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RADIO lv REPORTS, INC.
4701 WILLARD AVENUE, CHEVY CHASE, MARYLAND 20815 (301) 656-4068
This Week with David Brinkley STATION WJLA-TV
ABC Network
November 3, 1985 11:30 A.M.
Washington, D.C.
Interview with President Marcos and Senator Laxalt
J -DAVID BRINKLEY: Senator Laxalt, thanks very much for
coming in today....
J Here with us are George Will of ABC News, and Sam
Donaldson, ABC News White House correspondent.
Now, Senator, you went to Manila, on the President's
request. And what did you say when you got there? What did you
say to President Marcos?
SENATOR PAUL LAXALT: Well, David, the first thing that
I did was to hand to him a handwritten letter by the President,
three or four pages long. And that was my primary mission. And
that letter essentially expressed President Reagan's concern for
his old friend -- and they've been old friends for a long while
-- about what was going on in the Philippines.
He read it very carefully, and it was my impression that
he was touched by it. Because after finishing reading it, he
looked up at me and said, "Senator, I don't mean at all to add to
the burdens of this great President."
Then we proceeded to get into a freewheeling discussion
about all the various areas of concern that were expressed by the
President in his letter.
BRINKLEY: Well, in these various areas of concern, did
he respond?
SENATOR LAXALT: Yes, he did. He effectively attempted
to rebut the cases being made against Marcos in this country. He
indicated, economically, yes, they'd had a hard time. They'd
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suffered the same recession problems that most nations had,
particularly developing nations like the Philippines. But
they're on the road back.
Politically, he felt he was in good shape, prepared to
go into the elections next year and in '87. Insurgency had a
sense of a problem, but that it was manageable.
He's a very brilliant man and a well-informed man. And
he, effectively, thinks that the case against him has been
overstated.
SAM DONALDSON: What do you think, Senator? Has the
case been overstated?
SENATOR LAXALT: I'm not sure whether it has been or
not. I know this, that he has a problem with this country, he
has a problem with this country's media, he has a problem with
the Congress. And the perception, which in this case can be just
as injurious to him as the fact, is that that country is in
serious difficulty.
My impression is, in talking with him, is that -- and
the open question is whether or not he's insulated to the point
where he's not getting reliable information -- my assessment of
him personally is that he's physically in good shape. Now, maybe
that was a temporary thing in the couple of meetings I had with
him. But he seems to have a knowledge of the problems of his
country, and he's attempting to meet them.
GEORGE WILL: One of the Manila newspapers greeted your
arrival with a headline that says, "Another meddler arrives from
the United States."
Now, there is a sense in which you were there, I
suppose, to tell him that pressure might be put on him. Let's
deal specifically with the question of General Ver, who some
people feel, although he may be acquitted, had something to do
with the Aquino assassination.
If he's acquitted and then restored to power, what's
Congress's reaction going to be?
SENATOR LAXALT: I'll tell you, George, just exactly
what I told President Marcos: that the reinstatement of General
Ver for any extended period of time could well cause a firestorm
here in the Congress. It's that sort of simple thing that will
cause Congress to react and react violently.
Historically, as far as Marcos is concerned, we could
not forget that he did constitute an impartial commission on the
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heels of the Aquino slaying. And that commission went ahead and
caused indictments to be issued against many of the Marcos
people, including Ver.
He told me, in talking with -- he told me in connection
with General Ver that he had an honor commitment to take him back
in the event he were acquitted, and he intends to fulfill that
commitment.
I would hope that he would heed the concern that I
expressed to him on this particular matter and attempt to work it
out.
WILL: Well, this gets to the heart of the matter. The
parallel that seems ominous to a number of people in Washington
is that with the Shah, who, in his final period, seemed to have a
denial reflex. You couldn't get reality through to him.
Do you detect that on the part of President Marcos?
SENATOR LAXALT: I'm not really sure because I wasn't
privy to those final consultations with the Shah. That
similarity has been drawn by people who were familiar with both
situations. But I'm not sure, in my own mind, based upon the
observations, that I see there's a comparable between the Iranian
situation and the Philippine situation. There's no indication of
a fundamentalist religious movement moving in there. And the
Philippine people, by and large, tend to be far more loyal to the
United States, as a group, than the Iranians did.
