the
work is compulsory. The Unit, as a whole, regularly
discusses and controls the activities of this concen-
tration group. This work needs patient, systematic
daily attention by the whole Unit and also by the
higher committees of the Party. The Street Unit
supports actively and takes part in the strike strug-
gles of the factory workers, and also mobilizes the
neighborhood for support, furnishing reserves for
the picket lines, conducting demonstrations, collect-
ing 'strike relief, etc.
Must Aid Members Working in Factories
'We have listed the general tasks of the Unit in
the street or town. All these tasks cannot always
be taken care of by every Unit. Some of the Units
will be able to tackle and carry out all of these tasks,
and some of them only a part of them. We wish to
emphasize again the need for systematic help and
guidance for those members of the Units who are
working in factories but who belong to the Street
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of employment. These members should get con-
tinuous political organizational and financial help in
building the Unit in their factory. With proper
work, the Street or Town Units will be able to,
transfer all those members who are working in a
shop, mine, office, etc., to their respective Shop Unit.
The fact that the member of a Street Unit works
in a factory far from the Unit territory does not
exclude the_ possibility of help from the Unit. This
member should be encouraged to raise the problems
of the factory at the Unit Bureau or Unit member-
ship meeting, where, after a thorough discussion,
steps should be taken to build the 'Party in the fac-
tory. It would be of help to issue a leaflet in the
shop which could be distributed by one or two un-
employed members in front of his factory.
Is it difficult for a Party member to get two. or
three more workers in his factory to join the Party
in a period of two or three weeks if he is constantly
helped and guided? We do not think so.
THE ORGANIZATIONAL TASKS OF THE STREET AND
TOWN UNITS
The organizational tasks of the Street and Town
Units are in the main the same as those of the
Factory Units. However, these organizations must
consider the special problem of building unemploy-
ment organizations, of building fractions in all
workers' organizations in their territory, of build-
ing united fronts with these organizations on con-
crete issues.
The Street Unit in a Negro neighborhood, espe-
cially if the Unit is composed of a large majority of
Negro Party comrades, must remember that a vital
task of the Party is to establish strong bonds with
the broadest masses. In Negro neighborhoods this
can be done best by penetrating the Negro organ-
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etc. In order to carry out this task it is essential
that every member of a Street unit in the Negro
territory be a member of a, Negro organization. The
best solution to this problem is for the majority of a
Unit to join one such organization-the most im-
portant and biggest Negro organization in the terri-
tory. The Party members in these organizations
will work as a fraction under the guidance of the
Street Unit. It is understood, however, that Street
Units will not give up the work in the neighborhood
generally while the main attention is directed
towards the work in the organizations where the
Party members belong.
WHAT IS A FARM UNIT?
The Farm Unit is the basic Party organization in
the rural sections of the country. We have two
kinds of Farm Units : (1) Farm Units in big
farms composed of agricultural workers. These
Units have the same standing in the Party as the
factory units; (2) Farm Units composed of farm
hands, tenant farmers, sharecroppers, and small
farmers in a given territory.
There is no need here for dwelling on the necessity
of Communist work among the toiling rural popula-
tion. The question of allies of the proletarian revo-
lution, of winning over the poor farmers and broad
sections of the middle farmers to the side of the
proletarian revolution, and of neutralizing other sec-
tions of the middle farmers as an important factor in
a successful revolution, can be, answered in our favor
only if we succeed in building a strong Party organ-
ization on the big "industrial" farms, among the
agricultural workers, and also among the poor, small
farmers, tenants, sharecroppers, etc.
The main task of the Party in its Work in the
countryside consists first of all in the organization
of the agricultural workers in the Party and trade
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terribly exploited workers who play an important
role in the development of the revolutionary agrarian
movement.
The general task of the Farm Unit is about the
same as that of other Units of the Party. The
issues they deal with, however, are entirely different.
Here the issues are mortgages, interest rates, high
taxes, roads, schools, low prices of farm products,
high railroad rates, relief, etc., problems which the
Farm Unit must tackle. The Communist Party in
the countryside is in the forefront in fighting for the
interests of the exploited and poverty-stricken rural
population, against the big landlords, commission
houses, mortgage companies, farm implement trusts,
grain trusts, railroad companies, milk trusts, banks,
etc. In this fight, the masses of the countryside will
inevitably come into conflict with the suppressive
machinery of the bourgeoisie (city, state, federal
government, National Guard, courts, etc.).
The Communist Party has to show to these vast
masses the role of this whole suppressive set-up,
the necessity of fighting against it, and the only
road which leads out of the misery created for them
by capitalism-the road to Soviet Power. In these
fights, the poor rural population will learn through
their own experiences and by the work of the Com-
niunist Party that their place is on the side of the
proletariat.
We have to work untiringly in the existing farm
organizations in order to isolate the rich farmers,
to win the poor farmers, and sections of the middle
farmers to the side of the workers, and at least to
neutralize other sections of the middle farmers.
HOW IS A UNIT MEETING PREPARED?
The Unit Bureau on the basis of the general direc-
tives of the Party (Central, District or Section Com-
mittees), prepares the agenda and proposals for the
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In other words, it adapts the general campaign of
the Party to the, given situation in the shop or
territory.
The Unit Bureau presents these well-prepared
proposals to the Unit membership meeting, with a
thorough explanation by one member of the Unit
Bureau.
Are the plans or policies presented by the Unit
Bureaus binding on the membership? No. The mem-
bership discusses the report of the Unit Bureau and
decides the policy or activity by a majority vote,
accepting, amending, or rejecting the proposals of
the Unit Bureau.
HOW SHOULD A UNIT AGENDA (ORDER OF BUSI-
NESS) BE DRAWN UP?
The first point should always be a well-prepared
discussion on a certain actual political problem. For
example : The city administration wants to put
through a sales tax. The reporter assigned by the
Unit membership or Unit Bureau should be given
sufficient time to prepare this report-the meaning
of the sales tax, how it will affect the workers in
general, and in the shop or territory where the Unit
is working in particular. Then he gives concrete
proposals as to how to mobilize the workers to fight
against the sales-tax proposal. In order to have a
more effective discussion in 1the Unit, it is necessary
not only to assign one comrade to prepare the report,
but also to supply material for all members of the
Unit on the subject at least one week in advance.
A well-organized, well-prepared discussion should
not last longer than from one to one and a half
The next point on the agenda should be the check-
up of the assignments of the individual members.
The Unit membership as la whole should always
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assignment, but also should discuss the experiences
of the individual comrades in carrying out assign-
ments.
The next point should be the plan of activity for
the next week, with a proper evaluation of the work
of the past week. This point also takes care of the
assignments of tasks to the individual comrades. In
discussing this point the problem of recruiting must
be raised. How many members were recruited, and
by whom as a result of last week's activities, and
how many and through what activities do we intend
to recruit next week?
The next point could be the problems of the unions
or mas organizations in which the Unit is working.
The next point should be the problem of the Daily
Worker (distribution, correspondence, routes, build-
ing circulation, etc.).
Literature distribution is a basic part of every
activity of the Unit. This question should therefore
be taken up in connection with every item on the
agenda. For example if the Unit prepares a politi-
cal discussion for the next Unit meeting, the ques-
tion of literature with which our comrades can
properly prepare themselves must be brought up
then and there. If the question is one of organizing
a campaign of the Party, work in the shops, trade
unions, mass organizations, house-to-house canvas-
sing, or a street or mass meeting, the distribution of
suitable literature must receive its rightful place in
the discussion of the problem and in the assignments
given to the comrades. The check-up of the assign-
ments of the individual members must also include
a check-up on the method of selling the literature,
how much was sold, how it was received by the work-
ers, what questions they raised about our Party
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to clarify these workers on the questions raised.
In order to save time in they Unit meeting, the actual
obtaining of the literature by the unit members for
use in their assignments may be placed on the
agenda just before the close of the meeting, but the
mobilization and assignments on this work must be
made in connection with ~ every question on the
agenda.
Dues Payments
The dues payment should take place before the
meeting opens, as the comrades come in one by one
to the meeting. A special period may be allowed
during the meeting for dues payment if it is neces-
sary. The Financial Secretary should report to
every Unit Bureau meeting, about the dues payment
and the Unit Bureau should prepare a report on
this problem at least once, a month for the Unit
membership meetings.
If the points on the agenda are well prepared,
and the proposals are concrete, a Unit meeting could
easily be finished in no more than two and a half
hours.
It is necessary to emphasize the importance of
starting the meeting on time, and not to wait for one
or two comrades who may come a little later.
HOW OFTEN SHOULD
Only in exceptional cases, when it is impossible
to bring together the members every week, should
we make exceptions from the rule of one meeting
per week for each Unit.
Every member of the Unit knows a week in ad-
vance where the next meeting will be held. Mem-
bers who are not present at the meeting must be
notified through the group system.
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This is the division of the membership of the
Unit into small groups on the basis of the residence
of the members. For example : A Street Unit has
a territory of a number of blocks or a small town.
The Unit has 25 or 30 members living all over the
small town or scattered over a number of blocks.
The four or five comrades living nearest to each
other are organized into one group, the next five or
six comrades near to each other into another group.
Thus we divide the unit into six to eight groups.
The best developed comrade in the group is the
group captain or leader.
The group captain is not elected. He is appointed
by the Unit Bureau.
What Is the Task of the Group. Captain?
To keep his group together. To see to it that
every member in his group attends Unit meetings.
If one fails to appear he must find out the reaso1.
He must collect dues from and bring assignments to
those who cannot come to the Unit meeting.
Should the Unit Bureau Consist of the Group CaPtaint?
No. The Unit Bureau consists of the best de-
veloped comrades in the Unit, even if, they live in
the same block or neighborhood -and belong to the
same group. The group leaders must be selected
from among the members of the group. In case of
a Unit Bureau consisting of three members, each
of whom lives in a different part of the Unit terri-
tory, and belong to different groups, they may each
be a leader of their group.
