STAT
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November 4, 9 CO
Mr. Pierre Saki e
,Czx--L-~
Press Assistant to Senator Kennedy
Room 362, Senate Office Building
Washington 25, D. C.
Dear Mr. Salinger:
Mr. Dulles has asked that I forward to you for Senator
Kennedy the sixth in the series of our memoranda covering
world comment on the Republican and Democratic national
tickets.
Sincerely,
xecu ve 2ce
EO /DCI/C
Distribution:
Orig - Addressee w/att
1 cc - JSE __, _ f
Attachment I I "World Comment on
Republican and Democratic National Tickets"
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STAT
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STAT
SPECIAL MEMORANDUM
NO. 6 -- 3 NOVEMBER 1960
STAT
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USSR
EAST GERMANY
23
POLAND
CZECHOSLOVAKIA
BULGARIA
27
YUGOSLAVIA
COMMUNIST CHINA
31 ,
36
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U S S R
CANDIDATES PIEDGE WAR BOOM PROSPERITY
Moscow, Soviet European Service in Rumanian, Oct. 21, 1960, 0800 GAT--L
(Excerpts) If we were to believe the propagandists of the cold war,
explosives produce our daily breed. This is the meaning of the sermon,
advocating war preparations, which have acquired terrific proportions
in the last few weeks within the framework of the U.S. presidential
election campaign.
The politicians who want to grab power vie with each other regarding
their policy of guns and butter. Both Kennedy and Nixon, as well as
the other candidates for high posts, noisily boast: "If you brim, me
to power and give me as many dollars as possible for military expsnditLz.e,
the country will know unprecedented prosperity."
Life shows that bellicose ideas are incompatible with the people'*
prosperity. It is interesting to know in this respect the real deta
concerning the economic position of the United States. According to
the latest calculations of Federal Reserve Board statisticians, it appears
that U.S. production is on the decline.
Those now studying U.S. economic life no longer speak of a less active
economic life, but clearly note the existence of a depression; th:s is
what the WALL STREET JOURNAL, the organ of U.S. business circles, say:3.
BUSINESS WEEK writes: Business is slackening and the future is doubtful.
NEWSWEEK notes that the U.S. economy faces another ordeal.
It is clear what this will mean for the simple people in the Unito:d
States. This is why the ordinary American people anxiously watch the
aggravation of the economic situation. Even at a time of bright
economic conditions brought about by military orders, the American
working people's life is not as prosperous as advertised by the paste,-
of official propaganda. Even Kennedy, the Democratic candidate f=
presidential post, had to admit that 32 million people in America live
in dire misery. In fact the number is higher, but Kennedy referred
only to those families whose yearly income does not exceed 2,600 iollars.
Even according to official data., there are nearly 4 million unempLoyed
and about 13 million partly unemployed--more than last year. It is
sheer mockery of these unfortunate people when U.S. propaganda boasts
that an economy based on the cold war creates advantages which in fact
do not exist.
Militarization and the curse of an oligarchical class which gets
rich as a result of military orders have plunged America into the
maze of growing economic difficulties and insoluble problems. It is
therefore true that guns will never produce butter.
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DEBATE EVOKCS SPI lT OF FOSTER DULIES
Moscow, Soviet European Service in Serbo-Croat, Oct. 22, 1960,
1500 GMT--L
(Text) Tate Friday evening, the fourth round of the television duel
between the candidates for president of the United States was held.
Dick and John have shown themselves at their best, according to ar AP
summary of the duel.
How did the duel go? The first blow was struck by Dick. He accused
his competitor of not understanding U.S. policy toward Cuba. "The
United States," said Nixon, "is trying in every way to overthrow t1e
Cuban Government. It is carrying out an economic blockade of this
country, has severed diplomatic relations, and is ready to take other
steps." It is unfortunate that the honorable Mr. Kennedy does not
understand all that.
John hit back: "I do not agree with Mr. Nixon," he said. "I have
quite a different point of view. The overthrow of Fidel Castro's
government is a half measure. I propose--and I consider it the only
correct way--not to overthrow the Cuban Government, but to destroy
it by force of arms. We have to send our boys there to establish the
sort of order we would like."
How good it is that there is a genuine democracy in the United States,
and such freedom of thought.' Look, good people, what a rich choice
the Americans have. They can vote for the candidate who proposes to
overthrow the Cuban Government by economic aggression or diplomativ
blackmail, or if they do not approve of this, they can vote for the
other candidate, who has a diametrically contrary plan--a plan for
military intervention against the Cuban people.
"I am right," stated Richard Nixon pleadingly, defending his high
ideals of economic banditry warmly. "No, I am right," repeated his
competitor convincingly, inviting support for his humane program of
military banditry. AP does not report the third participant at this
debate, the shadow of the father of contemporary American policy, John
Foster Dulles. Dulles' ideas resounded in Nixon's and Kennedy's speeches.
The late secretary of state never stopped at half measures. He resortej
to economic blockade, economic blackmail, and military intervention.
Remember the example of Guatemala. That is why Dulles' shadow nodaed
its head when Nixon spoke and when Kennedy submitted his views. When
the debate ended, both competitors, as if they had heard this approval,
shook hands.
In fact, why get excited? Washington is waging an economic war against
Cuba. It is putting unprecedented pressure on the Cuban Government.
All this is supplemented by preparations for armed intervention. That
is a clear Foster Dulles policy. If one asks who is right, the answer
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must be that the people of heroic Cuba, fighting against the U.S.
policy of economic banditry and military banditry, are right. Gua,;e-
male will not be repeated, Mr. Nixon and Mr. Kennedy: The people of
Cuba will inevitably win.
RCCIMFELLER FEARS QUEP40Y 'GIVEAWAY'
Tashkent, in English to India and Pakistan, Oct. 22, 1960, 3.200 GM"'--B
(Summary) It has long been known that Nelson Rockefeller, the
multimillionaire governor of New York, is engaged in the petroleum
business, but it never occurred to anyone to suggest publicly that
he might be interested in the sale of foreign real estate. Now
Rockefeller himself has decided to fill this gap. Here is the story.
The American political campaign recently produced a small scandal
when Democratic presidential candidate Kennedy and Republican Governor
Rockefeller disagreed on U.S. policy in the Far East. The stumbling
block was the Chinese islands of Quemoy and Matsu, small pieces of land
several miles off the coast of mainland China.
The Chiang Kai-shek clique entrenched on Taiwan has been holding these
islands with the support of U.S. guns and dollars, although this i:=
militarily senseless. it suddenly -occurred to Senator Kennedy t1 t
these islands would eventually have to be returned to their only lawful
owner, the Chinese People's Republic.
Rockefeller was indignant: "What? Return the islands--gratis?" The
businessman in him could not tolerate the idea. He argued that "Kcnneen,-
does not understand the Chinese communists," while he, Rockefeller,
does. One has to bring pressure on them, at least to the extent of
getting them to free the American spies they are holding behind barn.
This sort of proposition--giving back to the Chinese people their c'wn
islands and at the same time doing a little business on the side--is
what the Americans calla "deal." Mr. Rockefeller forgot, however,
that selling other people's property, and stolen property at that, is
the most elementary crime in the code of any country, including hic own.
NIXON ODER-NEISSE STATEMENT REF=
Moscow, TA SS, Radioteletype in Russian to Europe, Oct, 22, 1960,
1844 GMT--L
(Text) New York--In a bid for the votes of Americans of Polish origin,
Vice President Nixon made a statement in which he promised that if he
was elected president, he would consider the present western border of
Poland on the Oder-Neisse final. Nixon said with justification the t
the Western powers "must take into consideration the determination of
the poles to defend their western frontier from Germany," as "all
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Poles, both in Poland and abroad, are united in their determination
to defend this western frontier."
However, AP soon transmitted a statement of the State Department from
Washington, which completely refuted the position of Vice President
Nixon. Quoting a representative of the State Department, Reap, AF
indicates that "the United States does not consider the border between
Germany and Poland final."
In the words of Reap, the United States is of the opinion that the
region between the former and the new frontiers is not Polish territory,
but territory administered by Poland. In the opinion of the Unite1
States, the question of its ownership must be decided by a peace treaty.
This confirms the hostile position the present U.S. Government, an3,
as is known, Nixon is a member of this government.
PRAVDA ' QUOTES KENNEDY PRESTIGE MARKS
Moscow, Soviet Home Service, Oct. 24, 1960, 0900 GIP--L
(Text) Under the headline "The United States No Longer Possesses the
Initiative in World Affairs," PRAVDA today carries the speech of Kenna:,-,
U.S. presidential candidate, and the speech of one of the leaders of
the U.S. Democratic Party, Adlai Stevenson. Speaking in the election
campaign, these U.S. politicians admitted that the prestige and influence
of the United States throughout the world has considerably fallen. "We
no longer possess the initiative in world affairs," Stevenson stattid.
"I lift my head and see the Soviet flag on the moon," Democratic U.S.
presidential candidate Kennedy stated during the fourth television
election debate with Republican candidate Nixon.
Kennedy asked; "Is our prestige higher than ever, as Mr. Nixon affirmed.
a week ago, and the prestige of the conmunists lower than ever? I do
not believe that is the situation. I do not consider that our relative
power is growing." Kennedy blamed the Eisenhower administration for the
course of events in Cuba and in the whole of Latin America, which has
been unfavorable for the American imperialists. Kennedy admitted that
the prestige of the United States is low in Africa. In the Middle East,
he continued, we relied on the Baghdad Pact, but when the change of
government took place in Iraq the Baghdad Pact fell apart. In the
Middle East we relied on the Eisenhower doctrine. Now there is not
a country in this area which would support the Eisenhower doctrine.
Kennedy said he was greatly alarmed at the danger of an alteration in
the balance of forces in favor of communism. Throughout this speech
Kennedy blamed the Republican administration for the failure of U.S.
foreign policy, and gave an assurance that if the Democratic Party
comes to power the United States will be able to recover its position
in the world. We can no longer allow ourselves to occupy second place,
Kennedy stated.