WILL: But who are the insurgents in this case? The
Philippine people are one thing. Are the insurgents, what,
communists, agrarian reformers? How would you characterize them?
SENATOR LAXALT: Oh, a mix. A mix. I think it's clear,
at least in briefings that' were given me, that while the people
generally may be just ordinary agrarian types, rural types who
are seeking reforms because they think the policies have been
either unresponsive or oppressive, they probably aren't tainted
with any particular ideology. But it's pretty clear from the
intelligence assessments that were given to me that leadership
certainly is communist-inspired and -oriented.
DONALDSON: Senator, what was the bottom line of the
message you carried from President Marcos's old friend, as you
describe him, the President of the United States? Was it that
we'd like him to change, we'd like him to make these reforms, or
that we insist on it?
SENATOR LAXALT: The bottom line, first of all, Sam, was
this: that the President had concerns. He hadn't come to grips
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that. We'd had a number of emissaries, in and out of government,
talking with him say, "You know, President Marcos, there's deep
concern throughout the United States, including Washington, about
where this country is going." And he, apparently in all those
discussions, pretty much waved them off, feeling that this was
not a legitimate presidential concern.
My primary mission, Sam, was to indicate to him that
this concern was shared by the President of the United States,
himself.
DONALDSON: But a concern is one thing, Senator, and
insistence on change For continued U.S. support is another.
Which is it?
SENATOR LAXALT: Well, it's a delicate line. You know,
they are a sovereign country. We can advise and advise strongly
about the concerns of general problems and indicate strongly that
reforms would be in our mutual interest. Where you get over the
line in transgressing the sovereignty of an independent country
like the Philippines is where it really gets sticky.
DONALDSON: Well, do you share the concern that our own
estimate, as said on the Hill the other day, is that President
Marcos within three years could be facing a full-scale civil war
that could topple him?
SENATOR LAXALT: I have no way to assess that, one way
or the other. I don't pose, nor have I when I went, as a
Philippine expert, Sam. I read the various intelligence reports.
There's no way that I could tell you with any degree of authority
that he has three or five or ten years left, in view of the
insurgency problem. All I can tell you, it appears to be growing
at an alarming rate. And unless he takes some strong steps to
correct this, it could eventually topple him.
DONALDSON: Well now, he may tell us that yesterday he
instituted some tax reforms to try to make more efficient the
collection of taxes, to try to satisfy the International Monetary
Fund, which has withheld over $400 million, at the moment, of
loans to the Philippines.
Do you think that's enough?
SENATOR LAXALT: Well, it's not. Certainly not in
itself is it sufficient.
But I might say, on the heels of my visit, he has
attempted to cooperate. Whether it's in response to my mission,
I can't really tell. But he did appreciably raise the defense
budget. He did change command authority so that the field
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can now be made in the field rather than in Manila, which was a
primary source of complaint as far as the military people were
concerned. And he's also indicated a strong interest in doing
something effectively about the overextended generals which he
has. He's got a number of old-timers around that palace who have
stayed well beyond their period, and there's deep resentment
among the general officers.
DONALDSON: And he just extended many of them for
another six months.
SENATOR LAXALT: I don't know whether he did or not.
You're telling me that, Sam.
DONALDSON: Well, there's a -- yes.
SENATOR LAXALT: I was unfamiliar that he's done this
just now.
BRINKLEY: Senator, if -- I don't expect this, and I
don't think you do. But let's suppose President Marcos said,
"Gee, you folks are right. Things are pretty tough. I can't
deal with it. I'm going to retire at the end of this term." Do
we have anyone in mind who might be a good -- who might be a
successor, a successful successor?
SENATOR LAXALT: I don't know of anybody that we have.
Apparently, there are several alternative candidates who are
being floated. Their system isn't unlike ours. The balloons are
You've got Senator Laurel. Corason
(?) Aquino, the widow
of Mr. Aquino is a very popular person.