Have Groups Any Independent Function in the Unit?
No. They are organized for the purpose of keep-
ing' the membership together and making it easier
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izations as well, through the Party members in
them.
WHY ARE MEMBERS OVERBURDENED WITH WORK
AND HOW CAN WE CHANGE THE SITUATION?
Generally in our Party Units the members work
to such an extent that they have very little time for
reading and recreation. The main reason for this
overburdening of our members is that the details
of every campaign, action, activity, are carried out
by the Party members and Party members only. At
the same time we have exceptional cases in some
Units where certain members of the Party, because
of their lack of understanding of the political prob-
lems, are not as active as the others, and the Unit
is forced to throw more and more work on the
other members of the Unit., -To change this situa-
tion, which in many cases results in losing members
from the Party, we have to find ways and means
of distributing the work equally, not only among
Party members, but also among sympathizers around
the Party Units in the shop or street.
If every Party member were assigned to persuade
and enlist five or six workers in the shop or neigh-
borhood to help him carry out his tasks, many burn-
ing organizational ;problems would be on the way
to solution. This would brim; us more results, more
prospective Party members from among these active
workers and would develop every Party member as an
organizer for certain activities of the workers.
Why can't we, in canvassing houses for signatures
in the election campaign or for selling literature or
soliciting subs for the Daily, Worker, or collecting
money for the Daily Worker, or in some other cam-
paign, draw in the sympathetic workers? Why
shouldn't we give them responsibility if they are
willing to take it? And they are. Why shouldn't
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Why shouldn't the Shop Units enlist sympathetic
workers. to help edit, print, finance and distribute
the shop paper? The activities of the Party would
be increased manifold. The burden now carried by
the Party members would be distributed among more
workers, leaving more time for study, reading, mak-
ing friends, and carrying on personal agitation.
How Can the Street Units Utilize Members Active
in Mass Organizations?
By exchanging the experiences of these comrades
through regular discussions of their activities in the
mass organizations at the Unit meeting. That means
that members who belong to mass organizations must
systematically report to the Unit Bureau or to the
Unit meeting about their work:. How they bring
the various political campaigns of the Party into
their mass organizations; about their experiences
in recruiting members for the Party; in getting subs
for the Daily Worker; in strengthening the influence
of the Party by organizing and leading struggles of
the members of the unions, Unemployment Councils,
I.L.D., or other mass organizations.
If the Unit regularly hears the reports of these
active members, the membership will learn from
the experiences of these members: they will be helped
to solve their own problems, while at the same time
continuously checking on the activities of the
members. '
How Should We Involve These Members in the
Work of the Unit in the Territory?
We must realize and recognize the fact that the
work of the comrades in the mass organizations is
very important. Therefore the Unit should not de-
mand that they take Unit assignments in the same
proportion as those members who are not active in
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of these comrades to ac as Communists in the
territory where they live; make friends in their free
time among their neighbors; surround themselves
with sympathizers and in this way help the Unit
get connections with morel workers in the territory.
An active member of a union or other mass organiza-
tion cannot excuse his negligence or failure to act
as a Communist in the house or territory where he
lives.
WHAT ARE THE TASKS OF THE UNIT BUREAU?
To prepare proposal; for activities, policy, etc.,
for the Unit meetings; to organize the membership
to carry out the decisions of the Unit meeting; to
control the carrying out of the decisions; to show
the members of the Unit iin the daily work how to
carry out decisions, by participating, organizing
and leading the workers in the daily struggles,
in the campaigns, etc.; to see that the Unit mem-
bers join and are active in unions and other mass
organizations, and in their fractions; to see if
the members are in good standing; to prepare all
necessary information about the new applicants
(recruits) for the Unit meeting; to build up sys-
tematically a financial income other than that from
dues; to watch carefully the development of each
member and train and promote promising ones-
supplying them with proper literature, sending them
to Party schools,, proposing them for work in the
commissions of the higher Party committees, etc.
HOW TO ORGANIZE THE MEMBERSHIP FOR CARRY-
ING OUT ECISIONS
First of all every important decision must come
only after a thorough discussion in the Unit. If
the Unit members understand why certain steps
must be taken by the Party, what the facts in a
given situation are which demand the outlined policy,
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this action (what we intend to achieve) then the
organization and mobilization of the members for
the carrying out of the decision will be much easier.
But in assigning members to certain work, the
Unit Bureau must know everything about the mem-
bers; consideration must be given, among other
things, to what union or mass organization this or
that member belongs, what assignments or posts he
has there, his (or her) personal life (housewife,
children, etc.), ability, desire for certain tasks, how
long in the Party, etc.
If we know the members, and the members know
the problems and the tasks of the Unit, then the
Unit Bureau will not have much trouble in organ-
izing the work. This can be done in the following
way: The Unit Bureau, in preparing the proposals
for activities, also prepares proposals for the assign-
ment of the individual members. The Bureau brings
these proposals to the meeting, where the decision
is made. The member, before a decision is made,
has the right to express his opinion about his ability,
or state reasons why he couldn't or shouldn't be
assigned to the given work. But after the Unit
meeting decides on the assignment, he must carry
it out. In better functioning Units, where the Unit
Bureau is thoroughly acquainted with the members,
there is no necessity for discussion on the individual
assignment. The Bureau makes the assignment and
if the individual member asks to be excused for
one reason or another and the Bureau does not agree
to release him, only then is the question taken up
at the meeting. We should always have in mind that
the most disillusioning effect on the new member is
created by constant squabbling about assignments.
Short, decisive reports on the division of work which
take into account the situation and ability of each
individual member will change the situation.
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HOW TO ENSURE TH. CARRYING OUT OF
DECISIONS
The decisions and assignments are to be registered
at the Unit meeting. At every meeting of the Unit
Burean all the decisions and assignments should be
examined, and those not carried out should be noted.
The facts should be reported to the Unit meeting.
In this report the Unit Bureau sharply states the
facts about the activities of the individuals in ques-
tion, opening discussion on those members who shirk
work. The open criticism will help the members take
assignments more seriously. The members must
learn from these discussions one important organ-
izational principle of our Party, namely, that each
individual member has the responsibility to b'iild
the mass movement of the toiling masses; to build
the Communist Party, the vanguard of the pro-
THE DAILY WORKER-THE MAIN INSTRUMENT OF
THE UNITS FOR REA( HING THE MASSES
One of the main and most important instruments
of agitation and propaganda in the hands of the
Party Units is the Daily '[Worker, the central organ
of our Party. Those -comrades who can influence the
masses, who can win over the workers in one factory
or a certain territory, have no chance of speaking
personally and daily to the workers in thousands of
factories, thousands of cities, thousands of streets.
And even if these comrades do talk to the workers
in a certain factory occasionally, they can deal with
only one or two of the most burning questions. But
the Daily Worker, the collective agitator and organ-
izer of our Party and of ' the masses, speaks to its
readers every day.
The best leaders of our Party speak to the
workers through articles in the Daily Worker. The
Central Committee speaks to the workers through
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spondents from the factories and towns, tell the
stories of their fight against capitalism. If we hand
the Daily Worker to a worker, we get him in daily
touch with the leadership of our Party, with the
Central Committee, with the best, most experienced
Communists. Is there any better instrument than
the Daily Worker for reaching and winning the
masses? No, there is not. Therefore, selling the
Daily Worker in the neighborhood, and at the fac-
tory gates, getting subscribers and worker corre-
spondents for it, is one of the most important duties
of the Party organization.
WHAT IS THE METHOD OF DISTRIBUTING THE
DAILY WORKER?
The workers in the big factories can be reached
by selling the Daily Worker to them at the gate or
inside the factory.
In the neighborhood (Street or Town Unit) the
most effective method of getting new subscribers and
buyers for the Daily Worker is through canvassing
the homes of the workers. In order to make the
reader interested in the Daily Worker at the begin-
ning, we should get stories (worker correspondence)
from the factories, neighborhood, town or city where
the workers live, into the Daily. The territory to be
covered should be limited to a couple of blocks. The
worker and his family should be visited and told
that sample copies of the Daily Worker will be left
with them for a limited time; that they should read
it, and if they like it, they should subscribe. The
Daily Worker and the visit and. talk of the can-
vassing comrades will make a good impression even
if the worker does not subscribe. There should be
no Street Unit, Town Unit, or Shop Unit of the
Party without a good number of Daily Worker
readers in the shop or territory.
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WHAT IS THE NEIG
IA-RDP78-03362A001600070001-4
BORHOOD PAPER?
The neighborhood paper is the official organ of
the Street or Town Unit, edited, printed (mimeo-
graphed) distributed (sold) in the Unit territory
under the leadership of the Unit by the Party mem-
bers and by sympathizers.' The neighborhood paper
should have the same role in the smaller territory
that the Daily Worker has nationally. It is the
agitator and organizer of the Party, dealing with the
concrete problems of the population in the Unit terri-
tory, agitating and propagandizing the workers for
our program, and organizing them. Simple lan-
guage, neat appearance and pictures are necessary
to make the neighborhood diaper popular.
We should strive to issue the paper as often as
possible, and build around it a large circle of active
supporters (correspondents, distributors, financial
supporters, etc.). We should consider the develop-
ment of neighborhood papers as of the greatest im-
portance. If, for the last few years, we had been
issuing a paper in the territory of each Street and
Town Unit, we would have today thousands and
thousands of little Party papers all over the coun-
try, a larger Party, and a wider circle of supporters.
If each neighborhood paper would be read by only
200 or 300 people we would have close to a million
workers closely connected with the Party.
We have to bear in mind that under more sup-
pressive conditions, when the printing and shipping
of the Daily Worker will be made much more diffi-
cult by the class enemy, we must have these hun-
dreds of thousands of Party papers systematically
placed in the hands of the workers.