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CANDIDATES URGE INTERVEIPP'ICK IN CUBA
Moscow, MASS., Radioteletype in English to Europe, Oct. 24+, 1960,
1848 GMT--L
(Text) New York--A violent campaign is continuing in the United .'.tete&&
against the Cuban Revolutionary Government and its reforms. The presi-
dential candidates--Vice President Nixon and Democratic Senator
Kennedy--have also contributed their bit to the anti-Cuban campaign.
Speaking in an election debate on foreign policy, Kennedy in particular
advocated stepping up the propaganda campaign against Cuba and tie
Cuban government by armed force. Kennedy demanded that Washington
secure the cooperation of other nations of the Western Hemisphere and
its European allies in enforcing the trade embargo on Cuba. Complete
isolation of Cuba, he said, is the only way to bring real economic
pressure to bear upon the Fidel Castro government.
In this connection, Kennedy urged that the United States consider
tougher economic sanctions against Cuba, including measures to prevent
Cuba from getting commodity deliveries through a third country. '-he
Democratic presidential candidate went on to demand more open armed
intervention in Cuba's affairs and the overthrow of Fidel Castro':
government with the help of the sworn counterrevolutionaries who },ave
found refuge in the United States. He called for strengthening those
forces which hold out hope for Castro's overthrow. The New York '1 ?E
pointed out that Senator Kennedy's public announcement of his offer
to finance an anti-Castro uprising was very imprudent.
Vice President Nixon's position on Cuba actually does not differ from
Kennedy's, although Nixon pretends he is opposed to direct armed inter-
vention. The Vice President suggested that the United States do in
Cuba what it did in Guatemala. In this connection the New York TIMES
notes that the Eisenhower administration, and Nixon personally, did in
Guatemala exactly what Senator Kennedy is suggesting for Cuba. The
paper adds that the point is that any official who has some knowledge
of the fall of the Arbenz government in Guatemala knows that the
U.S. Government, through CIA, actively cooperated with forces which
acted against Arbenz, financed them, and supplied them with arms.
Marguerite Higgins of the New York IMALD TRIBUNE criticizes the
presidential candidates for being so "outspoken." She writes that
it was horrible to hear Vice President Nixon speaking in an offhand
manner about the need to "get rid of Castro" or to hear Senator
Kennedy publicly suggesting that the United States render aesistarce
to anti-Castro rebels.
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ELECTIONS CR NOT, CAPITALISTS RUN U.S.
Moscow, Soviet Home Service, Oct. 26, 1960, 1800 --L
(Text) Today I would like to focus your attention on the elections
campaign in the United States. The days before the new president
and vice president will be elected are numbered. The elections, as
you know, take place on Nov. 8.
So far not a single political commentator in America has set about
making any definite forecast. This is, indeed, one of the flotablE
features of the present election campaign. Usually at this stage of the
election battle the political situation is becoming clear and the
commentators can more or less definitely, and usually fairly reliably,
foretell the most likely outcome of the elections.
How is one to explain the present state of affairs? In any case, it
is not due to any lack of desire to determine to which side the political
scales are tilted; there is, if anything, an excess of this desire amcn,;
American observers, Nor is it because experienced experts have disappeared
from the American scene; there are still quite a few oldtimers in
Washington. The answer is to be found elsewhere. It is a long time
since the opponents in the presidential elections have been politicians
whose views and programs differ so minutely and insignificantly as do
those of Richard Nixon and John Kennedy and of Henry Lodge and Lyrdon
Johnson.
The political programs of the Republican Party, which is now in power
and is led by presidential candidate Nixon and vice presidential
candidate Lodge, and the program of the Democratic Party, which is
trying to gain control of the government and is led by Kennedy any
Johnson, are twin documents. In fact, the politicians of both parties
also very much resemble twins. If, Mr. Johnson, for example, stood
as a Republican candidate and Lodge stood for the Democrats, the
political sum would hardly be altered in the slightest degree by this
transposition of the components.
Remarking upon this, the American magazine NATION wrote in one of its
most recent issues that the problem which concerns the American voters
most of all is the problem of peace. But no candidate and neither
party--neither the Republicans nor the Democrats--defends a policy of
peace. Both Nixon and Kennedy are loyal to the postwar policy of the
cold were Neither of them expresses the opinion that the general direc-
tion of American policy is incorrect. Neither of them says that it
might be desirable to develop a program of coexistence with the Soviet
Union, and neither of them suggests ways to achieve this purpose.
It appears from all accounts that the editors of this magazine hare
correctly grasped the essence of the main problem of the present electu-cl
campaign: The impossibility of finding substantial differences between
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the positions of the leaders of the Republican and Democratic parties
has led to a situation in which a considerable number of voters, althou:
the election campaign is already drawing to a close, simply cannot deciili
to which candidate they should give their preference--to the 47-year-oiz
Republican Nixon or the 43-year-old Democrat Kennedy. Even such
person as the head of the American Institute of Public opinion, (7+:orgy
Gallup, who has made political forecasts and predictions his business--
and, incidentally, quite a profitable business--this time prefers to
keep mum. He said recently that it was impossible to foretell the resut;s
of the elections because large numbers of voters had not decided for
whom they would finally vote.
The only forecast that American commentators dare to make is that this
time a considerable number of the voters will prefer not to go to the
polls at all. It is suggested that the number of voters who will prefe::r
to stay at home on Nov. 3 will be from 20 to 4+0 percent of all the U.:}.
citizens with the right to vote.
The leaders of the Republican and Democratic parties are obviously put
out by this turn of affairs. In the last few weeks, they have been
making absolutely heroic efforts to stir up the voters by some means
or another. Kennedy and Nixon and their closest assistants are rushing:;
around the U.S. towns at truly coemQe speed, Nixon lads already menages
to visit 48 out of the 50 states of the United States and his rival doeu
not lag behind.
The American press writes in all seriousness that the purely physical
endurance and strength of the vocal cords of the presidential candidate<
many finally influence the eventual outcome of the election. In this
connection certain advantages are noted on the side of the younger
Kennedy. The papers write that in the last few days Nixon has locked
more tired than Kennedy.
All the achievements of modern technology have been put at the service
of the two proteges of the American monopolies. Television has never
played such a big part in a U.S. election campaigne Both Nixon and
Kennedy, without false modesty, have tried, from the screen of the
television set, to convince the voters that he is the man all American
citizens have been dreaming of for many decades; they have elread;,
invaded the living rooms of millions of American voters several times.
The American press says that Nixon and Kennedy prepare for their
television appearance in the most thorough manner. However,, this
preparation is of a very peculiar sort: the candidates are not so
much concerned with what they are going to say as with how they will
say it and how they will look. Before each appearance experienced
makeup men from the Hollywood film companies apply thick layers of
makeup to Nixon's and Kennedy's faces, touch up their eyes, and tint
their lips, while the foremost exponents of the coiffeuring art work
on their hair styles. Newspaper commentaries on these appearances
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read more like theater or film reviews then political reviews. They
discuss how many times and how broadly Kennedy smiled, whether the
lighting was good or not and how well the frames were chosen durin
Nixon's appearance.
However, the American press can hardly be blamed for such a presentation:
of the election campaign. I think that in this respect the tone has been
set by the candidates themselves, the leaders of the Republican and
Democratic parties of the United States. It is they who, in their
campaign speeches, have tried every means possible to avoid discussion
of the most acute problems concerning the workers of America. It is
they who try to reduce the discussion of serious political questions
to empty discussion and personal squabbling; and when the candidates
are nevertheless obliged to say something about political problems.
they cannot offer the American voter anything new. Both Nixon and
Kennedy are campaigning on political platforms which can only be assessed
as completely in accord with the interests of the biggest monopolies
in the United States.
Whatever points from the programs of the two bourgeois parties one
selects to compare, under close examination it is not difficult to
discover behind them one and the same guiding hand--the hand, of the
millionaires. In the sphere of domestic policy, both the Republicans
and the Democrats plan to continue the policy of the arms race which
is bringing the American taxpayer to ruin. In the. sphere. of foreign. pvi.?.c~
both proceed from the positions of the cold war.
True, here one must observe one particular circumstance: Sensing;
evidently, that one can ride far away from the White House on the
hobbyhorse of the cold war, Democratic candidate Kennedy recently
decided to change his tactics a little. In an attempt to attract the
votes of those who are seriously concerned over the failure of American
foreign policy, he made a number of critical remarks on this policy.
In particular, Kennedy did not agree with the demands of influential
circles in Washington for the immediate resumption of nuclear weal;ons
tests, stating that he considered it essential to continue negotie.ione
on this question. It seems that this and certain other utterencee by
leaders of the Democratic Party have been dictated to a considerai-le
measure by campaign considerations. However, the very fact that they
consider it necessary to make statements such as these on the eve of
the elections shows fairly convincingly the mood of the broad circles
of American public opinion.
This important factor is making a substantial imprint upon the present,
.
election campaign. The leaders of the bourgeois parties in the United
States cannot evade the fact that the Soviet proposals aimed at
strengthening peace, and in particular the notable activity of heed of
the Soviet Government Nikite Sergeyevich Khrushchev at the current
session of the General Assembly, have had a very serious effect an
the mood and the views of people all over the world, including the
people of the United States.
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In discussing the election campaign in the United States, which i.; now
drawing to its close, I must say a few words about the support which
is being given to Nixon and Kennedy by the most influential groupo> of
monopoly capital. One is particularly struck by the fact that thy:
majority, I should say the overwhelming majority, of the influent----al
organs of the American press, the major newspapers and magazines, are
supporting Richard Nixon. This reflects the fact that the most influen-
tial and most powerful financial empires, the Rockefellers and Du Pontza
the Morgans and the Fords, show a preference for the Republican krty.
It has received huge sums from the corporations and banks for the
conduct of the election campaign, and this defines the positions of a
considerable part of the American press.
However, this does not mean that the Democratic Party is out of favor
with the monopolists. Many cases are known in which the farsighted
heads of the major corporations have preferred to play safe by firancirt;
the election campaigns of candidates of both ,parties. Also important
is the fact that Democratic candidate Kennedy, who has a fortune cf
400 million, generously draws from his own pocket for campaign funds.
