JPRS ID: 9044 USSR REPORT HUMAN RESOURCES

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JPRS L~9044
18 April 1980
USSR Re ort ~
p
HUMAN RESOURCES _
(FOUO 2/80)
L
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JPRS L/9044 _
18 April 1980
USSR REPORT
HUMAN RESOURCES
' (FOUO 2/80) _
CONTENTS PAGE
LABOR ' ~
Labor Use and Allocation Analyzed in Book
(N.S. Kistanova; VOPROSY EKONOMIKI, Jan 80)............ 1
DEMOGRAPHY
Aspects of Demographic Development of USSR
(T. Abubakarov; IZVESTIYA AKADEMII NAUK TURKMENSKOY SSR.
SERIYA OBSHCHESTVENNYKH NAUK, No 5, 1979) 3
Economic Costs, Effects of Resettlement From Rural Areas
Weighed
(A.I. Alekseyev', et al; VESTNIK MOSKOVSKOGd
GOSUDARSTVENNOGO UNIVERSITETA, SERIYA GEOGRAFIYA,
- No 1, 1980) ............................................12
' a " [III - USSR - 38c FOUO]
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LAAOR
LABOR IISE AND ALLOCATION ANALYZID IN BOOK
Moscow VOI~ROSY EKONOMIKI in Russian No 1,Jan 80 p 145-146
rReview by A. Danilov of the book "Regional'noye Ispol'zovaniye Trudovykh
Resursov" by N. S. Kistanova, Izdatel'stvo Nauka, 1978, 135 pages 7
~TextJ The monograph is devoted to the regional utilization of livin~
labor in the regions of Siberia and the Far East. -
The c:ctent to which the interrelaticens}iip of the proce~ses of the movemeiit ~
of labor forces and the distribution of production are in compliance with
regulations is analyzed i.n the first chapter. Situations where available
_ labor resources do r.ot correspond to the tna~nitude of the natural and
economic potential specified for effective exploitation are regarded by the
author as region~ which have a surplus or an insufficiency of labor
resources (page lc). Giving attention to the importance of the correZation
of the intensive and extensive factors of production throughout separate
regions, N. Kistanova suggests that intensification is not always linked -
just with the modernization of operating enterprises, but that extensive
- growth is connected with the construction of new ones. The huge new
enterprises in Siberia often provide a higher level of labor productivity
than those being modernized in "old" regions (page 15).
The state of the economy and the dynamics of the population and the labor
- resources of Siberia and the Far East are described in the second chapter.
The author comes to the concliision that basic directions in the utiliza-
tioi~ of the work force corresp~nd to regional zone specialization in the
national economy of the country, although there are still huge reserves
here connected with making fuller and more effective use of the natural
. resources of this rich land. Their realization creates prerequisites for
the achievement of higher technical and economic indicators ancluding the
substantial improvement of the use of livi.ng labor (page 45)-
In the third chaptpr the basic conditions for the rational use of labor
- resources are investigated, conditions which have a bearing on scientific
and technical progress and the improvement of the industrial and territorial
~tructure of the economy. The direction of the technical improvement of
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a vi~ va i tv~t~L V JL'~ VLVLl
production in Siberia and the Far East are examined in ~?etail in the work. _
In the planni.ng of technical progress in a territorial section, it is
proposed that regions for u~w economic exploitation be especially earmarked,
setting forth for them preferential norms of payment for resources and
heightened norms of withholding for material stimulation funds. Based
on calculations, N. Kistanova shows the possibilities for the further
development of the specialization of a zone into energetics and energy-
consuming i.ndustries and substaatiates the necessity for restrai.ning ~the _
development of labor-iutensive branches of industry there.
Applying the traditional balance method in the regional investigation of
labor resources, the author amplif:ies on the effectiveness of the territor-
ial utilization of labor resources with her technical and economic analysis.
- The fourth chapter is devoted to those questions where the method of
evaluating the comparative effect of the drawing of labor resources into
various industries of the economic region is substantiated. This method
_ essentially consists of ranking the industrial indicators of the difference
of derrivative costs in a given and alterna+..ive regions i.nto one indicator.
~esides the basic indicators (production and transportation), additional
costs are included in these indicators (construction for living quarters
and personal service facilities and the transfer of workers). The results
of the calculati~n are presented as a series of industries ranked in
descendi.ng order of their expenditures, illustrating the comparative
effect of thE utilization of the work force i.n various i.ndustries of the
region and the over-all effectiveness of their disposition (page 81).