OUR AGITATIONAL ANDJJ PROPAGANDA LITERA-
TURE-THEORY TO THE MASSES
In order to educate ou Party membership and
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work, to combat the lies of the bourgeois press,
books, radio, movies, etc., to expose and defeat the
theories of the counter-revolutionary Trotskyites, the
Lovestoneite renegades, and all the social-fascist
and fascist demagogues and other agents of the
bourgeoisie, our Party membership should study and
spread as widely as possible among the masses the
teachings of the great leaders of the revolutionary
movement, as well as our current theoretical publi-
cations, and our agitational pamphlets on the every-
day issues and problems which confront the masses.
The Party has made and is making available the
most important works of Marx, Engels, Lenin and
Stalin in low-priced editions. There can be no
sound revolutionary movement built without the
distribution of this literature. This is why the im-
portance of literature distribution is stressed so
much by the Party.
The Communist, the theoretical organ of the Cen-
tral Committee, and The Communist International,
organ of the Executive Committee of the Communist
International, should be read by all the Party mem-
bers, and receive a broad sale among the masses.
There should be no Party member who does not read
the Party Organizer, the monthly organ of the Cen-
tral Committee which takes up all the current or-
ganizational problems of the Party giving concrete
experiences and directives to aid our Party members
in their every-day work.
Besides the theoretical books, pamphlets and
magazines, the Central Committee, District Com-
mittees, and in some places, the Section Committees
issue pamphlets on vital, every-day problems facing,
the broad masses. These are called our agitational
pamphlets because they deal with specific questions
affecting the broadest masses. Effective mass work,
bringing the highest degree of political and organ-
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distribution of this literature. Our Party literature
will help to clarify the minds of the workers on the
problems which face them, and will help bring them
nearer to our Party. Without the broadest distribu-
tion of our Party literature the influence which our
Party gains in its campaigns may soon give way in
the minds of the workers to the influences of the
bourgeois press, radio, movies, etc. Through distrib-
ution of our Party literature we can consolidate our
influence and recruit thousands of new members
for our Party.
WHAT IS THE FUNCTION OF THE UNIT
ORGANIZER?
The Unit Organizer should be the most able, most
politically developed member of the Unit. He is the
political leader of the Unit. His duties are as
follows :
1. As a political leader he directs all the work
of the Unit.
a. Hee prepares the material for the Unit Bureau
(agenda, proposals for action, assignments,
etc. )
b. Helps the Agit-Prop Director in preparing ma-
terial for discussion in the Unit on political
problems; on the policy of the Party; on reso-
lutions of the higher committees.
c. He must react immediately to any issue that
arises in the factory or in the territory. If
there is no time to wait for the next Bureau
meeting, he must call together the members of
the Unit Bureau and decide with them what
action must be taken. If it is not possible to
call the Bureau together, he must take respon-
sibility for the action and notify the individual
Party members of their tasks. Taking respon-
sibility for an action is especially important in
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great difficulties in calling meetings during
working hours. In this case he acts'indepen-
dently, notifies the members and takes the
responsibility at the next Unit meeting.
2. He is responsible for controlling the decisions
of the Unit. He is the one who should carefully
check on whether the assignments are carried out,
and report his findings without hesitation to the
Unit Bureau and the membership.
3. He sees to it that the group captains take care
of their work.
4. He is responsible for developing new forces
from the Unit.
5. He must be in constant touch with the Section
Committee, to whom he reports on the activities of
the Unit and from whom he receives directives. In
order. to be able to make proposals and formulate
policies for the Unit, he must be an example to the
members of the Unit of how a good Party member
works among the masses.
WHAT IS THE FUNCTION OF THE AGIT-PROP
DIRECTOR?
He is the comrade on the Unit Bureau who is re-
sponsible for the agitational and propaganda work
of the Unit. His functions are:
1. To carry out the decisions of the Unit Bureau
concerning discussions in the Unit, by gathering ma-
terial for the reporter selected by the Unit Bureau
or membership meeting. He must also supply mate-
rial for these discussions to the individual members
of the Unit.
2. He is in charge of the Editorial Board of the
shop paper or neighborhood paper. He is responsi-
ble for organizing open forums, workers' schools,
etc., in the territory.
3. He is also responsible for agitation and propa-
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Unit.
non-Party workers.
Does this mean that all of these tasks should be
taken care of by the Agit-Prop Director alone? Of
course not! A good Agit-Prop Director should be
able to pick comrades in the Unit who will help him
carry out these tasks.
WHAT IS THE FUNCTION OF THE FINANCIAL
SECRETARY?
He takes care of all the financial problems of the
Unit. He checks on members' dues payments and
reports to the Unit Bureau regularly on who is fall-
ing behind in dues and attendance. He takes steps,
through the group captains, to see that these mem-
bers are visited. He organizes special financial in-
come for the Unit from isympathizers, individual
contributors, various kinds of social affairs. He
should establish a fund for the Unit through these
various activities, a fund which will enable the Unit
to be able to extend its mass agitation among the
workers in the shop or territory.
He is responsible for the membership list of the
Unit. This task puts great responsibility on the
shoulders of the Financial Secretary. He has to
see to it that this list is safeguarded properly so
that agents of the class enemy do not get hold of it.
The Financial Secretary has under his leadership
the entire technical and business activities of the
We have to emphasize that all these problems have
very important political significance. The assign-
ment or election of a comrade to this post must al-
ways be considered from this point of view.
WHAT IS THE FUNCTION OF THE UNIT DAILY
WORKER AGENT?
The Daily Worker agent ' should be one of the best
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he is not an elected member of the Unit Bureau, he
should attend all Bureau meetings in order to make
it possible for him to participate in making plans
for the spreading of the Daily Worker in all activi-
ties of the Unit. The task of the Unit Daily Worker
agent must be considered as an important political
function. His tasks are :
1. To mobilize the membership of the Unit to sell
the Daily Worker every day in the factory or in
the territory.
2. To mobilize the sympathizers around the Unit
and make them enthusiastic distributors of the Daily
Worker.
3. He is responsible for organizing a group of
Daily Worker Builders from among the members of
the Unit and sympathizers of the Party in the shop
or territory where the Unit is operating.
4. He should check up whether the individual
members are getting new readers for the Daily
Worker in the unions or other mass organizations
where they belong.
5. He has the duty of seeing whether the mem-
bers of the Unit read the Daily Worker every day.
6. He should see to it that the experiences of the
individual members in selling the Daily Worker
should be discussed from time to time at Unit meet-
ings and in this way improve the method of work
in this respect.
WHAT ARE THE TASKS OF THE UNIT LITERATURE
DIRECTOR?
The Unit Literature Director is not merely an
"agent" or "salesman" who sells literature to the
Party members at the Unit meeting, or who covers
street and mass meetings for the sale of literature
among the workers; neither is his task merely one
of being a "go-between" bringing literature from
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Much of this work he must also do, but his tasks
have a much broader aspect which we enumerate
1. To work in close collaboration with the Unit
Bureau and the Unit Agit-?rop Director in planning
the distribution of literature (what, where, when,
how, how much, by whom).
2. To familiarize himself with our literature and
be prepared to convince the Party members of the
importance of reading and distributing each piece
of literature.
.3. To prepare the necessary literature at least a
week beforehand for political discussions in the
C nits, and see to it that the Unit membership ob-
tains same.
4. To check up and control that each Party mem-
ber shall take out and sell literature in connection
,,pith his or her assignment, and establish regular
distribution in his or her shop, trade union, or mass
organization. To urge each member to mobilize
workers and sympathizers to do likewise, and wher-
ever possible establish a literature table or depart-
ment officially in their organization. To mobilize
also for sale of literature outside the shops particu-
larly those in which we have no definite contact, at
meetings of trade unions under reactionary leader-
ship where we may not have organized contact in-
side, at opponent mass meetings, and at meetings
of bourgeois-controlled :fraternal, cultural, and re-
ligious organizations.
5. To check up and report on the reactions of
'workers to our literature and, what literature is
needed for their further clarification, and to become
familiar with the conditions in the shops, organiza-
tions, neighborhoods, etc., and around what issues
struggles could be developed and literature distrib-
uted. To see to it that all valuable experiences,
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shops and trade unions are written up for the Party
press or district literature bulletin.
6. To take the initiative in organizing collections,
raffles, etc., at Unit meetings and affairs through
which funds can be raised for the building of a Unit
library of our basic theoretical books.
7. To keep a strict account of the Unit literature
funds; see to it that all literature is paid for prompt-
ly by the Unit members, and that all bills for litera-
ture are paid promptly and exactly to the Section
each week.
The resolutions and decisions of the Communist
International, and the Central, District and Sec-
tion Committees will remain on paper unless we have
in the Units well-functioning, developed leadership
which is able to mobilize the membership for carry-
ing out these decisions. This mobilization will be
successful only if the Unit leadership (Unit Bureau)
is capable of clarifying all decisions to the member-
ship. Only through political understanding can the
membership be activized to apply the decisions of the
Party committees in their daily work among the
masses. We should always remember the emphasis
stressed by the Open Letter in discussing this
question:
"The center of gravity of Party work must be
shifted to the development of the lower organiza-
tions, the factory nuclei, local organizations, and
street nuclei." (Open Letter, pp. 20-21.)
In order to carry out this directive of the Open
Letter we must strengthen and develop the leader-
ship of the lower organizations. The main link of
the masses to the Party is the Unit. If this link is
faulty, if some of the links of the whole chain of
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Party will have either very weak or no connections
with the masses. In order to strengthen this link we
must have a strong leadership (Unit Bureau).
