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MW 11 UeTa
Aug 86
EXECUTIVE SECRETARIAT
ROUTING SUP
ACTION
INFO
DATE
INITIAL
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DCI
X
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DDCI
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EXDIR
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D/ICS
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DDI
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DDA
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DDO
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DDS&T
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Chm/NIC
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GC
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IG
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Compt
13
D/OLL
14
D/PAO
15
D/PERS
16
VC/NIC
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C/AF/DU
x
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NIO/AF
-
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W
DI
D7&
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D OCA
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3637 (10.81)
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DAN BURTON
MEMSEB OF GONOBEss
S. ROUSE OF REPSNS%VTATIVTS
WASSINOTON, D. G. 20515
(202) 225-2276
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congreol; of the Initeb Matti;
Isouat of Mepreaentatibe%
Iaafjington, 30C 20515
July 31, 1986
President Ronald Reagan
The White House
Washington, DC 20500
Dear President Reagan:
Executive h n
86- 3455X
In your speech of July 22 you stated that "the South African Government
is under no obligation to negotiate the future of the country with any
organization that proclaims a goal of creating a Communist State -- and uses
terrorist tactics to achieve it." This would seem to be a minimum condition
of any U.S. policy: that we not legitimize or recognize Soviet-backed
"liberation" movements that are inimical to human rights and U.S. interests.
The day after your speech, Secretary Shultz said that "We continue to
urge the South African government to cemmunieate with all parties ...
including, among others, the African National Congress." The Secretary also
stated that he would meet with Oliver Tambo, the President of the ANC. How is
this consistant with your expressed policy?
The sponsors of the sanctions legislation state that their primary
purpose is to force the South African government to negotiate with the African
National Congress. In fact, it is impossible to distinguish the Secretary's
stated position towards the ANC, and that of Rep. George Crockett, whose bill
calls on you to "[recognize] the African National Congress as a legitimate
representative for the country's black majority."
We would like to support your policy, Mr. President, but it is very
difficult to do so when Secretary Shultz is taking the position of our most
radical opponents in the House. The signatories of the attached letter, some
of whom have supported sanctions, share your views regarding the African
National Congress. As the letter states, "U.S. policy should emphasize that
we are not urging the South African government to negotiate with the ANC,
until the ANC breaks its alliance with the South African Communist Party." We
believe that this is the appropriate position for the leader of the free world
to take, and would appreciate it if Secretary Shultz would support the same
position that you do as President of the United States.
Sincerely,
7 ~: ~ ~ 42S r2a'd n'
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URTON
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July 17, 1986
Vice Admiral John M. Poindexter
Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs
The White House
Washington, DC 20500
Dear Admiral Poindexter:
OISTMCT OFFICES:
1100 Kttsto.u At tit Caoa.s
sung 1010
Mto4M"rous. IN 11240
TtuPi0MC: 017)111-0201
Toufatt 1800) 212-1020
122 MtaauM Pwn
AitKgoN. IN 11011
Ttu-ioMt: (217)111-1117
On June 18 the House voted 369 to 49 that no U.S. assistance should
go to the African National Congress, "until such time as [the ANC's)
controlling body no longer includes members of the South African Communist
Party." We believe that the reported "reassessment" of U.S. policy should
emphasize that we are not urging the South African government to negotiate
with the ANC, until the ANC breaks its alliance with the South African
Communist Party.
As the President said on July 8, there is "a great need for
communication with responsible black leaders", but we must be concerned
about the "radical element [that] by its own statement and declaration
wants only a violent settlement."
It is as clear as it could possibly be that the ANC is a typical
Soviet-backed "liberation" movement. The ANC is openly allied with the
South African Communist Party, has received about $80 million in military
assistance from the Soviet Union, endorses the Soviet occupation of
Afghanistan, describes Israel as the "imperialist proxy" of the United
States, and uses terrorist tactics against moderate blacks in its campaign
to make South Africa "ungovernable".
The ANC is the sworn enemy of all blacks who would help negotiate a
truly democratic post-apartheid South Africa. So long as the ANC remains
communist-dominated, any overture to it undermines the position of black
moderates, increases the likelihood of a right-wing backlash, and reduces
the chances for productive dialogue.
To oppose and expose the ANC is to take the high moral ground. As
Margaret Thatcher asked, "What is moral about putting a necklace full of
petrol and putting a light to it round someone's neck?" The ANC would
no more bring freedom to blacks than the PLO would to Palestinians, the
FMLN to Salvadorans, the NPA to Philippinos, or the Sandinistas have to
Nicaragua. It would be criminal for the United States to remain silent in
the face of the international campaign portraying the ANC as nationalist
and democratic. If the President refrains from stating what the ANC is--a
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Vice Admiral John M. Poindexter
PAGE TWO
July 17, 1986
communist front practicing terrorism against blacks--the only beneficiary
will be the ANC itself.
The United States could play a constructive and important role with a
two-track policy of clear repudiation of anti-democratic groups coupled
with increased contacts with the the numerous church, labor, and black-
nationalist organizations that reject both communism and apartheid. This
policy should include an "open-arms" attitude towards any well-meaning non-
communists in the ANC who wish to disassociate themselves from the ANC as
it is currently constituted.
The House has voted overwhelming to reject support for the ANC in its
current alliance with the South African Communist Party. We believe that
any policy that implicitly accepts the ANC/SACP alliance as a legitimate
representative of black interests would be a moral outrage, a sharp blow to
the hope for a peaceful solution in South Africa, and contrary to the best
instincts of the American people. We have every confidence that any
revision of Administration policy will not make this error, and request
your indulgence in the event that our concern is misplaced.
Sincerely,
/A cu, L'",
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