In any case, a victory for the Democratic Party on Nov. 8, if this
should happen, will by no means dishearten the businessmen of New York
and Chicago, Boston and San Francisco. They have sufficiently stable
positions in the leadership of this party to insure that the policy of
its government will not run counter to their interests.
In the last few days reports about a considerable aggravation of the
economic situation in the country have appeared in the American Wass,
Official data published in Washington show a decline in production in
the major branches of industry and a rise in unemployment.- _ This- fact
has seriously worried both Eisenhower's administration and, particularly,,
the leaders of the Republican Party. Political observers consider that,
with the equilibrium between Democrats and Republicans observed in the
course of the present election campaign, an economic disorder at the
moment of the elections might hurt the Republican Party, which is now
in power, and also hurt candidate Nixon. With this obviously in mind,
official propaganda is at present making heroic efforts to calm paolic
opinion and convince Americans that this is not the beginning of another
economic recession, but a leveling-off of the economy. The leaden of
the Democratic Party in their turn are trying to use this circumstance
to attract votes, although Kennedy has not put forward any serious
program in the sphere of economy.
Only a few days are left before the presidential elections. We shrill
not try to guess their outcome. In the final analysis, this is no_
so important as two weighty factors wbieh'are already,obvio s ever tode,,.
The first is that, whatever outcome which the American voters' ballots
may produce, the levers of state power in Washington will remain i<
the hands of the same heads of the major American corporations. Ts e
second and most important factor may be formulated as: Whoever wins
the election, whichever. candidate, the Democrat or the Republican,
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Kennedy or Nixon, moves into the White House, he will have to take into
consideration the real balance of forces in the world, the mood and hopes3
of the people.
BOTH NIXON, KENNTEDY FAVOR ARMS RACE
Moscow, Soviet European Service in Italian, Oct. 26, 1960, 1115 (RiT--y
(Excerpts) Commentators in America usually issue, long before the
elections, their predictions as to the outcome on the basis of inquir:.e 3
made among the electors. But they are silent now. They are in an
embarrassing position owing to the apathy of the electors.
It is not difficult to understand the attitude of the U.S. voter. He
wants in the White House during the next few years a personality eble
to open perspectives for the future, to conduct a policy of peace and
international detente, to lead the country out of the cul-de-sac of
internal and external difficulties into which the present rulers have
led him.
Problems of foreign policy worry Americans even more. The internetione .
prestige of the United States has never been so low.
Meanwhile the American people are deprived of the possibility of electinsi
a president who is seriously prepared to solve all these problems. No
presidential candidate, none of the principal U.S. politicians, sa ys ti-A."
New York magazine NATION, defends the policy of peace, Both candidates
are following the policy of the cold war. The big financier and U.S.
ambassador to Britain, John Whitney, again stated recently that whoever
wins the November elections, U.S. foreign policy will not change. Tht;
the only course open to the American elector is to reject the candidate
who is worse than his rival. In other words, on Nov. 8 the issue will
only be the choice of the lesser evil. This does.no~,; however, appear
to be so easy. In fact, during the electoral campaign both Nixon and
Kennedy have clearly shown that they are in favor of the continuation
of the cold war, the armaments race, and intensification of international
tension,
The United States, affirms Nixon, if he becomes president will do
everything to increase American military power. Vote for me, says
Kennedy, in his turn and I shall conduct the offensive on all fronts
of the cold war. Nixon is for strangling of the Cuban revolution.
So is Kennedy. They differ only on the methods to be applied. Nixon
is against People's China. So is Kennedy. They argue only over which
islands should serve as U.S. military bases along the Chinese coast.
And so, in all questions the difference consists only in the fact that
while Nixon counts on his extreme right position, Kennedy now and then
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drops a leftist phrase. However, this cannot mislead anyone. Both
candidates (using the slogan?) of the fight for peace and freedom,
actually put forward plans for action against peace and freedom.
U.S. SiMVEYS REFLECT PRESTIGE DECLfl E
Moscow, TASS, Radioteletype in English to Europe, Oct. 27, 1960,
l1 35 GMT--L
(Text) Moscow-With the U.S. presidential election drawing nearer,
the question of prestige and foreign policy is becoming the central
issue of the election campaign. After long hesitation, the White House
was at last compelled to admit Oct. 26 that the government has at its
disposal secret reports about U.S. prestige abroad. Although official
quarters do not reveal the contents of these reports and their conclusir>r ,
the very fact that the government did not make them public or at least
known to U.S. legislators makes it clear beyond any doubt that the
conclusions of these documents do not favor present policy makers in
Washington.
Even if such doubts could have existed until recently, they were cimpletet-
y
dispelled by the New York TI1vIES, which published, most probably due to
the efforts of the Democratic Party leaders, some information abou,: one
of these reports. The poll, carried out under the instructions of the
United States in 10 countries, including Britain, France, West Germany,
Italy, Helgitun, Holland, and Pakistan, confirmed that U.S. prestige in
those countries continues to decline. Washington's decision to ke,:p
the results of this poll under seven seals was apparently prompted by
a number of reasons. The poll was taken in countries where Americcn
propaganda departments spend considerable funds to increase U.S. presti;E;
and to present any unseemly acts by Washington in a favorable light.
Congress is annually asked to allocate large sums of money for the-0
purposes. In the course of debates on such allocations, congressmen
often complain that these capital investments do not bring desirable
dividends.
However, most important of all is the fact that the publication by the
government of the results of the poll would run counter to the basis;
plank of the Republican Party's election program. The Republicans,
headed by Eisenhower and Nixon, hope that in this way they will succeed
in hypnotizing the America elector, in convincing him that everyrthicg
is fine and that Washington's prestige, even if it is not increasing,
in any case is not declining catastrophically.
This keynotes a majority of preelection speeches by Vice President
Nixon and President Eisenhower, who is losing no time in helping hiii.
Speaking in San Francisco last week, the President said: "When we
hear some misguided people wail that the United States is stumbling
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into the status of a second class power and that our prestige has
slumped to an all-time low, we are simply listening to the debasement
of truth."
But now, only a few days after the President's speech, it has become
known that the government is carefully withholding from the people=
facts which'shed bright light on this question.
The Democrats, with Kennedy at their head, were sure to use this ,itua-
tion to their advantage. Kennedy, for instance, declared that if
American prestige is slumping, other countries, particularly thosoo
which gained independence recently, will follow the leadership of the
Soviet Union and not that of the United States. Expressing alarm in
this connection, Kennedy makes no effort to reach the root of the matter,
to discover the main reasons for the fall of U.S. prestige. He mcrelyy
states facts and--it goes without saying--tries to convince the electors
that he and his party would be able to change this tendency. Kennedy
and his associates ignore the fact that their own foreign policy
program differs little from that of the Republicans and rests on ..he
same faulty principles of adventurism which made U.S. prestige fall
lower in the eyes of world public opinion than ever in the histor;r of
that country.
Official Washington quarters and the press supporting the Republicans
are making feverish efforts to repair the political damage inflicted
by the publication of the secret report. The New York HERALD TRI3UJNE
carries an editorial which sounds alarm over the unhealthy emphasis in
the election campaign on the state of American prestige in the interna-
tional arena. The paper hints rather transparently that discussion of
this subject may harm the quarters whose interests are served by both
parties. The paper calls for the earliest possible discontinuation of
disputes over prestige, and for pretending that nothing has happened.
If Washington expects to restore the badly damaged reputation of .he
United States in this way, it should recall an American proverb: An
empy sack cannot stand by itself. To restore prestige it is necessary
to eliminate the factors which caused its deline. For this purpose
the demands of life must be taken into account and faulty, stagna:mt
policy must be renounced.
Moscow, TASS, Radioteletype in English to Europe,, Oct. 27, 1960,
1513 GYM--L
('text) New York--In an effort to win as many votes as possible VLce
President Nixon has launched another maneuver. In a campaign spe-ch
at Toledo, Ohio, yesterday, Nixon, according to the New York TIME,
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declared that if he is elected president he will ask President EiEenhowe
to send vice presidential candidate Lodge to Geneva to discuss the,
prohibition of atomic weapons tests with the Soviet Union. If such
talks do not bring agreement in sight "before Feb. 1," Nixon said, "we
would be prepared" to meet with Prime Minister Macmillan and Chairman
of the USSR Council of Ministers N.S. Khrushchev "to make final
agreement at the summit" on the prohibition of tests.
The. presidential candidate made an attempt to simulate a "peace
initiative" in the United States when the propaganda campaign for
resumption of nuclear weapons tests is at its height there. The fact
that Nixon's speech was actually part and parcel of this campaign was
proved by Nixon himself. He frankly declared that if by the next time
limit no agreement is reached, the United States would resume nuclear
explosions.
(Editor's Note) Moscow in German to Germany at 1800 GNT on Oct. 27
carries n anonymous commentary which implies there is so little
difference between "smiling Dick" Nixon and 'charming John" Kennedy
that their wives' attributes are being compared. Nixon is being
depicted as a typical American and his wife as a woman who makes her
own dresses. Nixon's opponents counter, the commentary says, that
Kennedy is the best candidate for the presidency because his wife
speaks not only English but Spanish and Italian.
Tashkent, in English to India and Pakistan, Oct. 29, 1960, 1200 GMT--E
(Summary) Lately, political life in the United States has been going
through sensational days. Senator Fulbright's committee learned teat
the State Department had prepared a special secret report on Amerman
prestige abroad based on public opinion polls in 10 countries. The
Democrats demanded that the report be made public. The State Department
tried to escape and said that it was an official document and not a.
subject for publication.
While these heated arguments continued, the New York TIMES published
the gist of the so-called secret report. Perhaps among a certain
section of the American public, stupefied by the newspaper racket
about the prestige of the United States, this report really created
a sensation, but for the people abroad the deductions made in the
report were far from being a secret.
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The report says among other things that of late, particularly after the
breakdown of the summit, American prestige has fallen to a level river
before registered in public polls. One of the main findings in
determining popu1ar.sentiment.:in E.=Peep countries;. particularly
in Britain, as the report el wa, is that confidence in American
ability to guide the world in solving present-day problems is abysmally
low.,. ..:...:....