BRINKLEY: She says she doesn't want to run.
SENATOR LAXALT: The names are being floated. The
speculation is to the effect that if these all can be moved and
they form an effective coalition, that Marcos could be toppled in
an election. Whether or not that's the case, I don't know.
I do know that there was an independent poll conducted a
few months ago, a combination church/businessmen, which indicated
that Marcos has surprisingly great political strength among
Filipino people, generally.
WILL: Short question, short answer. What do you make
of the fact that shortly after this flurry of interest, Mrs.
Marcos went to Moscow? What were they trying to tell us with
that trip?
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SENATOR LAXALT: I don't think there's anything
particular -- I asked that particular question. Apparently,
stie's made trips of this kind before. I don't think it's the
kind of cozying up that Ortega intended to signal us when he went
on his little jaunt. And I don't see any connection between that
trip and what we're trying to do.
BRINKLEY: Senator, thank you....
Coming next, by satellite from the Philippines,
President Ferdinand Marcos.
BRINKLEY: President Marcos, in Manila, thank you very
much for being with us today. A pleasure to have you here.
PRESIDENT FERDINAND MARCOS: Thank you for this
opportunity to appear on your show.
BRINKLEY: A pleasure to have you.
Now, we have a topic here that is slightly difficult to
deal with. The U.S. Government is urging, not to say pushing,
you to make reforms, and listing various problems in the
Philippines. And your response is that they're all exaggerated,
the problems are not serious, they can all be solved.
Why do the Americans see all sorts of dangers that you
don't see?
PRESIDENT MARCOS: I never said that the problems that
we have are not serious. They are. We have an economic crisis.
We are trying to work out the recovery program with IMF and the
World Bank. We have an insurgency which is umbilically connected
to the economic crisis.
I feel, we feel, my advisers in the government feel that
to go into the insurgency program without first solving the
economic crisis is not going to work. We must finish our plans
with the IMF.
And it is not true that the IMF has refused to accept
the program of the Philippines. On the contrary, there is a team
right here which is working out the program, first the reforms
with respect to certain industries, like sugar, coconut. And I
believe that we have come to an agreement on all of these. And
then the internal revenue code, the restructuring of five billion
pesos in loans, ODA, or the Paris Club, and private borrowers
guaranteed by the government, the new money that is coming,
about $400 million, and the trade credits extended by about 483
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banks, or most of them, anyway, amounting to about $3 billion,
which are now available to us.
PRESIDENT MARCUS: We are working on the third tranche
in order that we may be able to get the additional funds by
December.
PRESIDENT MARCUS: Now, if we work this out, then the
reduction in the funds available for the insurgency, or
anti-insurgency program will help in our efforts at eliminating
the danger of communist insurgency.
PRESIDENT MARCUS: We, however, need the aid which we
consider as part of the obligation of the United States, under
the American facilities agreement worked out in '79, amended in
'83, and now in the implementation in the American Congress.
BRINKLEY: President Marcos, you can't see us, I
believe. George -- you're not missing a great deal. But
George...
PRESIDENT MARCUS: I can see you.
BRINKLEY: Oh, you can. I didn't think you could.
Anyway, George Will has a question for you.
WILL:
just said, the
economic future
Well, President Marcos, to take off from what you
Congress of the United States is important to the
of the Philippines, which is in turn important to
your counterinsurgency. You've just
that if General Ver, even if acquitted,
role in the military, there would be
against the Philippines in Congress.
heard Senator Laxalt say
is returned to a leading
a firestorm of reaction
Are you bearing this in mind? And what is your
inclination to do with General Ver? I'm not sure you can hear
me, having dropped your earpiece.
PRESIDENT MARCUS: I'm afraid my earplug fell off. Can
you say that again?
WILL: My question was this: that you just heard
Senator Laxalt say that if General Ver is restored to a position
of leadership in the military, there'll be a firestorm of protest
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in Congress, with incalcuable consequencs to aid to the
Philippines. How will this affect your decision regarding the
future of General Ver?