FLUCTUATION IN UNIT LEADERSHIP
The Unit Bureau is the leader of the Party and
the masses among which the Unit operates. In order
to have a strong, able leadership in the factory or in
the neighborhood, we must elect the most able, capa-
ble comrades to the Unit Bureaus-comrades who
grew up in the Party in struggles and who have been
trained for leadership. To change the leadership in
the Unit frequently is a sign of insufficient under-
standing of the role of the Unit Bureau. Many
Party Units in our Party fail to develop mass activ-
ity, fail in influencing broad strata of the workers
in the shop or neighborhood where they are operat-
ing because they change their leadership (Unit
Bureau) too often. There should be a rule in the
Unit that no Unit leader should be changed unless
he is proved to be incapable of leading the Unit, or
if he has developed so well that his promotion to a
higher Party committee is on the order of the day.
But even in that case, no comrade should be changed
unless another comrade who is well developed can
take his place. Stability in the Unit leadership is as
important as it is in the Section, District, or Center.
The basis of electing any functionary in the Party
is precisely defined in the Open Letter:
"Every Party member and especially every
Party functionary must be a real organizer of
mass struggles in his particular sphere of work.
From this standpoint the Party must judge the
activity of its functionaries. and must choose its
leading bodies." (Open Letter, p. 23.)
THE SECTION COMMITTEE
Whether the Party Units fulfill their tasks
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among the masses depends to a great extent on a
well-functioning Section Committee. The daily
guidance of the Unit Bureaus, especially of the Shop
Units, is one of the principal tasks of the Section
Committees. This should be achieved mainly through
personal contact between the Section Committees and
the Unit Bureaus. While the organizational letter
can give general guidance to the work of the Units,
it alone is not sufficient to develop the Unit Bureaus;
in many cases it curbs the initiative of the Units. A
Section Committee should use the following method
of giving leadership to the Units :
1. Regular meetings of the various Unit func-
tionaries should be held where, besides discussing
politically the most outstanding tasks of the coming
week, a well-prepared discussion is conducted on
basic organizational and political problems of the
Party. These discussions should take the form of a
regular class where the role and organizational
principles of the Party are studied. Through these
weekly meetings we can develop, strengthen and
stabilize the leadership in the Units.
2. The Section Committees should discuss the
work of one of the Units at each meeting. This
point should be prepared very carefully in con-
junction with the Bureau of that Unit. The Section
Committee, discussing the problem of the given Unit,
gives concrete suggestions, proposals to correct mis-
takes and to overcome weaknesses.
The Section Organizer is the political leader of the
Section, and is responsible for the entire Section.
He is the leader not only of the Party organization
in the territory of the Section, but also must be or
become a leader of the masses in the territory where
the Section is operating. In order to be able to give
leadership to the Party and to the masses, the Sec-
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i r anizer nnius a }n dal y ouc wi he
problems of the workers. Foie should be a member of
the local union of his trade. In this way he strives
to become the leader of the organized workers in that
trade union. The Section Organizer has the task
of preparing the agenda for the Section Bureau
and Section Committee meetings, and he sees to it
that the decisions adopted at these meetings are
carried out by the Units of the Section. In order
to be able to carry out this big task, other mem-
bers, of the Section Committee are made responsible
for the various fields of activity of the Party.
But the Section Organizer is responsible to the Sec-
tion Committee also for the activity of these com-
rades. The work in the Section Committee is divided
among the members of the Section Committee,
around whom are built up the various commissions.
In the Section Committees, we have the following
I,I leading functionaries: Organizational Secretary,
Agitational-Propaganda Director, head of Trade
Union Commission, head of Daily Worker Com-
mittee, head of the Literature Committee, Financial
Secretary, head of the Me nbership Committee.
INITIATIVE OF' THE UNITS AND SECTIONS
From the foregoing we see how the Party is con-
nected organizationally with the workers and their
mass organizations. Let us sum up very briefly:
The basic link between the, Party and the decisive
strata of the working class are the Units in the
industries; the Street, Town and Farm Units in the
territory and the fractions, particularly in the
unions but also in other mass organizations.
These organizations are the ones through which
the Party leads the masses in the place of employ-
ment, or organization, and where they live. On the
efficiency, independence, and initiative of these Party
organizations depends the ability of the Party to
00
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bosses qnd? for final victory.
In the statutes of the Communist Parties of the
Communist International, we find the following
point : All Party organizations may decide on local
questions independently insofar as these decisions
do not conflict with any decision of the higher Party
organizations.
The problem is how are we to equip our units
and Sections to function independently? How can
we develop the initiative of these organizations to
such an extent that they won't wait for directives
from the higher bodies as they too often do now,
but develop their own campaigns, react to every
issue in their shop or territory? Naturally, these
actions will always be based on the general policy
or campaigns of the Party.
Why is it so important to develop the initiative
of the lower organizations? In answering this
question, we have to remember one very important
fact. The Units are the organizations which are
in direct touch with the masses. The Units are the
leaders of the workers in the factories, neighbor-
hoods, etc. In order to be able to give correct lead-
ership to these workers, the Unit must raise slogans
which fit the given situation. But the concrete issues
are often quite different in each factory or neighbor-
hood. The Unit, with its members among the
masses, can react quickly on these issues. If we wait
until the news about a wage cut or worsening of
conditions reaches the Section, and is then trans-
mitted to the Units, the issue will have become use-
less in many cases, or there is a danger that the
workers will already be following the leadership of
some reformist. Waiting for instructions will not
make a Unit the leader of the masses. Too many
decisive "moments" have been lost in this way.
In the Units where there is real initiative there
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bers. ' They will continuously discuss problems and
study the line of the Party in order to be able to
apply it to the given situation.
Proper Leadership Develops Initiative
The "independence" and "initiative" of the Unit
must not be interpreted to mean that they have
nothing to do with the higher committees of the
Party. The Section, District and Central Commit-
tees, by the principle of democratic centralism, on
which our Party structure and procedure are based,
always have the right to approve or disapprove
any decision of the lower organizations.
The initiative of the 'Units develops precisely be-
cause the proper leadership is given by the higher
Party committees..
What are the best methods of developing the ini-
tiative of the Units? First of all, the personal
guidance given by the Party committees, through
representatives, or instructors, who work with the
Unit for some time. These representatives or in-
structors assigned to a Unit participate in all activi-
ties of the Unit and not only help prepare proposals
for actions, but take part in carrying out the de-
cisions.
There is one more very important reason for
hastening the process of developing the initiative of
the Units to the highest degree. In a comparatively
"peaceful" period, when the Party has the possibili-
ties of working openly, the Units can come for
advice to the Section or :District headquarters. But
in a situation when it may not be possible to have
open headquarters, when it, will be quite difficult to
get in touch with the Section Committee quickly, the
Unit will have to work independently. If we neglect
to develop the initiative of the Units today, the work
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WHAT ARE THE COMMISSIONS IN THE SECTION,
DISTRICT, AND CENTRAL COMMITTEES
The Commissions are the instruments in the hands
of the respective Party Committees for the purpose
of carrying out the work more effectively.
1. The role of the Commissions is to prepare ma-
terial for the Committees in their respective field of
work.
2. They are responsible for carrying out the de-
cisions of the Party Committee in their field of work
and to see to it that the decisions made in the Com-
mittees are carried out by the lower organization.
These Commissions have no right to make de-
cisions on general policies of the Party, but they
have the right to make decisions in the process of
carrying out the policy of the respective Party Com-
mittees. For example : The Section Committee de-
cides that steps must be taken to stop membership
fluctuation in the Units. The Organization Depart-
ment, in carrying out this decision, examines a num-
ber of Units, finds out the basic weaknesses and in
this way gathers material for a thorough campaign
for stopping fluctuation. In the process of the exam-
ination the Organization Department makes decisions
about the composition of the Commission and the
method of work of this Commission which carries on
the investigation.
The head of the Commission should be a member
of the Party committee. The members of the Com-
missions are appointed by the Party committee from
the best qualified members of the Party organization,
not necessarily members of the Party committee. It
is advisable to draw in as many comrades from the
lower organizations into these Commissions as pos-
sible in order to develop them for more responsible
work.
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COMMITTEES?
1. Organizational Commission (Org. Commission),
2. Agitation and Propaganda Commission (Agit-
Proi), I
3. Trade Union Commission,
.4. Negro Commission,
5. Women's Commission,
6. Agrarian Commission.
The other phases of activity (Daily Worker, Lit-
erature, Finances, etc.) are taken care of by one or
the other of
these Commissions.
'WHAT IS THE TASK OF THE ORGANIZATIONAL
COMMISSION IN THE SECTION OR DISTRICT?
1. To explain and popularize the Organizational
decisions of the Conventions, Conferences (Com-
munist International, Central Committee, District
or Section Committee), and see to it that these
decisions are carried out,.
2. To prepare Org. Directives, outlines for the
Party Committee, for all fields of organizational
work in connection with the various campaigns of
the Party (elections, May First, anti-war, anti-fas-
cism, recruiting, Daily Worker, etc.).
3. To control and check upon whether the de-
cisions of the Party Committees are carried out (con-
the Party organizations through articles in the Party
Organizer, "Party Life" column in the Daily Worker,
special Organizational Bulletins, functionaries'
meetings.
5. To watch and control constantly the composi-
tion of the Party and take the necessary steps if
there is any danger of unstable non-proletarian ele-
ments attaining too great numerical and political
influence.
4. To exchange the organizational experiences of
trol tasks).
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unions in their industry.
7. To watch and check fluctuation (turn-over in
membership) .
8. To promote recruiting.
9. To give special guidance and assistance to the
Factory Units.
10. To report systematically to the higher com-
mittees about dues, recruiting, Factory Units, shop
papers, Fractions, etc.
11. To follow up systematically the behavior and
development of the functionaries in the Party, and
to promote new cadres.
12. To help the lower organizations through in-
structors.
13. To organize the Fractions in the mass organ-
izations and see that they function.
HOW SHOULD THE ORGANIZATIONAL
COMMISSION WORK?