The Democratic presidential candidate, John Kennedy, seized upon this
report to strike hard at his rival, Nixon, blaming the Republican
leadership for the unprecedented fall in American prestige abroad.
Kennedy, however, kept silent about the real cause of the situation.
The real reason for this fall in American prestige lies in the aggressive
foreign policy of the United States, which is supported not only by the
Republicans but also by the Democrats. The planning of the arms drive,
the heating up of the international atmosphere to a stage on the brink.
of war, and the enlisting of their allies in aerial provocation against
the USSR are fraught with the danger of bringing about a terrible
international conflict involving the use of nuclear weapons.
The Democrats who are racing for the presidential seat accused the
Republican leadership of being responsible for the fall in American
prestige, but what do they propose themselves? Nothing new. Kennedy
has in his portfolio the same old program of intensifying the arms
drive, international provocation, and heating up the international
situation. Such a policy can only lead to a further catastrophic fail
in American prestige. The people of the world will turn away coot letelt
from America as a country on whose banner is inscribed the arms drive
and a third world war.
Eisenhower on Prestige
Moscow, TASS, Radioteletype in English to Europe, Oct. 29, 1960,
1132 G--L
(Text) New York--The vast scope of the discussion of the decline in
U.S. prestige is causing serious alarm in Washington. The latest
official to join in the discussion is President Eisenhower. Addressir_.
a Republican Party campaign meeting in Philadelphia yesterday, he
sought to persuade Americans that their serious apprehensions over
the sharp decline in the standing of the United States overseas are
totally unwarranted. His main "argument" was that the U.S. armed
forces have "weapons of tremendous deterrence." The President boasted
that U.S. military expenditures have reached an unprecedented level
and declared that the talk about the drop in America's standing is
"ignorant" and that the very word "prestige" has been misused.
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Today, however, the New York TINES published a document shoving that
whether one likes it or not American prestige abroad has declined in
recent years, and substantially. The document, marked "confidential"
and dated Oct. 10, 1960, is a survey of world opinion on the relative
achievements of the United States and the Soviet Union. It indicates,
the TIMES says, a "wide belief that the Soviet Union is well ahead"
and the opinion that the Soviet Union "will still be ahead 10 year:3
from mow."
The document was prepared for the Operations Coordinating Board chaired
by Special Assistant to the President on National Security Affairs
Gordon Gray. Other members of the board are high-ranking official;
from the State Department, the Department of Defense, CIA, ICA, and USIA.
Meanwhile, New York HERALD TRIBUNE correspondent David Wise reca-b3 in
a dispatch from Washington that last January, during a public hear-Lng
of the House Committee on Science and Astronautics, USIA (the official
State Department organization in charge of American propaganda
overseas--TASS) Director George Allen quoted from agency surveys
measuring American prestige abroad to demonstrate the decline in U.S.
prestige.
The senior New York TIMES overseas correspondent, Sulzberger, regrets
the survey taken abroad, declaring "there is something humiliating
about the thought that U.S. government employees go about foreign -.ands
questioning their inhabitants on 'what are your feelings' toward
President Eisenhower"-and similar matters. Sulzberger believes, hoowever.
that "there is too much false talk about the claim that we are tods.y
stronger than we ever were before. Strength is not an absolute corditioti.
It is always relative. We are not, relatively speaking, stronger
compared with Russia than we were a decade ago. The contrary is true."
Kennedy, Stevenson on Prestige
Moscow, in Serbo-Croat to Yugoslavia, Oct. 25, 1960, 1930 GMT--L
(Text) A new scandal is taking shape in Washington. The affair began
with a speech by the chairman of the Senate Committee for Foreign
Relations, Fulbright. He stated that the government refused to make
public a report on the decline of U.S. prestige in the world. The
question is now under discussion in the House of Representatives.
What is this government report? It deals with an inquiry conducted by
the State Department in conjunction with the decline of U.S. influence.
Literally not one single day passes without expressions of anxiety in
the United States over the fall in U.S. prestige and the increasing
authority of the Soviet Union. Such statements are not made by
ordinary Americans alone, but also by prominent politicians, well
informed of the real state of affairs.
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dfoute the Par Yliz
Such admissions were, for instance,dforced
and
presidential candidate, Kennedy,
Party, Stevenson. It is obvious that the results of the inquiry have
shaken the officials to such an extent that they cannot decide to
publish them.
NO ANSWERS OFFERED FOR U.S. PROBLEMS
Moscow, in English to Eastern North America, Oct. 24, 1960, 0109 CB41--L
(Text) Will it be Mr. Nixon or Mr. Kennedy who will stand at the hE1m
of the American Government at what is perhaps
ththe e most dramatic perioodm
in history? The American people will provide tomorrow. They will have to take an important and difficult decision.
It will be a responsible decision, because the future of America is at
progrdifficult, of the nation.
program There is a lot of talk in the United States about a need for
the Rforb change,
and there is reason for such talk. The
blind alley. President Eisenhower
have been in power led the country up
failed to break with the aggressive foreign course of the Truman
administration. He even championed the policy lof brinkm the ship. TeUnir~_,
United States sent the U-2 and the RB-17 spy P ov etoUnio
torpedoed the summit talks, and proclaimed it official policy
the sovereignty of other countries.
The government has revealed itself to all the world as a promoter e_f
aggression and international provocations. In spite of loud declarationo
about longing for peace, the Eisenhower administration has not worked
for relaxation but for an intensification of international tension,
working not for disarmament but for more armaments, talking aganst
colonialism while in fact working for preceraation of the decayed
colonial system.
Nov the question acutely arises of America's prestigeinathe worrld ld arena.
Naturally, Republican leaders are now pointing up
achievements in every way during this election campaign. Vice
President Nixon, for instance, asserts without blinking that America's
prestige is now greater than ever. His attitude is quite understaidabie.
If he were to admit the contrary, it would mean total bankruptcy far
his party, but no matter how hard he tries, he cannot hide the generally
known fact that America's present foreign policy is extremely unpopular
and that there has been a disastrous drop in America's prestige. Some
Republicans have admitted this. Senator Javits said it would be ioolisit
to deny the decline in U.S. prestige the world over. He blamed the
situation on the U-2 epy plane provocation and the events in Japar, Ctk4,
and the Congo. Democratic leader Adlai Stevenson seeks the reasons fcta-
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anti-U.S. demonstrations in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. He
suggests that the matter be viewed through the other man's eyes and.
that no good can come of calling failures success and defeat victo-y.
He warns that you won't deceive others by deceiving yourself.
Mr. Kennedy presented plenty of facts on the deterioration of the U.S.
position in his latest debate with Mr. Nixon. In the Middle East, he
pointed out, the United States banked on the Baghdad pact, but when
Iraq changed its government the pact fell through. It depended on the
Eisenhower doctrine, which the Senate had endorsed. Now, Mr. Kean?dy
pointed out, there is not a single country in the Middle East that
supports the doctrine. Mr. Kennedy also emphasized that in voting on
China's representation in the United Nations only two African countries
supported the United States while all the others either abstained cr
voted against it. Mr. Kennedy accused the government of not being up
to the revolutionary changes taking place in the world and failing to
side with the newly developing nations in their fight for liberty and
for raising their living standards and improving their lives.
You must agree with Mr. Kennedy's charges. The only trouble is that
while leveling justified criticism at the Republican administration
Mr. Kennedy does not offer any healthy program. He tries to convin_?:e
the voters that you can insure peace through force and that the
United States must arm in order to conduct negotiations.
We hear the familiar refrain urging power politics and increased nuclear
might. That is just the policy the Republicans have been pursuing or
the past eight years, the policy that has brought them to their pre.>ent
sad finish. Certainly, continuation of this policy will not make for
greater popularity for the United States. You cannot cure a disease by
prolonging the condition that brought it on.
CAUSES OF U.S. PRESTIGE DECLINE TRACED
Moscow, in English to Eastern North America, Oct. 29, 1960, 2300 GMI'--L
(Text) During the last few weeks, newspapers all over the world ha-.a
been writing about the reevaluation of the role being played by the
United States in world affairs. This topic is one of the preelection
issues between Richard Nixon and John Kennedy. Moreover, everyone--
perhaps with the exception of Mr. Nixon, whose position obliges him to
be optimistic--has come to a conclusion not in favor of the United States.
What is the cause of this change in attitude on the part of other
countries toward the United States?
In order to give an objective answer to this question, we must first
of all look back at history for the past 10 to 15 years. I do not
know whether you agree with me or not, but I think the United States
attained the highest level of respect for itself during the last
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months of the war and the first part of the postwar period. The U.S.
people had made a considerable contribution to the victory over
Hitlerism. Nobody at that time ever had the idea of figuring it o.tt
in dollars.
Harry Truman, however, quickly dissipated the respect for the
United States which had accumulated during Mr. Roosevelt's time. L'he
cold war period set in, and many nations became rightfully cautiou3
toward the United States. The overemphasis of the fact that the
United States had a monopoly on atomic weapons was mainly aimed at
putting psychological pressure on the USSR, but the planned effect
did not crystallize. Certain countries in Western Europe and Asia
were the ones who were frightened, because they had become relatives
of the owner of such a horrible weapon by ties through political aid
military blocs. All the efforts and funds spent in those years by
the United States for stockpiling the means of waging another war Nave
not justified themselves in the least.
The idea of an atomic super power was punctured by the news that tae
USSR also possessed nuclear weapons. The lopsided policy in technical
engineering and capital investments led to a state of affairs in w-!ich
the USSR came out in front of the United States in many branches or
science. In 1957, the people of the wlo1e world began to think: Tes,
in the first stages of discovering nuclear energy the United State,
was in the lead, but the first sputnik was launched from Soviet soil.
The first atomic power station in the world appeared near Moscow aid
not in the suburbs of New York. You probably remember that that vts
the time when critical remarks concerning the training of scientific
experts appeared for the first time.