PRESIDENT MARCUS: I have given my word of honor that if
he is acquitted, he will be reinstated. But I never promised how
long he was going to stay. And perhaps in the process of the
reinstatement, we can get together with all the officers of the
armed forces and determine exactly how a whole reorganization of
the armed forces can be worked out with both General Ver and the
acting Chief of Staff now, General Ramos, and the major service
commanders, the regional commanders, and all the others who have
something to say about the military organization.
I believe that if what you say is correct, then perhaps
we can work out with the military some kind of, as I said, an
overall reorganization of the military. It's due anyway.
WILL: President Marcos, there's a perception here that
your problems derive from the fact that your mandate is gone,
whatever it once was. Now, there is a way of renewing a mandate,
and that is to have elections. And there are some people here
who wonder if it is not possible and if you would not be willing
to move up the election date, the better to renew your mandate
soon, say within the next eight months or so.
Is that possible, that you could have an election
earlier than scheduled?
PRESIDENT MARCUS: Well, I understand the opposition has
been asking for an election. In answer to their request, I
announced that I am ready to call a snap election, perhaps
earlier than eight months, perhaps in three months, or less than
that. If all these [unintelligible], these claims to popularity
on both sides have to be settled. I think we'd better settle it
by calling an election right now, or, say, give everybody 60 days
to campaign and to bring the issues to the people.
DONALDSON: Are there any catches, Mr. President?
PRESIDENT MARCUS: I'm ready. I'm ready. I'm ready.
DONALDSON: Mr. President, are there any catches? Can
everyone run in this election? If Corason Aquino wants to run,
if Senator Laurel wants to run, everyone can run.
PRESIDENT MARCUS: Anybody. Anybody.
DONALDSON: And so 60 days from now, you're saying,
we're going to have an election in the Philippines. Is that
correct?
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PRESIDENT MARCUS: We might. I mean I am decided that,
with these suggestions coming from the opposition, and now in
this show and interview, I'm ready. I'm ready to call a snap
election. But we have to submit this to some of our leaders in
the Batasa (?), the legislature.
BRINKLEY: Let me interrupt. Mr. President, let me
interrupt for a moment.
BRINKLEY: Now, I would -- what we hear here in
Washington is that the Soviet Union has increased the size of its
embassy in Manila substantially and is making contact or trying
to make contact with your insurgents, who are communist or led by
communists. Can you tell us anything about that?
PRESIDENT MARCUS: I don't believe there has been an
increase in the personnel of the Russian Embassy since they
established their embassy here several years ago. We cannot
confirm any attempt for the Russians trying to contact our
insurgents. But that is a possibility. Any number of people
seem to want to get in touch with the rebels. We also try and
get in touch with some of them. They try to infiltrate us, we
try to infiltrate them. This is well known.
DONALDSON: Mr. President I have a question on the
elections that you may call, and then I have another area. My
question is...
PRESIDENT MARCUS: By all means.
DONALDSON: My question is, since the allegation against
you is that you have conducted massive voting fraud in the past,
if you hold elections in 60 days or so, will you allow outside
observers into the Philippines to oversee the elections to make
certain they're fair?
PRESIDENT MARCUS: You're all invited to come. And we
will invite members of the American Congress to please come and
see what is happening here.
All this talk about fraud, it's sour grapes, all these
poor losers. Since 1965, 1969, when I first ran for the
presidency, and again in 1981, there has been no formal complaint
about fraud. But of course, it's a publicity stunt. The
opposition keeps kicking about alleged fraud.
Now, many people who are disfranchised because of the
operations of the NPA, which is playing footsy with the
opposition? In one district alone of about a million voters,
60,000 were disfranchised because of the NPA.
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DONALDSON: All right. I'm certain that the
international team that you said could come in and watch the
elections will also look at the question that you just raised
about disenfranchisement by the NPA.
PRESIDENT MARCUS: Oh, yes.
DONALDSON: Let me move to another area. Fifteen
Americans have been killed in the Philippines in the past two
years. And five days ago the U.S. Ambassador to the Philippines,
Mr. Bosworth, gave a talk there in which he said, "Frankly, my
countrymen find it hard to understand how these killings could
occur and pass unpunished in an allied country."