Through personal contact with the lower organ-
izations. Members of the Org. Commission should
train instructors to help maintain this contact. 'rliese
instructors, while helping the lower organizations in
their daily work, at the same time bring problems
up to the higher committees, problems which have
not been solved in the lower organizations of the
Party. These problems, after thorough discussion,
should be written about in the Party Organizer,
"Party Life" column, etc., in this way giving the ex-
periences of one organization to the whole Party.
The Org. Commission should also use the method of
bringing together promising comrades from the Units
to classes, where they can be developed into new or-
ganizational forces for the Party.
THE TRADE UNION COMMISSION AND ITS TASKS
There is no need to emphasize again how impor-
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other unions. This work must occupy one of the
most predominant places in the work of all Party
Committees. In order to be able to pay daily atten-
tion to all trade union problems, each Party com-
mittee should organize a special Commission for this
work. Its duties are:
1. To explain the resolutions of the Convention
and of the Committees concerning the trade union
questions.
2. To prepare material for the respective Party
committee when a problem, of a particular trade or
industry is put on the agenda.
3. To check on whether, the lower organizations
are carrying out the decisions of the Party com-
mittee in the trade union field.
4. To give systematic guidance and directives to
the fractions of the trade union about the policy, tac-
tics and concrete steps of the Party in the field of
the trade union movement,, and to see whether they
carry out the directives of, the Party.
5. To coordinate the activities of the fractions in
the various trade unions,
6. To exchange and popularize the experience of
the trade union fractions.
7. To lead the work in the field of organizing and
strengthening the fractions in all trade union or-
ganizations, City Central Bodies, State Federations
of Labor, etc.
8. To participate in the Work of the Fractions in
the preparation for trade union conferences, conven-
tions, etc.
9. To watch carefully the development of Party
forces in the trade union. Movement, as well as the
work of the non-party sympathetic leaders in the
trade union movements.
The head of the commission should be a mem-
ber of the respective Party committee-Section Com-
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mittee, District Committee, Central Committee. The
rest of the members should be elected by the Party
committee from among the most developed comrades
in the trade union field.
WHAT ARE THE TASKS OF THE AGIT-PROP
COMMISSION?
1. To organize discussion around and populariza-
tion of the resolutions of the Conventions and Com-
mittees.
2. To prepare material for the respective Party
committees for use in mass agitation (leaflets,
pamphlets, articles).
3. To help and guide the lower organizations in
editing and publishing shop and neighborhood
papers.
4. To help the lower organizations to organize sys-
tematic discussions on actual political problems, cam-
paigns, etc.
5. To help the lower organizations organize circu-
lating libraries.
6. To organize open forums, lectures, study circles,
workers' schools.
7. To organize training schools for functionaries
and study circles for members.
If, in the other specific phases of Party work, cer-
tain special situations necessitate other Commis-
sions, the Party committee takes steps to set them
up (Negro, Women Commissions, etc.).
The Party committees should assign one of its
members to handle the financial problems. Around
this comrade (Financial Secretary) a committee
should be organized, which will be a subcommittee of
the Org. Commission.
The Daily Worker and Literature, Committees
should also be set up as a subcommittee of the Agit-
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of the two main Commissions, the Org. and Agit-
Prop, there must be mutual representation estab-
lished. One member of the Org. Commission must
be a member of the Ag:jt-Prop and vice versa.
i..
WHAT IS THE RELATION BETWEEN THE C.P.
AND Y.C.L.?
The Young Communist League is a mass organiza-
tion of youth. The Communist Party is responsible
for building this very important mass organization.
The relation between the Party and the Y.C.L. is
guided by these principles: The Party Units bear
political responsibility for building the Y.C.L. In
order to carry out this responsibility, the following
organizational rules are observed by the Party:
1. Each Party Unit assigns one comrade for work
in the corresponding Y.C.L. Unit. This assigned
member is not a formal representative of the Party
to the Y.C.L., but a mature comrade who participates
in all activities of the Y.C.,L., helps it to formulate
policies and to carry out decisions.
In a Party Unit territory where there is no Y.C.L.
Unit, one or two comrades should be assigned to the
special task of building the Y.C.L. organization.
2. In order to coordinate the work between the
Party and the Y.C.L., the Party should select one
Y.C.L. member, preferably one who is a member also
of the Party, to attend regularly the meetings of the
Unit Bureau. It is understood that all Y.C.L. mem-
bers who are members of the Party attend Party
Unit membership meetings.
3. The same rules are observed on a Section scale.
The Section Committee has one of its members as-
signed to the Y.C.L. Section. One member of the
Y.C.L. Section Committee attends regularly the
meetings of the Section Party .Committee.
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Besides the basic organization of the Party, the
Factory Units, and the other forms of organization,
Street and Town Units, there is another instru-
ment in the hands of the Party through which we
can influence the broadest strata of organized work-
ers; that is, the Fraction.
The Fraction is an instrument in the hands of
the Party through which the Policy of the Party is
brought to the organized masses, and through which
the Party gives leadership to members of the mass
organizations. Fractions are built in all the trade
unions and other mass organizations of the workers.
In all unions and in cultural, fraternal, sport and
unemployed organizations of the workers or farm-
ers, in all united front organizations, in all con-
ventions and conferences of such organizations
where there are at least three Communists, a Com-
munist Fraction must be organized.
The Party Fraction in the shop committees, sport
clubs, etc., are under the jurisdiction of the cor-
responding Party organization: the Fraction in a
shop is under the jurisdiction of the Factory Unit.
The Fractions in organizations in a Unit territory
are under the jurisdiction of the Street or Town
Unit. The Fractions in organizations in a Section
territory are under the jurisdiction of the Section
Committee; a Fraction in an organization which
covers a territory belonging to more than one Sec-
tion is under the jurisdiction of the District. The
Fractions in national organizations are under the
jurisdiction of the Central Committee.
In all questions in which there is a decision of the
corresponding Party organization, the Fractions
must carry out these decisions. The policy for a
mass organization is made in the Party Committee,
but before the decisions are made on any basic ques-
tion concerning the mass organization, the Party
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Committee invites the representatives o t e given
Fraction to participate in the discussion. The Frac-
tion at this meeting has a consultative role. After
the discussion, the decision is made by the Party
committee. The Party Committee can decide that the
Fraction members express their opinion on the prob-
lem through consultative voting. The decisiaon, how-
ever, is made by the majority vote of the members
of the Party Committee.
Leading Fractions
The Leading Fraction of a Fraction in a given or-
ganization is composed of those Party members who
are elected by the members of this organization to
the leading committees. For example: An organiza-
tion with 300 members elects an executive committee
of fifteen. Among these fifteen, there are five Party
members. These five Party members compose the
Leading Fraction in the organization.
These Fractions are under the control of the cor-
responding Party committee to which they have to
report regularly. At the same time, this Leading
Fraction also has the duty' of reporting to the gen-
eral Fraction of the mass organization about their
activities. The candidates for election in a mass or-
ganization are selected by the general Fraction, but
must be approved by the corresponding Party com-
mittee before they are proposed to the general mem-
bership meeting of the organization. In all detailed
questions of the inner life and the daily work of the
union and other mass organizations, the Fraction
acts independently on the basis of the policy of the
Party.
The Party committee should check up on the daily
work of the Fraction. But this should be done in
such a way that it helps to develop ability to act in-
dependently. In cases of la basic controversy be-
tween the Party Fraction and the Party committee
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Fraction, a joint meeting of the Party committee and
representatives of the Fraction should be arranged
at which the question should be clarified and a de-
cision made by the Party committee. This decision
must be carried out unreservedly by the Party
Fraction.
On problems which will be decided by the general
membership meeting of the organization, the Frac-
tion of this organization must take a stand. Every
individual member of the Fraction must carry out
the decisions of the Fraction at the membership
meeting whether he agrees with it or not. At the
present period it is especially important to organize
the Fractions and make them work correctly in the
A. F. of L. unions.
The Units and the Party committees must take the
responsibility for this basic task of the Party. The
decisions that every Party member who is eligible
should belong to a union and function there as a
member of the organized Fraction must be carried
out in the shortest possible time. It must be em-
phasized that without good working Fractions, revo-
lutionary mass work is impossible.
HOW DOES THE FRACTION FUNCTION?
The Party Fraction in a union or a branch of an-
other mass organization meets regularly before the
meeting of this organization. At this meeting the
members of the Party Fraction discuss and decide
how to apply the policy of the Party in the organiza-
tion; how to introduce the Party campaigns; how to
recruit new Party members from the union; how to
get new readers for the Daily Worker; and what
things can be done to improve the conditions of the
members of the organization. On the various ques-
tions, the decisions are made by vote. The minority
must help to carry out the decisions. No Party mem-
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a right 08
er s a to spe or act in t e union or
other mass organization against the decisions of the
Fraction. The Party members must always act as a
solid unit in the union or lother mass organization.
Workers look upon the Party as a disciplined body.
If they should see that the Party members come to
a meeting with different opinions on certain ques-
tions they will lose confidence in the ability of our
Party to give them leadership. They will inevitably
raise the question: "How can the Party claim to be
a disciplined organizational leader of the masses if
they cannot unite their own members on certain
issues?"
If certain members of the Fraction do not agree
with the decision of the majority, they can bring the
problem to the Party committee and ask for a dis-
cussion, but this appeal cannot keep back the minor-
ity from carrying out the decision if the mass or-
ganization meeting,,, happens to take place before the
Party committee can act on this appeal.
What Is the Function of, the Fraction Secretary
The members of a Fraction elect one comrade as
Secretary. His work is as follows :
1. He maintains connections between the Party
committee and Fraction.
2. He is personally responsible to the Party com-
mittee for the proper functioning of the Fraction.
8. He checks up and sees to it that the Party mem-
bers function in the Fraction.
4. He watches the behavior of the Party members
in the mass organization.