Is this the only thing that is wrong? I think that one of the mos
important reasons for the U.S. lack of leadership in scientific
competition was the arms race, which started in Truman's time and
has been going on in Eisenhower's term of office.
Certain types of maple trees have a specific property. Not a sing-Le
other tree or shrub can live long near a maple tree because the ma?lets
long-reaching roots suck up all the nourishing food oit of the soil.
The same thing concerns militarism, which has become the state policy
of the United States. It strangles everything--national education
and the development of peaceful branches of science, culture, and =irt.
In reality, the time is past when super model refrigerators and
streamlined cars symbolize the economic potential of one nation in
the eyes of another. New criteria, both economic and moral, have
now appeared. The economic criteria are the rates of development.
Industry and agriculture in the socialist countries are developing at
a considerably faster rate than in the United States, the leading
capitalist country. These successes of the socialist countries in
peaceful economic competition raise their authority in the eyes of
other nations.
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Another criterion is the relation to disarmament. The peaceful
proposals of the socialist countries in ironing out disputable questic'r_t3
and the disarmament problem are winning the support of hundreds of
millions of people. Meanwhile, the U.S. policy in the field of
disarmament is really in a discreditable light. Has the United States
worked out its own finished disarmament program? Have the U.S. 0cverr:cx r-t.
leaders ever uttered concrete and clear slogans appealing for a world
without wars and weapons? No, they have not. Even Great Britain and
France, in this respect, have come out with more new proposals than
the great power of the 20th Century, the United States.
Needless to say, all this does not add lustre to the name of America
in all the continents of this planet of ours, which, in reality, is
not so large at all.
AMERICANS HAVE NO CHOICE IN ELECTIONS
Moscow, in Korean to Korea, Oct. 28, 1960, 0900 GMT--B
(Summary) With the U.S. election only two weeks away, a pitched battle
of campaigning is going on in the United States. Posters of the IJixoti
camp urge the electorate to vote for Nixon by claiming that he has the
most fabulous full dress suit in the United States, while Democratic
leaders are soliciting votes for Kennedy by pointing out his wife's
personal charm. A union of brunettes for the support of Nixon ancd
another union of blondes for the support of Kennedy have been orguniae.
One may ask oneself what these things have to do with the election.
However, one can find the true nature of the electioneering in the
answer to this query. The U.S. electorate has nothing with which to
compare and choose. Nixon vows to strengthen the U.S. offensive power,
whereas Kennedy calls for beefing up U.S. military potential. Althou
the people of the United States have to-make a choice, they canno
make a reasonable choice, no matter how hard they may rack their :gains
over their coffee.
A presidential candidate claims that the Republican Party is the
symbol of U.S. prosperity, warning that the Democratic Party will
push the country into a catastrophe. To this charge, the other
presidential candidate answers thaT. the Democratic Party alone cart
insure social progress, charging that the Republican Party is bringing
the country to the verge of bankruptcy. Through years of their
experience, the U.S. people know the charges of both sides are co:r'rect.
During the Truman administration, prices of commodities and taxes
increased markedly. So did the number of bankt'upt farmers.
This adverse situation has remained unchanged under the Eisenhower
administration. Therefore, victory for one means a road to a atrorte.
whereas victory for the other signifies a path to bankruptcy.
Accordingly, there is no room for choosing. They are Tweedledunz and
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Tweedledee. They know too well that they cannot win the support of
the voters with an empty promise for an armament race or prosperity.
Since they have nothing else to offer the voters, they are trying to
divert their attention to their hair style and suits, instead of
focusing it on political issues. The course of election campaigni'ig
once again points up the U.S. sty1e.+f democracy.
PRESTIGE, ECONOMIC ILLS AFFECT CAMPAIGN
Moscow, Soviet Home Service, Oct. 29, 1960, 0500 GMT--L
(Text) Republican Nixon and Democrat Kennedy have tried with all
their might to exclude reality from the preelection skirmish of the
two bourgeois parties. They have tried in every way to sidetrack the
electors with empty discussions and disputations which commit them to
nothing, but this tactic, well tried in many U.S. preelection strt:gl?s;
misfired this time. In the last few days before the election, the
American authorities had to release figures which have depressed all
of official Washington. First, figures were disclosed proving the
serious reduction in the production level in the U.S. economy and the
growth in uiemployment.
Now after the first comes a second blow. An official report has been
published in the American capital giving evidence of a record which
will undoubtedly not please the electors. According to this repo?t,
the cost of living in America has reached a level unprecedented ir
the history of the country. In recent months food, clothing, and the
necessities of life have become more expensive, and rents have gore
up. The cost of a wide range of services from medical treatment to
haircuts and shaves is rising with an unvariable constancy, the
American press laments.
There is no doubt that this forced admission by the American
authorities is becoming one of the most important factors in the
election campaign. It is quite clear that this just dissatisfaction
of the electors will have an effect on the position of the Republican
Party, which is now in power. Neither can the Democratic Pasty give
the Americans anything but the most vague and nebulous promises. The
entire course of the election campaign has shown that Kennedy and his
supporters have no definite program whatsoever for easing the lot of
the workers, whose position is growing worse yearly. Thus life oxi*ce
again has demonstrated the complete isolation of the leaders of both
American bourgeois parties from the needs and interests of their people
and the deep crisis and bankruptcy of so-called democracy.
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Campaign's Pace Intensified
Moscow, Soviet Home Service (Far East Program), Oct. 29, 1960, 1830 W .T-1
(Text) A little more than a week remains before the presidential
elections. The election struggle between Republican candidate Nixon
and Democratic candidate Kennedy has entered its final and most acute
phase. Both of them are literally beside themselves in their last
minute efforts to win the maximum number of votes.
The lengths they are going to can be judged by the following: In one
day spent in Chicago, John Kennedy managed to make 21 election speeches.
no more, no less. Can one be surprised that according to American
press reports, both candidates look tired, and hoarse sounds issue
from their throatsl Joking aside, 21 speechesI However, one must
note that quantity in this case does not mean quality. The speeches
of the candidates for the White House post are distinguished by their
emptiness and the desire to sidestep the most acute issues of domestic
and international policy.
The American voters are reacting quite uncompromisingly to this attitude.
At several meetings in the past few days in the state of Michigan,Nixon
was smothered with rotten eggs and tomatoes. The correspondents
accompanying the Republican leader reported that on leaving one of
these unsuccessful meetings, Nixon declared that the handful of deriders
would contribute to his success. Well, it is not the first time that
Mr. Nixon has had.to put a good face on things.
Though very little time remains until the election, the chances of both
parties remain unclear. It is true that quite recently an impression
began to form that the Democratic Party and its candidate, John Kennedy,
are somewhat ahead. Deterioration of the economic situation,
unemployment, and high prices--all these factors are having an
adverse effect for the ruling Republican Party. Nor do the belligerent
statements of Nixon help matters. However, we will abstain for the
moment from making any prediction. The very near future will clarify
the matter.
Moscow, TASS, Radioteletype in English to Europe, Oct. 31, 1960,
1333 GMT--L
(Text) New York--The U.S. press continues to comment extensively on
the decline of U.S. international prestige, which looms large in the
electoral campaign in the country. Even those press organs which are
backing the Republican Party in the electoral campaign have to admit
the utter insolvency of the assertions by the Republican candidates
Nixon and Lodge, and also by President Eisenhower, rushing in to
support them, that U.S. prestige has never been so high as today.
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Thus Joseph Alsop, the New York HERALD TRIBUNE correspondent, qualifies
as a denial of obvious truth Eisenhower's statement in Philadelphia
alleging that apprehensions over the sharp decline of American prestige
abroad were unfounded. Alsop sarcastically recalls that the New York
TIMES published "on almost adjoining pages the official report from
the very men the President himself had charged with responsibilit-for
the 'American image,' as he likes to call it. Their report, baser. on
extensive soundings in West Europe," Alsop adds, "bore the recent date
of Oct. 10. These men were saying that our most valued allies now
believe that the United States has fallen behind the Soviet Union in
space, in scientific capability, in military power, and even in future
economic potential. Confidence in U.S. capacity for world leadership
also appears less than satisfactory," the report glumly summed up.
Emphasizing that "prestige matters greatly since the horde of new
nations and old nations in a state of flux are now making their
investment choices," Alsop writes in serious anxiety. "Guinea, Ghana,
Cuba, and many others have already concluded that America and the West
are poorer investments than the Soviet Union. If countless other new
and changing nations make the same choice as these, the situation will
be uncontrollable. That is the heart of the matter."
New York TIMES correspondent Jorden bears out Alsop's apprehensions.
"To check on the present status of this country's prestige," he writes,
"the USIA solicited views of U.S. and foreign diplomats in more than
40 countries. Government officials, editors, businessmen, and others
familiar with individual countries were asked for their impressions.
The result emphatically supports the contention that Soviet prestige
has grown during the last eight years, and the position of the
United States has slipped in the eyes of the large majority. The
reason cited in the survey," Jorden adds, "was the feeling that the
United States has floundered."
The state of U.S. prestige abroad is so unfortunate that, as Jordeu
acknowledges, "in neutral Austria the question was not whether U.S.
prestige has slipped--that was accepted as evident--but to what extent."
There is "overwhelming agreement that there has been a drop in the
prestige of the United States around the world"--such is the conclusion
drawn by the New York TIMES, which offers no consolation to the
United States.
Stevenson on Republican Party
Moscow, Soviet Home Service, Oct. 31, 1960, 1930 GMT--L
(Text) New York--One of the leaders of the U.S. Democratic Party,
Adlai Stevenson, yesterday sharply criticized the Republicans and
the presidential candidate of the Republican Party, Nixon.
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During the period of the administration of the Republican Party, said
Stevenson, the United States has allowed its economy to decline. In
this connection, Stevenson noted the growth of unemployment in the
United States and the intensification of economic difficulties in the
country. However, Stevenson is particularly worried about "the growth
of the communist influence in the world and the fall of the influence
of the United States," as he put it. Stevenson described the present
vice president of the United States, Nixon, as a man who is noted for
being so reckless that he is capable of doing anything that alight be
"popular" at a given moment. Nixon, added Stevenson, is offering what
has been given by General Eisenhower--America at a standstill, an
America which has no reply to the challenge of our age.