Why have you not punished the killers of those
Americans?
PRESIDENT MARCUS: I beg your pardon. All these cases
have been investigated. The matter was taken up between the
consul general, Mr. Makonintz (?), and the deputy chief of staff
of the constabulary, General Multo (?). We have all filed
indicating that all cases have been investigated...
DONALDSON: Well, has anyone been convicted, sir? Has
anyone been convicted of the murders?
PRESIDENT MARCUS: Yes. Oh, yes.
PRESIDENT MARCUS: Oh, yes. Yes, of course. And some
of them were given light sentences, and the American Ambassador
doesn't see why, let's say, on a charge of homicide it could be
only six years.
Well, that's the way the judiciary works. They're free.
In your case, was it Mr. Hinckley who was acquitted on a
temporary insanity plea, or who was allowed to go free? Well,
that's the way the judiciary works. We cannot control it. If I
did, I would be called again worse than a dictator.
DONALDSON: Well, of course, as you know, the allegation
is that you control the judiciary. You mentioned General Ver a
moment ago and you said you had given your pledge of honor to
reinstate him if he was acquitted. But as you know, sir, the
evidence against him, from his own lips, was denied in the court.
And it is said that because of your influence, the main evidence
that might have convicted him was not allowed.
PRESIDENT MARCUS: That sounds like my opposition.
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That's the line that they have adopted. But they participated in
the trial. It was a seven-month trial. They went to the Supreme
Court twice and they presented about 60 witnesses. And
the witnesses were unmasked, they were shown to be a big fraud.
In some instances, the witnesses themselves admitted that they
were patients of insane asylums. And in a report of an agent
that had worked with them, they had admitted that they didn't
know anything about the case. And yet they were presented as
witnesses.
Now, take a look at all of this. By and large, our
judiciary is one of the best in the world. And I stand for it.
We reorganized it several months -- several years ago in the
reorganization of the government, where I removed about 5000
officers and employees, and many judges were removed.
BRINKLEY: Mr. President, you say -- you told us a
minute ago that you might call a snap election, call it quickly,
call it earlier than scheduled. Why would you do that? Is this
in response to pressure from the outside? Why would you do that?
PRESIDENT MARCOS: No, no, no, no, no. Now that you
bring up this matter, this silly claim on both sides that one is
more popular than the other and that the people are supporting
them, you raise the question of the inept -- alleged ineptness --
an opposition term, incidentally -- and which may now question
the effectivity of the armed forces and disturb, perhaps, the
other institutions of our government, like the judiciary, and the
policies that I have adopted in relation to economic recovery.
And I think this should be brought to our people. You know,
let's see what the people say about this question of support,
this question of policies.
'MILL: President Marcos, just so our viewers will
understand exactly what you're saying, I gather your term, if you
were to serve the full term, would extend until, what, 1987? Is
that correct.
PRESIDENT MARCOS: Eighty-seven.
WILL: That's right.
Now, how do you do this? Don't you have to change, have
some kind of legislative provision? Or are you going to...
WILL: Or are you going to resign and then run?
PRESIDENT MARCOS: It probably would be sufficient for
the legislature, upon my suggestion, recommendation, for in-
stance, to include in the pending election probe a statement to
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the effect that in addition to the other causes for calling a
special election for President, which are the permanent
disability of the President, his death, his removal from office,
and resignation, the four instances, you can add another instance
where when, in his judgment, there is need to bring a fundamental
issue to the people and a vote taken in order that the decision
may be arrived at, which would be similar if in a parliamentary
system yuou abolished the parliament on a fundamental issue.
WILL: Mr. President, are you then saying -- we're
running out of time -- that we can expect an election in the
Philippines, say, in January or February of 1986?
PRESIDENT MARCOS: Yes, if I can convince the Batasa,
and I think I can. We control two-thirds of the membership.
BRINKLEY: Mr. President, we will watch with interest to
see what happens. Thank you very much for being with us
today. It's been a pleasure to have you.
PRESIDENT MARCOS: Well, thank you.
BRINKLEY: Thank you.
PRESIDENT MARCOS: Thank you very much.
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