5. He sees to it that -the campaigns are brought
into the mass organization (election campaign, May
First, anti-fascism, anti-war, recruiting, Daily
Worker, etc.).
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IV. Party Membership and Cadres
C ONTINUOUS daily recruiting is the basic task
of every Unit and each individual member of the
Party. In the daily struggles of the workers in the
factories and the neighborhood, the Unit must con-
scientiously develop its recruiting activities, getting
into the Party the best fighters in these struggles.
Emphasis in the daily recruiting must always be
placed on the basic proletarian elements, especially
those from the big factories. Special efforts must
be made to get the native-born workers and Negroes
into the Party. The necessity of recruiting women
workers must also be emphasized because of the
strategic position the women workers have in many
industries. Besides this we shall never lose sight
of the fact that during war the Communist women
will play an important role in organizing and lead-
ing the workers in their revolutionary struggles.
The best method of getting new members into the
Party is to place individual responsibility for re-
cruiting on the Unit members. Each individual
Party member has friends in the factory where he
works, in the union of which he is a member, in
the neighborhood where he lives. Each individual
Party member has the Communist duty of con-
vincing these friends of his of the correctness of
the program of the C.I. and of the Communist
Party, and in this way, recruiting them into the
Party. It is understood that the individual Party
members must pay special attention to those work-
ers who prove to be fearless fighters on the picket
line, in the unemployed struggles. The necessity
for individual responsibility of each Party member
103
the shop or from the territory of the Unit, his appli-
cation should be acted upon by the Unit to which
the endorser belongs. The member who brings the
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helping and guiding them after they join the Party
cannot be over-emphasized.
While we have to bring 'into the Party tens of
thousands of workers in order to build a real mass
{
application for acceptance to his Unit takes full
responsibility for the new member.
The same procedure should be followed in cases
where the new members are recruited by the frac-
tions or members of fractions in unions or other
mass organizations. The ndividual Party member
who recruits the new member brings the applica-
tion card to his own Unit. The Unit acts on the
application, holding the endorser responsible for the
new Party member.
q
WHERE SHALL THE NEW MEMBER BE ASSIGNED?
1. To the Shop Unit in his place of work.
2. If there is no Shop Unit where he works, he
should be assigned to the Street Unit where he lives.
If the new member wishes,, he may be assigned to
the Street Unit of the comrade who recruited him,
MEMBERSHi P DUES
According to the Constitution of our Party, the
individual Party members pay their dues weekly on
the following basis:
1. Members receiving weekly wages of $15 or less
(including housewives) pay 10 cents dues weekly.
2. Members receiving weekly wages of over $15
and up to $25 pay 25 cents dues weekly.
3. M mbers receiving over $25 and up to $30 pay
50 cents dues weekly.
4. Members receiving over $30 and up to $40 pay
75 cents dues weekly.
5. Members receiving over $40 and up to $50 pay
$1.00 dues weekly.
6. Members receiving over $50 per week pay, in
addition to their regular 1.00 weekly dues, addi-
tional dues (special tax) at the rate of 50 cents for
each $5.00 (or fraction) of their weekly earnings
above $50.
7. Members who are unemployed pay two cents
dues weekly.
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ion o ues
Dues paid by the individual .members are divided
among the Party organizations in the following pro-
.portion: the Unit retains 40 per cent of the amount
collected from every individual member; 15 per cent
goes to the Section; 15 per cent to the District and
30 per cent to the Center, of which amount one-third
is for the special national trade-union fund. For
example, the unit pays 60 cents to the Section for a
$1.00 dues stamp; the Section pays 45 cents to the
District; and the District pays 30 cents to the Center,
out of which 10 cents goes for the national trade-
union fund.
As we see from the division of dues payments, the
largest proportion remains in the Unit-40 per cent.
The Eighth National Convention of our Party made
this decision in order to enable the Party Units to
intensify their agitation and propaganda among
the masses. This amount was intended to be used
for producing more leaflets, shop papers, neighbor-
hood papers, etc. All tendencies to use this money
for other purposes should be fought by the Party
Units.
Special Assessments
No Unit, Section or District has the right to assess
the membership without the permission of the Cen-
tral Committee. Special assessment may be levied
by the National Convention or the C.C. of the Com-
munist Party. If such a decision is made by any
of these bodies, no member shall be considered in
good standing unless he has such special assessment
stamps in his book.
Members who are four weeks in arrears in pay-
ment of dues cease to be members in good standing
of the Party. Members who are thre months in
arrears shall be dropped from the rolls after all
possible means to avoid this are exhausted. No mem-
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ber of the Party shall pay dues in advance for a
period of more than six weeks. Exceptions can be
made for such comrades who secure a leave of ab-
sence from the Party for a longer period.
TRANFERS
If a member of the Party moves from one place
to another, he must secure a transfer from the Party
organization before he moves. No Party member has
the right to leave his Unit without permission. The
Units must not accept any' member without a trans-
fer. A transfer card :muist be secured from the
Section Committee in order to transfer from one
Unit to another in the same Section; from one
Section to another in the same District, the transfer
is issued by the District Committee; from one
District to another, the Central Committee issues
the transfer; from the Communist Party. of the
U.S.A. to a Communist Party in another country,
the Central Committee issues the transfer.
LEAVES OFI ABSENCE
The members of the )?arrty can secure permission
for a leave of absence in case of sickness or necessity
for travel from the Party Unit or committees. If
a member leaves the Party, Unit without permission,
his case will be handled in a disciplinary way.
FORCES.-CADRES
One of the main conditions for developing the
initiative of the Units is, the systematic development
of forces, cadres, leadership. We must realize that
without good leadership in the Units and Sections
the Party cannot function properly. We must have
in each Unit of our Party a core of comrades who
are politically developed, capable of making, quickly
and boldly, responsible decisions in the most intricate
situations-comrades who are experienced, steeled,
stable, who will not be weakened under any circum-
stances, who will follow the line of the Party.
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in militant actions of the masses. These militant,
courageous members are our future leading forces.
We must help them, encourage them, school them
in action, teach them in training schools, persuade
them to study and read fundamental Marxist-Lenin-
ist classics. We need thousands upon thousands of
such forces, in order to be able to give leadership to
the Leftward moving masses.
There are other important problems to be con-
sidered in connection with the question of forces:
First, the development and proper utilization
of the old and new forces. We have spoken already
about the necessity of developing forces, about build-
ing up a mighty force of new cadres. This .is done
in our Party by the following methods:
1. Conferences of functionaries, where discussions
about basic problems help to develop our cadres;
2. Regular meetings of Unit and Section function-
aries, where the decisions of the Party committees
are clarified through discussion; 3. Workers' schools;
4. Section schools; 5. District schools; 6. National
schools; 7. Study circles composed of promising com-
rades; 8. Individual study with the help of a more
developed comrade.
It should be emphasized that in discussing the
question of training forces, we have in mind not
only the new forces, but also the old forces who need
further training, and in some cases re-education.
The Party, in selecting the members for further
training, examines the comrade for the qualifica-
tions needed for leadership-not only reliability,
loyalty, capacity for development, but also whether
he is a mass worker, or capable of being one. Our
Party emphasizes the need of American, proletarian
elements, the need of Negroes and women in the
leadership.
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The Party leadership must know its forces, must
'be able to assign each one to the place where he is
most suitable and most needed.
Comrade Lenin, dealing with the problem of the
proper utilization of forces, gives a splendid ex-
ample. To enable the Party leadership,
" .. not only to advise (as this has been done
until now), but really conduct the orchestra, one
must know exactly who is playing first or second
fiddle, and where, what instrument he was taught,
where and how, where and why he plays out of
tune (when the music begins to be trying to the
ear), and, what changes should be made in the
orchestra so as to remedy the dissonance...."
The ? systematic control of the carrying out of
decisions and the proper application of Bolshevik
self-criticism, will help the Units and Sections to
discover who is occupying aposition which suits him,
and who is in the wrong place, or who has no
business to have any responsible position in the
Party. We must know our forces. We must know
who we can rely on, who can and who cannot, who
will and who will not carry out decisions.
The second problem is the continuous control of
the existing forces. We are conducting today, and
will lead on a much larger scale tomorrow, mighty
battles. In these struggles 1 we are in the forefront.
The fighting masses follow us, because they have
confidence in the Party, because the Communists
are brave, self-sacrificing. But if the workers see
that one of the Communist leaders is a coward, or
unable to lead them, this will have serious conse-
quences. We cannot have in our leadership mem-
bers who cannot stand up before the class enemy,
who get panicky, who lose their heads in a serious
situation. We must know whom we can trust under
any circumstances;, who will be shaken.
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can Commission, said :
"The struggle for the winning of the millions of
the working masses to the side of Communism
must be intensified. The fight must be intensified
for the forging of real revolutionary Party cadres
and for the selection of real revolutionary leaders
of the Party, of individuals capable of entering
the fight and bringing the proletariat with them,
individuals who will not run before the face of
storm and will not fall into panic, but will sail
into the face of the storm. But in order to carry
out this task, it is necessary at once, without the
loss of a single moment, for time does not wait,
to set about cleaning the Communist Parties of
Right and conciliatory elements, who objectively
represent the agency of Social-Democracy within
the ranks of the Communist Party. And we must
set about this matter, not at the usual pace, but
at an accelerated pace, for, I repeat, times does
not, wait, and we must not allow events to catch
us unawares." Stalin's Speeches on the American
Communist Party, p. 34.)
What Kind of Forces Do We Need Most Now?
We need proletarian forces who grow up from
the masses, who are popular leaders of their fellow
workers in a shop, union, block, town, or farm com-
munity, forces who are in close contact with the
masses and reflect the feelings of the proletariat,
who can best bring into life the correct fighting
slogans of the Party. We need forces, first of all,
from the native-born workers, from among the
Negro proletariat, from among the women workers.