"Nixonland" Versus "Trumanland"
(Editor's Note--L) Moscow home service at 1815 GMT on Oct. 29 carries
a feuilleton which quotes from Harry Truman's California speech
proposing that Nixon should open an entertainment part called
"Nixonland," and adds that a "Trumanland" would look very much the same
Berlin, East German Home Service, Oct. 25, 1960, 2100 GMT--L
(Summary) After a nationwide preelection tour, Sulzberger recentltr
wrote in the New York TIMES that the majority of voters are not
particularly interested in either of the two presidential candidates.
"Despite the most costly and ostentatious propaganda show ever sta?ed
in connection with a U.S. election, the attitude of many Americans is
today, exactly two weeks before election day, one of apathy. For, so
far, neither Nixon nor Kennedy has put forward any fundamentally new
ideas about U.S. policy. Yet the people are looking for a realistically
minded statesman able to guide the country during this present,
supremely important phase in the development of mankind. At the
moment, however, they have only the choice between two clever publicity
experts, uttering the hackneyed phrases of the cold war. No wonder,
therefore, that nearly all?the voters questioned (by Sulzberger)
expressed great concern for peace. 'Let there be no war' is'the fo"emast
wish of the average American.
"The voters note with concern that, except for minor variations, b;)th
candidates advocate the same foreign policy which Y.as led to the
constant decline in U.S. international prestige during the past 10 yearz.
and which, as a supposed policy of strength, forced it from one untenable
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position to another. One example out of the hullabaloo of election
speeches, election tours, and television debates may suffice: Nixon
said he would never abandon the two small islands off the Chinese coast,
Quemoy and Matsu, and would lefend them with American blood as belonging
to the 'sphere of interest of freedom.' Kennedy thereupon reminded.
Nixon of the position adopted by his chief, Eisenhower, on this questior,
and the vice president began to quiet down a little.
"Next it was 'strong-man' Kennedy's turn to launch his own provocation.
He announced that if he is elected president he will support the
counterrevolution in Cuba with arms and any other means. This caused
Nixon to summon what understanding of international development he has
left and to rebuke him, as this provocation suggested by Kennedy wo=a.l.d
not only lose the United States its last remaining friends in
Latin America but result in the United States being condemned, by the
United Nations as well.
"These two examples are sufficient to show that both candidates harbor
reckless plans which may plunge the world into atomic war."
BONN UPSET BY NIXON SPEECH TO POLES
Warsaw, PAP, Radioteletype in English to Europe, Oct. 27, 1960,
1203 GMT--L
(Text) Warsaw--The hue and cry in Bonn and the consternation, pro?ests,
and complaints concerning the Oder-Neisse frontier which broke out
around the speech delivered by Republican presidential candidate Nixon
to Polish-Americans are discussed by TRYBUNA LUDU. The paper says
Vice President Nixon spoke of facts long known to the whole world:
that the new life of the Poles in Western territories is a historic
fact, that all Poles at home and abroad are united in defense of tie
western frontiers, and that these facts must inevitably affect the
attitude of the Western powers.
TRYBUNA LUDU adds: "The Bonn revisionists were not reassured even by
the fact that Mr. Nixon did not fail to dress up his speech with atiti-
Soviet speculation in which he tried again to oppose Poland to the
Soviet Union and to the alliance to which the Polish nation owes tie
recovery of the historic lands on the Oder and Neisse and which
guarantees their inviolability. The chauvinistic propaganda has
probably rendered the Bonn revisionists so dumb that whenever a Western
politician for various motives admits that the Oder-Neisse frontier, a
fact which nobody can change, should be considered final, they become
enraged and shout wild lamentations. Consternation reigns in Bona
government circles. Mr. Nixon has spoiled his reputation with Mr. AdeLFx er
as the allegedly better champion of cold war than Mr. Kennedy. Such a
disappointment!
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Now they console themselves as best they can by saying that this is
only the American elections, that one must not take this too seriously--
all the more so because there is not much to choose from. In his desirE
for votes, Mr. Kennedy declared earlier that he would not allow the
nations of Eastern Europe to be forcibly stripped of their territories
and resources.
The West German press is protesting. Minister Seebohm incites
additional revisionist outbursts, and addresses the following words
to the United States: How is it that you have concluded a military
pact with us, and now do not want to support our claims on Poland,.'
Then comes the threat that the Germans will lose confidence in American
policy, that this is not to be reconciled with the spirit of the
Atlantic alliance. Social Democrat Reitener solemnly affirms that
nobody will be able to erase the claims to the "German eastern
territories." TRYBUNA LUDU calls attention next to the fact that he
State Department hastened to disavow the Vice President of its own
government in order to reassure its allies, the West German revancLists.
The Polish frontiers, TRYBUNA LUDU emphasizes in conclusion, are
sufficiently protected. There is no frontier problem; there is on--y
the problem of peace. And if Poland demands that all states which
signed the Potsdam agreement should finally confirm the present Po.ish-
German frontier, it does not do it in its own interest only, but in the
interest of all European nations. It does it above all in order to
deprive the German militarists and revanchists of the illusory and
dangerous hope for revenge and in order to consolidate peace in Europe
and the world.
RELIGION AN ISSUE IN U.S. CAMPAIGN
Warsaw, PAP, Radioteletype in English, Oct. 31, 1960, 0713 G--L
(Report by TRYBUNA LUDU correspondent Z. Broniarek on the religious
issue in the U.S. presidential campaign)
(Summary) Although the Republicans have officially expressed themselves
against bringing up the religious issue, there are ways to show the
voters what could happen if a Catholic is elected. For example, many
states, especially in the South, are flooded with anti-Catholic
literature from unknown sources. Two facts show the sharper nature
of this activity. The first is a decision by various Protestant
churches to organize assemblies against Kennedy's election, and the
second is an announcement by Nixon to make religion a central issue
unless Kennedy retracts the words of his brother and campaign n:anag ;r,
Robert Kennedy, that the Republicans are cooperating in spreading
anti-Catholic literature.
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C Z E C H O S L O V A K I A
KENNEDY PRESSURED INTO VATICAN LOAN
(Editor's Note) The Prague LIDOVA DEMOKRACIE on Oct. 23 carries an
editorial by J. Ploshar entitled "The Vatican and the U.S. Elections."
The editorial says that both Nixon and Kennedy represent the interests
of the big monopolies, the only genuine difference between the two
being their religious affiliations. The editorial notes that Kennedy,
as a Catholic in a predominantly Protestant country, is naturally
handicapped. In this situation, it says, the Vatican came to his
support--for a price--promising the Democratic candidate the all-out.
support of the Catholic Church hierarchy in return for a 50-million-dollar
loan, which the Democratic Party procured for the Vatican.
The loan, it al~.eges, is being negotiated by the Banque Internationale
de Credit at Geneva and by the Frankfurter Handels-Bank. Cardinal Spellmruu.
had the main role in bringing about this deal, the editorial says, and
in order to prod Kennedy and his party into action the cardinal went. so
far as seemingly to support Nixon on several occasions.
KENNEDY DISARMAMENT PROPOSALS SCORED
Prague, CTK, Radioteletype in English to Europe, Oct. 24+, 1960, 11 i t --1.
(Text) Washington--Senator John Kennedy, the Democratic Party cand-..date
for president, in a speech in Wisconsin on Oct. 23 sharply criticized
the attitude of the Republican administration on the question of dicarmaraii..
Kennedy declared that in the past eight years the Eisenhower
administration has virtually ignored the problem of disarmament and
has had no real disarmament policy. In this matter the Republican
administration completely failed, Kennedy said, and did not provide
the effort and the leadership which this problem demands.
Kennedy assailed his opponent, Republican candidate Nixon, denouncing
his attempts to solve disarmament by "a battle of words."
Senator Kennedy then announced his own proposal for disarmament. Ater
his scathing criticism of the Republican administration on this que=stion,
Kennedy's program could have been expected to offer as an alternati-;re a
genuine solution of this major world problem. The exact opposite 13
true, however.
In the first point of his "disarmament" plan Senator Kennedy states
that the U.S. military position is "rapidly deteriorating." In his
words, it is therefore necessary to continue the arms race if there
are to be fruitful negotiations on disarmament.
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In another point of his original program, Kennedy proposes that an arms
control research institute be established which in essence would serve
to improve espionage techniques. The proposal is therefore an
alternative to the Republican policy of sending spy planes and
satellites over USSR territory. Another point in Kennedy's progran
is the building of a system which would protect the United States
"against the growing danger of accidental war."
The question arises: Why did Kennedy criticize the attitude of the
Republican administration toward the disarmament question in such
sharp terms if his disarmament program proposes a continuation of
present U.S. policy in this question?
Sofia, Bulgarian Home Service, Oct. 31, 1960, 1830 GMT--M
(Text) American Vice President Richard Nixon has stated that if he is
elected president of the United States he will make the peoples from
socialist countries in East Europe happy by visiting them. "It is time
we should work hard to bring the flag of freedom to the communist world,'t
Nixon said. But the American electorate has not voted yet, and Nixon
is compelled to tour the United States with his ";lag of freedom" ,o
recruit sympathizers. The train in which Nixon travels stops at amost
every station, and the candidate delivers ardent speeches about American
democracy and the "communist yoke," but the flag of freedom causes
neither tears of sympathy nor enthusiastic cheers among the voters.
For some unknown reason, Americans are not throwing their hats in the
air; they are throwing other things. A REUTERS correspondent repots
that the first eggs of the campaign were thrown at Mr. Nixon. The
eggs thrown by the crowd in Jackson did not hit the Vice President,
and he pretended not to notice them. Later, in Grand Rapids, toma--oes
were thrown at him. His epic calmness did not help the candidate. The
population in Muskegon proved to be more accurate than those in Jackson-
When Nixon went to a meeting in Muskegon, an AP report says, one of the
eggs thrown at him hit his coat; thus in one day, Nixon was a target
three times.
Nixon's flag of freedom is decorated with spoiled eggs and rotten
tomatoes. As can be seen, even many Americans do not trust him, and
Mr. Nixon wants to proudly carry their flag to the communist world
Only a person who has lost his reason can hope that this flag, hit
and stained with spoiled eggs, can seduce anyone in the free socialist
countries.
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Y U G O S L A V I A
FOREIGN ISSUES IN U.S. CAMPAIGN VIEWED
Belgrade, Serbian Home Service, Oct. 21, 1960, 1830 GMT--M
(Text) For the fourth time presidential candidates Kennedy and Nixon
meet in a television studio tonight. The company in whose studio the
duel is to take place confidently declares: "Tonight the topic is
foreign policy. Nixon and Kennedy have clashed sharply in this field.
What you will see on your screens tonight may influence your decision"
The election campaign is pressing more and more on the American voter.
It is less than half a month until the presidential election. The
front pages of papers are devoted exclusively to it. Joseph Alsop,
the well-known commentator, has toured towns and cities and says this
morning that, in contrast to the Eisenhower-Stevenson. oampa.ign
voters
vconducted iby Gallup or by the inewspapers showdno.great?
The polls
difference in favor of either candidate.
It is believed that the television duels helped Kennedy become as popular
as Nixon. He has weakened the Republican argument about his lack of
experience, for according to the majority of Commentators Kennedy hat
shown himself to be at least as well informed and energetic as his r-.val,
Kennedy is a Catholic. This is enough for the other party to repeat
constantly that religion should not be used in the election campaign.
But this has been repeated so often that it in fact stimulates anti-
Catholic feelings. A situation has arisen in which even various
religious organizations are quarreling among themselves.
U.S.
In the foreign political field the following themes dominate:
islands,
prestige in the world, the defense of the Quemoy and E
the admission of China to the United Nations, and the attitude towar'.
Cuba. On a single day there were seven public statements on foreign
policy by President Eisenhower, Kennedy, Nixon, their deputies, and
Senator Fulbright, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
Within one hour Kennedy and Nixon even appeared before the same meeting.
At the annual meeting of the American Legion, an extremely conservative
organization, Kennedy defended himself against Nixon's accusations and
further supported rearmament in the interest of American military might,
which he linked with prestige.
Nixon was more aggressive. He promised that the United States woulc.
fight against the admission of China into the United Nations by usiz:g
its veto. He requested a sort of economic quarantine of Cuba. And
although nothing more definite has been said about this, quarantine
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probably means a break in diplomatic and trade relations. This is the
attitude of the big one toward the little ones for sanctions and
economic pressure are the elements of a policy built on force. This
policy, however, does not conform with what President Eisenhower said
in the General Assembly.
CONTROL OF U.S. CONGRESS ANALYZED
(Editorts Note) Belgrade in Serbian at 11+00 GMT on Oct. 211. carries a
report on the U.S. election campaign. It states that "political
observers do not doubt that the future Congress, too, will remain in.
the hands of the Democrats. According to the latest public opinion
polls, more people intend to vote for the Democrats. It is forecast,
that 58 percent of the voters will vote for Democratic congressmen arid
42 percent for Republican congressmen." The presidential election
will show whether the "present dualism of authority, prevailing dur:=.ng
Eisenhower's administration, can be maintained. If Kennedy wins, b:s
administration can count on full support in Congress. If Nixon win;.;,
he will have to find a method of coordination with Congress, which ~Ls
dominated by the Democrats. Thanks partly to his personal prestige,
and partly to the coalition between the Southern Democratic and
Republican congressmen, this.'-dualism of authority did not obstruct
Eisenhower in his policies. However, it is an open question whethe.?
Nixon, if he wins, can count on such a relationship between the
government and Congress."
COMMUNIST CHINA
LODGE: U.S. SEEKS GlOBAL DOMINATION
Peking, NCNA, Radioteletype in English to Europe and Asia, Oat. 23, 196G.
1746 GMT--B
(Text) Peking, Oct. 23--The U.S. Republican Party vice presidential
candidate and former U.S. permanent representative to the United Nations,
Henry Cabot Lodge, claimed yesterday that the United States could not
reach agreements with the socialist camp but must destroy it, according
to a Chicago report.
Speaking in local television interviews, Lodge stated that the
United States wanted to destroy the socialist camp and dominate the
world. He said that the United States must promote the U.S. "ideal"
and the "American way of life" in the whole world,to stimulate "en-thusias ;'
for "winning the struggle "against:communism.." The United Statesciculd
not achieve this "through agreements," he said, but should make thE;
American "ideal" and "way of life" "more attradtive than the communist
way of life."
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Lodge also stressed that U.S. imperialism would continue its-"nuclear
deterrent" policy against the socialist camp. He reiterated the U.S.
policy of hostility toward China and of obstructing the restoration
of China's legal seat in the United Nations. On this question, he
said that if the United States was "defeated" it would "stay and fight
another day."
SQUABBLING MARKS U.S. CAMPAIGN FINALE
Peking, NCNA, Radioteletype in English to Europe and Asia,
Oct. 28, 1960, 1+16 GNT--B
(Text) Peking, Oct. 28--The U.S. presidential election campaign has
entered its most intensive stage, according to Washington reports.
Democratic Party presidential candidate John F. Kennedy and Republican
?arty presidential candidate Richard Nixon, both chosen by the monopoly
capitalist groups to play a part in the farce of the U.S. bourgeoisie,
have been busy traveling throughout the United States while competing
for the presidency. They travel hundreds of kilometers a day, by
plane, train, and automobile; they shake hands and chat with people,
and make as many as 10 election speeches each day; they bitterly
attack and bicker with each other on the failure and hopelessness of
the U.S. domestic and foreign policies.
On Oct. 25, Kennedy went to nearly 20 places and made 10 speeches.
On the next day, Nixon braved the rain in Ohio and spoke many times
to voters. He was also preparing to go to New York with Eisenhower
to woo the voters. Every day the U.S. bourgeois press and publications
carry large quantities of sensational news of all shades, using the
opportunity to brag about U.S. bourgeois "democracy" in an attempt to
deceive the voters.
This year's election campaigning of the Democratic and Republican
parties is taking place at a time when the U.S. ruling circles are
faced with an increasingly unfavorable domestic and foreign situation.
Since the last U.S. presidential election four years ago, the
international situation in which the East wind prevails over the Wert
wind has become more prominent. The U.S. aggressive foreign policy
has suffered one defeat after another. The frenzied arms expansion
and war preparation by the U.S. Government have led to the further
exposure and bankruptcy of the tricks of false peace with which it
has been playing recently. Domestically, after barely getting over
its 1957-58 economic crisis, the United States is again confronted
with anr:eoonoomic crisis ttiis year.
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Therefore, it is increasingly difficult for the Republican Party to
use the farcical slogan of "peace and prosperity" in its campaigninir
this year as it did in the past. But the speeches of the candidates
of both parties show that they have no intention whatever of altering
the already defeated U.S. policy of aggression and expansion abroad,
which policy stemmed from the "position of strength." Moreover, they
will pursue this policy even more frantically. The WALL STRIET JOTT'NAL,
in a commentary on Oct. 21, pointed out that if you "stop any 10 citizens
on the street, C of them are sure this matter of war and peace is tie
most important in the election." Yet, the journal said, "they see
little really at issue between the candidates. Both are . . . stanwhly
anticommunist, both are committed to standing up firmly to the Russians
. . . and neither has proposed any dramatic way of breaking the soli
war impasse."
Taking advantage of his favorable position as the candidate of the
opposition party, Kennedy keeps attacking the Republican Party for
putting "American prestige . . . at an all-time low." He declared that
"the relative strength of the United States, militarily, politically,
psychologically, scientifically, and industrially . . . compared with
that of the Soviet Union . . . has deteriorated in the last eight ears"
under the Eisenhower government. "I look up and see the Soviet flag on
the moon," be said. Kennedy has also repeatedly attacked the failure
of the U.S. Government's China policy, pointing to the fact that an
unprecedented number of the countries in the U.N. General Assembly
supported the restoration of China's rightful seat in the United Irk tione
Panic stricken, hb said the China issue was one which "most directly
affected the power, prestige, and influence of the United States." He
indicated that the United States would step up its policy of hostility
toward China and its attempt to create two Chinas.
Kennedy insisted that the "direction" unfavorable to the United st&tes
"must be reversed." "To us, the major issue is ... . against commz.nism=
he stressed. For this, he proposed a plan for the United States to
accelerate arms expansion and war preparations, saying that the
United States should strengthen its "nuclear striking force," "speed
up . . . special programs to give the United States the most up to date
weapons to overcome the delay in the missile field," and carry out
"modernization and increased mobility of conventional forces." He
stressed: "A strong America is the one objective above all."
While advocating vigorous preparation-.of military strength, Kennedy
also aims for subversive activities against the socialist countries.
He attacked the bankrupt "liberation" policy of the Republicans as
a "disheartening" and "empty promise." He said that the United States
should "pursue a policy of patiently encouraging freedom" and "cultural
exchange" to await "evolution."
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Nixon denied that the U.S. prestige had greatly dropped, and boastef+
that it "is at an all-time high," instead of an "all-time low." Burr
he also stressed that the United States should increase its "streng?;h."
"Whatever the cost may be," Nixon said, the United States must be sure
of being "the strongest nation in the world militarily." The overr._ding
issue of the United States is "to extend freedom to all the world," he
said. He proposed that the United States "launch a new effort, an all-
out offensive" in pursuing its policy of aggression and war, and
advanced a program of intensified arms expansion and war preparations
for this end.
Both Nixon and Kennedy show their intense hatred of the surging rational
independence movement. In their television debates, Kennedy advocated
that the United States should take further measures to threaten Cuba.
He claimed that the U.S. "trade embargo" against Cuba was "inadequate,"
that the United States should persuade other countries in the Western
Hemisphere and its European allies to support its embargo against Czba,
and that it should confiscate Cuba's property in the United States :tnd
strengthen the Cuban counterrevolutionary forces which attempt to
overthrow the Castro government. Nixon frankly admitted that the U.S.