The basic forces of the Party should come from the
big factories. These members should be drawn into
leadership, preparing them in the process of Party
work for the actual carrying out of Party tasks,
training them politically also. One of the main
conditions of becoming a real mass Party, leading
111
assignment of the tasks to tine inaiviuuai memuerb.
While the organizer is responsible for checking
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tariat, is that the Party basically be made up of
native American workers, and that its cadres consist
of native American revolutionists.
whether the assigned comrades carry out their tasks,
at the same time each m,zinber of the Committee and
Unit must feel the responsibility and must fight for
the carrying out of the decisions.
In order to make it possible to divide the re-
sponsibility among; the members of the Party Com-
mittees, the individual members of the Committee
are assigned to be responsible for the various phases
of the work of the. Committee. Besides the organizer
of a Section or District who is actually the political
leader of the organization, we assign members of the
Committee to be responsible for organizational work,
agitational and propaganda work, trade union work,
work among Negroes, work among women, work
among youth, Daily Worker distribution, literature
distribution, finances, etc. These comrades assigned
to the various phases of the work are helped by a
number of developed comrades who form a commis-
sion around them.
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V. Rules and Methods for Disciplinary Cases
PARTY discipline would remain an empty phrase
if the Party constitution did not provide for
necessary measures against those who break it.
Breaches of Party discipline by individual members,
such as financial irregularities, conduct or action
harmful to the prestige and influence of the Party
among the masses, failure to carry out decisions es-
pecially during strikes, etc., may be punished by (1)
censure; (2) public censure; (3) removal from com-
mittees; (4) removal from all responsible work;
(5) expulsion from the Party.
There is no such disciplinary measure in our Party
as suspension or probation. For example, if a mem-
ber commits an offense against the Party for which
removal from his responsible post is not sufficient
punishment, but where there is reason to believe he
can be corrected, the Party can decide that he is to
be expelled from the Party with the right to apply
for membership in a certain period of time (six
months-one year). The person is not, considered a
Party member during the period of his expulsion. In
order to be able to judge his attitude at the end of
the period, the Party, in deciding on his expulsion,
also decides on the work to which he is to be as-
signed to test his ability and willingness to follow
the line and instructions of the Party. If the ex-
pelled member proves to be sincere, honest and revo-
lutionary and corrects the faults for which he was
expelled, the Party will consider his application for
membership at the end of the disciplinary period-
and in some special cases before.
Who Has the Right to Prefer Charges?
Charges against individual members may be made
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y, or in any ar y
committee by any individual Party member, or any
Unit or Party committee.
Charges made by one member against another, as
a rule, should be made in writing, but the Party unit
or any Party Committee may take up a case for in-
vestigation, even without definite charges. A mem-
ber must submit to examination by any Party body
even when no definite charges are communicated to
him. Loose spreading of charges or rumors from
one member to another is not permitted in our Party.
All charges and suspicions must be taken up only
with the Party unit or the proper Party Committee,
and are to be acted upon promptly. Those ques-
tioned in the course of they investigation or hearing
should be warned against loose talking about the
case outside.
Who Has the Right to Make Decisions on Charges?
Decisions on charges may be made by any of the
following organizations: Unit membership meeting,
Section Bureau or Section Committee, District Bu-
reau or District Committee, Political Bureau of the
Central Committee, or Central Committee. These
Party bodies have the right to decide on any of the
disciplinary measures to be taken against Party
members.
Street or shop units of the Party have the right to
take disciplinary action up to and including expul-
sion against any of their members, not exempting
members or functionaries who are members of higher
committees. i
A Section Committee had the right to act against
any member in its section. At the same time it may
refer the case to the unit to which the accused
member belongs.
A District Committee hats the right to act against
any member in its district, or it may refer the
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necessary to do so.
The Central Committee of the Party has the right
to take disciplinary action against any member of
the Party, or to refer the case to the district, section
or unit to which the accused member belongs.
Expulsion decisions of the units require the ap-
proval of the respective Section Committee, and
must be approved also by the District Bureau or
District Committee. No expulsion or readmission of
previously expelled members can take effect without
the approval or direct decision of the respective
District Bureau or District Committee. An expulsion
decision passed by the District Committee is final,
except in cases of District Committee members
themselves, and in cases of appeals to the Central
Committee when the final decision rests with the
Central Committee.
Expulsion decisions of units and of Section Com-
mittees must be promptly reported to the district
for approval, together with materials of the inves-
tigation and findings. The member against whom the
expulsion decision has been made should be imme-
diately notified and disconnected from unit and frac-
tion. It should be definitely understood however that
the final action on the expulsion, which must be
obtained quickly, rests with the District.
Hearings and Appeals
Every accused member has the right to a hearing
before any disciplinary action can be taken against
him. The main thing in the examination is to es-
tablish the essential facts in each case and to give
an opportunity to the accused member to present his
side with his witnesses and documents.
Every member against whom any disciplinary
action has been taken has the right to appeal to a
higher Party committee. The appeal, however, does
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The decision has to be carried out and remains in
force until the,appeal, is acted upon by the higher
committee.
It must be emphasized that judgment of the
seriousness of violations of, Party discipline must be
based on the question of fulfilling and carrying out
the basic political. and organizational directives of
the Party Unit or the higher Party committees.
Action taken against an individual member, or Party
committee, must never be mechanical. The action
must be explained to the Party membership and also
to the masses if the issues involved are so serious
that it is necessary to destroy any confidence non-
Party workers may have had in the expelled member
and to make the reasons for the Party action clear.
What Is the Disciplinary Committee in the Districts?
A. subcommittee of the District Committee has the
task of gathering ;material on the disciplinary cases
for the District Committee., 'The Disciplinary Com-
mittee receiving the charges from the District Bu-
reau against a member conducts the investigation on
the case, calls witnesses and examines the member
who is up on charges. After proper examination,
the Disciplinary Committee formulates its recom-
mendation on the case and presents it to the District
Committee or Bureau and this body makes the de-
cision. The Disciplinary Committee has no right to
make a decision. The members of the Disciplinary
Committee are appointed by the District Committee.
Is There Any Disciplinary Committee in the Section
or Unit?
No. Disciplinary cases are handled by the Section
Committee proper or the Section Bureau or the Unit
membership. The Unit or Section Committee, how-
ever, can appoint a small committee to investigate a
given case and report to the body. But this commit-
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the committee is dissolved.
HOW SHALL WE SAFEGUARD THE. PARTY ORGAN-
IZATION AGAINST STOOL-PIGEONS AND SPIES?
The working class is constantly at war with its
enemy, the capitalist class. In this war (class strug-
gle), as in any other war, the capitalist class
has one main objective-to defeat its enemy, the
working class. In order to achieve this aim, the capi-
talists use all possible methods to disorganize, de-
moralize and divide the ranks of the proletariat. One
of the most effective weapons in the hands of the
enemy is the agent-provocateur, the stool-pigeon, the
spy in the ranks of the working class, and especially
in the ranks of the vanguard of the proletariat-the
Communist Party.
The activities of these human rats can be listed as
follows :
1. Agents-provocateurs are planted in the Party
either by the police department, Department of
Justice, "patriotic" organizations, or counter-revo-
lutionary Trotskyites, with the aim of disrupting the
work of the Party organizations. The methods they
use are:
(a) Creating sentiment against the leadership of
the Party;
(b) Systematic destructive criticism against the
line of the Party;
(c) Provocative proposals for certain actions,
which, if adopted, would lessen the confidence of the
masses in the ability of the Communist Party to
lead them, because of the unnecessary sacrifice as a
result of such provocative action;
(d) The spreading of rumors about individual
leaders of the Party, concerning their political in-
tegrity or personal life;
(e) Creating an atmosphere of spy mania in the
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ad6n~A001~600070001-4
about certain individuals being spies;
(f) Accepting important assignments at strategic
points and certain activity and then sabotaging the
carrying out of the assignment, in this way disrupt-
ing the action of the Party organization.
The most effective weapon in the hands of the
Communist Party against these agents-provocateurs
is the carrying out of the general line of the Party,
the uncompromising fight against any one who at-
tempts to deviate from this line, Bolshevik self-
criticism and correction} of mistakes and shortcom?.
ings in the work of the, Party organization or indi.-
viduals in the process of, applying or carrying out the
general line of the Party. In a Party organization
where these principles are strictly adhered to,
agents-provocateur will,, be exposed very quickly.
2. The second type of class enemy in the ranks of
the Party and in other Workers' organizations is the
stool pigeon. They have the task of gathering infor-
mation about the Party and the individual members.
They work diligently, attend every meeting, and take
responsible assignments, in the organization. They
strive to be promoted to, higher positions in order to
get more important information to the Police De-
partment, or to their bosses. They are very inquisi-
tive about individuals, their names and addresses;
they always like to get some inside "dope" from and
about higher committees, They are present in every
possible place they can get into. They try to get
hold of documents and keep them for a day or so.
They try to find ways and means of getting to other
Party organizations and, Fractions than their own.
Against both types of rats, the best safeguard is
the proper selection of new members. While we do
not create difficulties for workers to join the Com-
munist Party, we have to, be careful in accepting new
members, especially those who have had no previous
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connections with any workers' organizations or with
individual members of the Party, or whose previous
record is hard to obtain. In order to counteract the
activities of the stool pigeon, we have to keep before
our eyes, always, the following general rules :
1. Do not tell any member anything about Party
members which does not concern that member.
2. Do not discuss any Party question outside of
the meeting of the Party organization (Unit, mem-
bership, Unit Bureau, Section Committee, Fraction).
Stop discussing inner Party questions on the street
corners or cafeterias, where anyone can-listen in. Do
not broadcast inner Party decisions to long-eared
stool pigeons who are waiting for the information.
3. Avoid, as much as possible, keeping membership
lists with names and addresses, and if you have such
lists, do not keep them in your home, or in the head-
quarters of the Party Unit or Section, or in your
pocket.