Government was using against Cuba the same tricks which overthrew
former Guatemalan President Jacobo Arbenz. The United States will
overthrow the Castro government by breaking trade and diplomatic
relations with Cuba, he said.
Both Kennedy and Nixon favored using the United Nations as a "central
instrument," and "aid" as a bait to step up expansion and aggression
in the broad areas in Asia, Africa, and Latin America.
On the domestic issues, Kennedy fiercely attacked the Republican
government on the question of the economic crises in the United States.
He pointed out that in the first nine months of this year the U.S.
economy had declined and "dropped more than any major power." He
estimated that, at present, "17 million Americans go to bed hungry,"
Kennedy advocated that the United States should greatly increase
government expenditure, especially military expenses, to stimulate
the economy.
Nixon agreed to such measures as increasing government spending. site
Kennedy, he advocated a "tax increase" to meet the increased goverinment,
spending brought about by more arms expansion, war preparations, and.
"antirecession measures."
On the question of racial discrimination, Kennedy attacked the
Eisenhower government for "giving no leadership" to enforce the
Supreme Court's school desegregation decision of 1954. Jabbing bark,
Nixon said that Senate Democratic leader Lyndon Johnson, whom Kenn>'dy
himself selected as the Democratic Party's vice presidential candilate.
was precisely the one who had consistently opposed the passage of
"civil rights legislation."
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Reports show that the American voters are cool to the elections,
since neither candidate has any program which genuinely reflects-...
the aspirations; of the American people. In some so-called public
opinion polls, many voters refused to answer the question "whom do
you favor?" AP reported on Oct. 25 that there was "a great lack of
enthusiasm for either candidate." The U.S. Government estimated
recently that only about 60 percent of the citizens of eligible age
would vote on Nov. 8.
NIXON TERMS ATOMIC ARMS USE INEVITABLE
Peking, NCNA, Radioteletype in English to Europe and Asia,
Oct. 31, 1960, 1923 GMT--B
(Text) Peking, Oct. 31--U.S. Republican Party presidential candidale
and Vice President Richard Nixon boasted that "nuclear weapons voulc.
inevitably be employed" by the United States in any general war with.
Russia, according to a New York report. He said this in reply to
questions put to him by the New York TIMES yesterday. Nixon also
called for accelerated development of the U.S. "deterrent force," destroy the war-making ability of the "enemy." Yesterday, Republican
Bvice presidential candidate Henry Cabot Lodge even attended a fund-
raising banquet for the Polish counterrevolutionary group, the so-called
"Free Polish Government" in exile in London. In a provocative speech
against Poland, Lodge promised that he would never forget the "sufft'rinZ
do
of the Polish people and others "behind the iron curtain.}1e aIII dded.
everything within my power to alleviate that suffering,"
KENNEDY DEMANDS ANTI-CUBAN ACTIVITIES
Peking, NCNA, Radioteletype in English to Lurope and Asia,
Oct. 31, 1960, 1910 GMT--B
(Text) Peking, Oct. 31--U.S. Democratic Party presidential candidate
John F. Kennedy again demanded aid for all counterrevolutionaries
within and outside Cuba to subvert the Cuban Revolutionary Government,
in a televised campaign speech in Philadelphia yesterday, a
a New York report.
Interviewed on the Columbia Broadcasting System's "Face the Nation"
program, Kennedy indicated that the United States must give assistance
to the so-called "democratic forces in and out of Cuba which were
opposed to the Castro government." He proposed an increase of U.S.
television and radio broadcasts to "encourage" those counterrevolutions-y"=>.
It is Kennedy's view that the current U.S. Government's hostility toward
the Cuban revolution was not enough. He howled: "The United Stan>s
should identify itself more with the cause of freedom." He said t-tat
this U.S. "commitment" applied not only to Cuba but to other
Latin American countries and Africa.
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In an article appearing in the latest: issue of VISION, a Spanish-
language weekly news magazine, Kennedy put forth his "three-point
program" for aggression in Latin American countries. He called for
1) the strengthening of the U.S.-controlled Organization of American
States and turning the OAS "Commission on Human Rights" into a
"tribunal" for U.S. intervention in the internal affairs of these
countries; 2) the creation of a "consultative system" of inter-
American nations to make up for the inadequacies of the OAS; and
3) the stepping up of economic plunder of the Latin American states
under the name of "a cooperative effort."
NIXON ASSAILS KE'NNEDYTS STAND ON CUBA
Havana, PRENSA LATINA, in Spanish Morse to Authorized Recipients,
Oct. 23, 1960, 1540 GMT--E
(Excerpts) Washington--Richard M. Nixon, Republican candidate for 1-he
U.S. presidency, today dramatically called on his rival, Kennedy, to
retract his opinion that the United States should give aid to Cuban
counterrevolutionaries and war criminals. The call of Nixon, who h8{.s
been vying with Kennedy to see which could appear more aggressive
toward Cuba, was interpreted by Latin American diplomatic circles ar?
a vain effort to extricate the North American government from the
plans being hastened in Guatemala and Miami, as Foreign Minister Rail lu
stated, for the invasion of the island.
Nixon described Kennedy's cynical suggestion as dangerous, foolhard;r,
and lacking in maturity, but one source recalled that just yesterda;,r
he defended the embargo on exports to Cuba and the withdrawal of
Ambassador Phillip Bonsai as measures favorable to the overthrow of
the revolutionary government. Cuban Foreign Minister Roa justly
stated in New York yesterday that Boneal's arrival in Washington wa:;
part of the whole conspiracy directed against Cuba by the U.S. Government.
Nixon, who made his remarks in Allentown, Pa., recognized that Kenndy's
suggestion of giving open aid to the Cuban counterrevolutionaries k ..:%s
already produced an unexpected reaction and consternation in various
U.N. delegates from our sister republics of America, but he did not
mention the disgust and fear aroused in vast sectors of the public
opinion of this country by the aggressive policy carried out by the
U.S. Government in its eagerness to strangle the small Caribbean is]And.
Senator Kennedy's suggestion, Nixon added, is a direct invitation to
the Soviet Union to intervene militarily in the Cuban affair, which
could lead to a third world war.
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However, in the view of observers, Nixon's surprise appeal has to deco
with the note presented to the revolutionary government in Havana b<
the U.S. Embassy concerning some alleged planes at the San Antonio
base with the North American flag painted on the fuselage. Both moues
by the U.S. Government can be described as maneuvers to camouflage its
responsibility in case the expected aggression, which has been
vigorously denounced by the Cuban people, takes place.
Havana, PRENSA IATINA, in Spanish Morse to Authorized Recipients,
Oct. 23, 1960, 0015 GMT--E
(Excerpts) New York--The vice president of the United States,
Richard M. Nixon, today admitted that the U.S. Government plans to
repeat in Cuba the events of Guatemala which led to the overthrow of
President Jacobo Arbenz and the installation of strong man
Carlos Castillo Armas. Nixon made these statements during a debate
with the other U.S. presidential candidate, John F. Kennedy, broadee-st
throughout the country over television.
The Republican presidential candidate admitted that General Esenhov?er's
government is prohibiting exports of those items which the Cuban
Government needs for survival and he agreed with the measure. Nixon:
calls this placing Castro in economic quarantine. He said that the
measure recalling the U.S. ambassador to Cuba is political quarantine
and that this strategy will result in an uprising against the Cuban
Government as it did in Guatemala.
A Latin American diplomat told PRENSA LATINA that Kennedy's statements
confirm the accusation made by Cuban Foreign Minister Raul Roa that
the U.S. Government is training an army of mercenaries and a fleet c=f
planes to make an attack upon Cuba.
This is what many U.S. Government officials admitted publicly was dune
in Guatemala with Castillo Armas as the instrument, said the
Latin American diplomat, and now Nixon admits that the United Stater
will try it again in Cuba.
Most of the Nixon-Kennedy controversy on television, as well as
earlier shows, was devoted to proposing means and modifications to
the measures used by the U.S. Government to overthrow the revolutionary
government of Cuba.
The Vi(-%e president of the United States did not mention the accusations
by the Cuban Government, by several European governments, and by
unioi, student, peasant, and professional organizations from almost
every Latin American country to the effect that these measures
proposed by Kennedy have already been taken by the Eisenhower-Nixon
government.
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C A M B O D I A
U.S. CANDIDATES VAGUE ON ISLANDS ISSUE
Phnom Penh, LA DEPECHE DU CAMBODGE, in French, Oct. 18, 1960--S
(Article by K.: "The International Atmosphere Poisoned by an
Election Campaign")
(Text) The Nixon-Kennedy controversy on the coastal islands
situated far from Taiwan marks an important step in waging the
cold war and does not contribute anything to easing international
tension. While the Republican candidate advocates the retention
of the Quemoy and Matsu coastal islands, which he says are an
"essential part of the defense system of the free world," Kennedy,
his rival, is not inclined to die for Chiang Kai-shek's sake.
But it is subsequently learned that the divergent views of the two
great American parties have been reconciled. Neither of the two
parties wants to adopt a definite attitude in the matter for fear
of estranging a portion of the American constituency which has yet
to say its word. In addition, the "China Lobby" is said to be still
powerful in Congress as well as in major states. It is necessary t5
take care not to wound the feelings of anybody.
But is that what is expected of a great power? The positions
adopted should be clear and unambiguous. Both the voters and
people abroad should know beforehand the political line to be
adopted by the candidates.
The above problem concerns us only in the sense that a tendency
to desperately defend the coastal islands off Taiwan may perhaps
cost us world peace because these islands are, perforce, advance
posts against the Chinese mainland. What would the Americans
say if Guantanamo--a Cuban base presently occupied by them--fell
into Soviet hands? They would perhaps bring pressure to bear
and would run "calculated risks" to neutralize this base.
We are not going to defend the viewpoint of Peking, which is
powerful enough to defend itself. We nerely state that in the
case of our coastal islands, our Chinese friends alone have
supported us and recognized that these islands are incontestably
Cambodian.
Politics is doubtless an art which deals with possibilities, but
it also is a school where probability is taught. Did not Montesqu.eu
say that :honesty still remains the most effective trick in politics?
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