4. Documents which are not for publication should
be read only by those Party members to whom they
are addressed, and should be destroyed immediately
after reading. Documents which need study must be
carefully safeguarded. Every member who has such
a document must return it after reading it to the
Party committee, which destroys it immediately.
HOW SHALL WE EXPOSE THE STOOL PIGEON?
There is a tendency among some comrades to hide
from the masses the fact that a stool pigeon has
been discovered in the organization. In certain
places, the comrades develop the theory that if we
expose the stool pigeons the workers will be afraid
to join the Party because there are spies in the or-
ganization. 'This conception is entirely incorrect.
The mass exposure of a stool pigeon will greatly in-
crease the confidence of the masses in the Party,
since it proves the Party is able to find out who the
class enemies are in its ranks.
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stool pigeons--and that is mass exposure, creating
and organizing mass hatred against these rats. Ex-
periences of the Communist Parties prove that such
mass exposures not only do not scare away workers,
but have resulted in hundreds of new recruits to the
Party. I
The following methods have been used very effec-
tively in many places and can serve as a model for
1. Photograph the spy, and print his picture in
the Daily Worker and in leaflets and stickers. Spread
this material in the place where the spy was oper-
ating.
2. Organize systematic agitation among the work-
ers where the spy was discovered.
3. Mobilize the children and women in the block in,
the part of town where the stool pigeon lives to make
his life miserable; let them picket the store where
his wife purchases groceries and other necessities;
let the children in the street shout after him or after
any member of his family that they are spies, rats,
stool pigeons.
4. Chalk his home with the slogan: "So-and-So
who lives here is a spy." Let the children boycott his
children or child; organize the children not to talk
to his children, etc.
Such forms of agitation will gather around the
issue hundreds of workers. who were outside of the
influence of the Party before, and who will now
come with us on some action. At the same time, we
will expose and get rid of the spy, not through indi-
vidual action, but through real mass mobilization.
FOR THE BOLSHEVIZATION OF THE PARTY
exposing spies:
"What is meant by .Bolshevizing the Party?
"It means to master all the lessons taught us by
y, the most successful
that first Communist 'F'
1
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successfully building Socialism under the leader-
ship of Stalin. It means to become the Party of the
masses; to be a Party with its strongest roots
ii among the decisive workers in the basic indus-
tries; it means to be a Party whose stronghold is
in the shops, mines and factories, and especially in
the biggest and most important ones; it means to
be a Party that leads and organizes the struggles
of all the oppressed peoples, brings them into firm
alliance with the working class; it means to be a
Party that answers every question of the struggle;
that can solve every problem; it means to be a
Party that never shrinks from difficulties, that
never turns aside to find the easiest way; that
learns how to overcome all deviations in its own
ranks-fight on two fronts; it means to become a
Party that knows how to take difficulties and dan-
gers and transform them into advantages and
victories." (Earl Browder: Report to the Eighth
Convention of the Communist Party, U.S.A., pp.
78-79.)
Millions of American workers are going through
the school of the class struggle. Masses of impover-
ished farmers have begun to learn through their own
experiences the real role of the capitalist parties.
Millions of them are searching for the way out of
their misery and poverty. Fascist demagogues,
small and big, grow like mushrooms after a rain.
These fascist demagogues, following the road of Hit-
ler and Mussolini, try to capitalize on the dissatisfac-
tion of the masses. Huey Long, Coughlin, Johnson,
and Co. are subtly spreading the gospel of fascism
among the masses. They will "share the wealth"
without, hurting capitalism. They preach righteous-
ness, justice for the poor, while protecting the
private property of the big bourgeoisie.
The toiling masses in the United States are
looking for leadership. The Communist Party, which
is equipped to give leadership to these masses, must
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expose the demagogy, the ""radical" phrases of the
fascist leaders and the hypocritical promises of the
capitalist government. The Communist Party, in
order to be able to give this leadership, must be en-
trenched among the workers and poor farmers. We
must build and strengthen our Units in the fac-
tories. We must build and' strengthen our Units in
the neighborhoods, in the small towns, etc. We must
spread our Party organizations all over the country.
We must build and strengthen the Fractions in the
A. F. of L. unions and other mass organizations of
the workers.
Every Communist must become a leader of the
workers. Every Communist must know that the
-Party has a historical mission to fulfill, that it has
the mission of liberating ' the oppressed exploited
masses from the yoke of capitalism, that it has the
mission of organizing and leading the masses for the
revolutionary overthrow of capitalism, and for the
establishment of the new world, a Soviet America.
124
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Agenda for unit meeting, 70
Agent-provocateur, 119
Agit-Prop Commission, 94,
97, 98, 114
Agit-Prop Director of Secs
tion, 90; of Unit, 83
Allies of the proletariat, 14
Assessments, 107
Assigning new members, 106
Basic industries, 4-7
Bolshevization of the Par-
ty, 122
Bureaucracy, 113
Cadres, 83, 95, 108
Central Committee, 24, 39,
41, 99, 116
Check-up and control, 59,
73, 78, 83, 94, 96, 110
Circulating libraries, 97
Classes, 95
Collective leadership, 113
Commissions, 93, 114; Agit-
Prop, 94, 97, 98, 114-5
Agrarian, 94; Negro, 94,
97, 114; Organizational,
93, 94, 97, 98, 114;
Trade Union, 90, 94, 95,
1145 Women's, 94, 97, 1 14
Communist, The, 81
Composition of the Party,
17, 36, 45, 46, 103, 109,
111
Concentration, 36, 49, 66
Conferences, 40
Co-option to committees, 25
Criticism, freedom of, 26
Daily Worker, 49, 57, 65,.
71, 74, 78, 90, 97, 101,
114
Daily Worker Agent of
Unit, 84
Delegates' Conference
Factory Unit, 52, 53
Democracy, inner, 26
Democratic centralism, 23,
92
Dictatorship of the prole-
tariat, 12
Disciplinary action, 115
Disciplinary Committee in
District, 118
Discipline, 23, 27, 105, 115
Discussions, 26, 70, 83, 89,
97, 109
Districts, 24, 39
District Bureau, 42, 116
District Committee, 24, 38,
39, 41, 99, 113, 116
District Convention, 39, 55
Dues, 59, 72, 73, 106
Communist International, 23,
24, 42 Eighth Convention of the
Communist International, Communist Party of the
The, 81 U.S.A., 18, 107, 123
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74.
Executive Committee of the
Communist International,
39, 42
Factionalism, 3 3
Factory Unit (see Unit,
Shop)
Farmers, work among, 14,
37, 94
Fifteenth Congress of the
Communist Party of the
Soviet Union, 32
Finances, 59, 84
Financial Secretary, 72, 84,
90, 97, 114
Fluctuation in membership,
95
Foundations of Leninism,
12
Fractions, 37, 47, 53, 67,
90, 95, 96, 99, 105, 106;
leading, 10 0
Fraction secretary, 102
Group system, 73
Individual responsibility,
113
Initiative of Party organ-
izations, 24, 90
International solidarity, 16,
Membership Director
Section, 90, 114
Membership requirements,
104
National convention, 24, 39,
55
Negroes, work among, 15,
37, 58, 59, 67, 94, 97,
103, 114
Neighborhood paper, 80,
83, 97, 107
Nucleus (see Unit)
Open forums, 83, 97
Open Letter to All Mem-
bers of the Communist
Party, 14, 15, 18, 47, 87,
88
Organizational Commission,
93, 94, 97, 98, 114
Organizational instructors,
95
Organizational Secretary of
Section, 90, 114
Organizer, District, 39, 114;
Section, 38, 89, 114i
Unit, 52, 82
Leaflets, 57, 65, 97, 107
Leaves of absence, 1.08
"Le f t-Wing" Communism :
An Infantile Disorder, 9
Literature, 59, 71, 74, 80,
90, 97, 1 14
"Party Life" Column. in
Daily Worker, 94, 95
Parry Organizer, 81, 94, 95
Petty-bourgeoisie, work
among, 17
Plenums of the Executive
Committee of the Com-
munist International, 43
Policy, formulation of, 55
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Professional revolutionists, 67
112
Proletarian democracy, 12
Recruiting, 59, 95, 101, 103
Representation to conven-
tions, 39
Revolution, conditions for, 9
Schools, 83, 97, 109
Sections, 3 8
Section Bureau, 42, 116
Section Committee, 24, 39,
41, 53, 60, 88, 90, 98,
99, 113, 116
Section Convention, 38, 55
Self-criticism, 30, 110, 120
Shop papers, 57, 59, 74, 83,
97, 107
Stalin's Speeches on the
American Communist
Party, 3 5, 1 1 1
State and Revolution, 13
Stool-pigeons and spies, 59,
119
Structure of the
Party and the
International,
(chart)
Study circles, 97, 109
Sympathizers, 59, 74
Transfers, 108
Trade Union Commission,
90, 94, 95, 114
Unit Bureau, 23, 38, 41, 52,
67, 69, 72, 73, 76, 82,
89, 98, 113
Unit leadership, 87; fluc-
tuation in, 88
Unit meeting, 69, 72, 73,
Concentration Unit, 60,
66
Department Unit, 51, 52
Farm Unit, 68, 90
Shift Unit, 51, 52
Shop Unit, 38, 44, 65, 90,
99, 105, 116; political
tasks of, 55; organ-
izational tasks of, 595
organizational for in s
of, 51
Street Unit, 38, 48, 49,
62, 90, 99, 105, 116;
political tasks of, 63 ;
organizational tasks of,
67
Town Unit, 38, 63, 67,
90, 99
Units, 3 7
116
United
front, 18, 46, 67
Women, work among, 59,
94, 97, 103, 114
World Congress of the Com-
munist International, 42
Young Communist League,
59, 98
Communist
Communist
44; 64
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