Sour�ces for the replenishment and methods for the consolidation of labor
resources are examined in the concluding fifth chapter. Analyzing the
utilizatiott of inter-regional labor resources and the attraction of labor
force~ from without, the author touches ott the problem of inter-regional -
labor reserves which are earmarked as over-all regional forces (resources
of industries and enterprises in a given region) and special regional
forces linked to the level of the utilization of specific equipment and
to the particularities of the industrial structure of the economy (page 104). -
On tY.e whole, the monogr~aph is of interest to specialists both in the
area of. allocation and in the problems of labor economy.
COPYtiIGHT: Izdatel'stvo "Pravda", "Vopr~sy ekonomiki", 1980
8885
CSO: 1828
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DEMOGRAPHY
~ ASPECTS OF DEMOGRAPHIC DEVELOPMENT OF USSR
- Ashkhabad IZVESTIYA AKADEMII NAUK TURKMENSKOY SSR. SERIYA OBSHCHESTVENNYKH
- NAUK ~n Russian No 5, Z979 pp 34-40
- [Article by T. Abubakarov, E:.onomic Department of Moscow iiniversity imeni
M. V. Lomonosov: "Some Aspects of Regional Demographic Development o~ the
USSR Population (Using the Northern Caucasus as an Example)"]
[Text] A general popula~ion census that was concluded in January 1979 is an
important document that reflects the enormous changes in the life of the
Soviet people that have occurred since the last censua in 1970. Undoubtedly
specialists will be interested in this document for studying so-called purely
~ demographic parameters of the population such as compnsition according to sex
and age, distributior. of population, family status, etc. The country's
planning organs will receive exhaustive material on the size of the population
- and of the wor?c.tng population, which is especially important today with the
shortage of labor resources.
The reasons for this deficit are some negative phenomena in our economy on
the one ~and resulting in the inefficient utilization of existing labor
resources, and on the other hand the problem of labor resources is related
to a great degree to the:cha~gge of the demosraphic behavior of the population
itself, which has revealed more and more of a tendency toward moderate
reproduction. Moreover, whereas th~ factors involvzd in economics are of a .
temporary, transitory nature and for this reason car. be eliminated, the
changes in the demographic behavior are a resnlt of the lives of many
generations and are thus long-term in nature. This cixcumstance must be
- considered in any study of the demographic situation that has developed in
the USSR in recent years. It is commonly believed that the basis for this
phenomenon is the tendency of the decreasing birth rate in the population.
Such an intergretation of the prohla~ would be of rr~-tical significance
- only if the birth rate were not related to other demographic processes of
~ existence. Actually it is impossible to isnlate birth :ate and to study it
without relating it to the components of the concept "demographic behavior." .
In scientific circles there already exists an understanding of the necessity
to change from the isolated study of demographic processes to their
integrated study in the family's demography. As an example we can refer to
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the well-known statement of D. I. Valentey, who wrote; "A thorough study
_ of the tendencies of birth rate assumes the ~tudy of problems related to .
the position and role of the family under conditions of developed
- socialism" (4, p 6). -
Demographic processes in various sections of the cnuntry vary in intensity.
- This is a characteristic based on the richness of the ethnic composition of
- our population. Thus the role of these processes in forming demographic
situations differs. However, from a strictly theoretical point of view the
data on differences does not have to shade their general thrust toward
smoothing. In this regard the Northern Caucasus is a unique region. Of
the more than 100 nationaliti~s of the USSR, no less than half are
co:icentrated here.
All external social conditions being equal the specifics of demographic
phenemena, whether it is the birth rate or the insignificant migratory.
mobility, should not be examined as a phenomenon that is intrinsic .
to a particular population. "A high birth rate," writes G. A. Bondarskaya,
"were characteristic of all people at certain stages of their socio-economic
development. Consequently, it cannot be considered a distinctive feature ~
intrinsic to a particular people," (3, p 9).
Among the factors that ha~~e exacerbated the current demographic situation in ~
the USSR the fall in the birth rate is given primary significance. The ~
question arises: Is this drop an objectit�ely-based process or is it the
- result of the accidental concurrence of unfavo~table factors? The regularity
, of any process is manifested firstly in time. The more stable a tendency
is for a long period of time, the less basis there is to consider it
_ accidental.
~ During a half-century (1926-1975) the population of the Northern Caucasus '
increased from 9.1 million to 15.0 million people, or by 164.8~percent.
At the same time the proportion of the popu~tion of the Northern Caucasus
to the total population of the USSR remained approximately the same: in
1926--5.5 percent; 1939--5.4; 1959--5.5; 1970--5.9; and 1975--5.9 percent
(13, p 253).
~ For the sake of comparison we will say that the proportion of the
population of all the republics of Central Asia to that of the entire USSR _
increased from 4.7 percent in 1926 to 9.0 percent in 1975 (13, ~ 255).
There is no doubt that changes in the nature of reproduction have played
a certain role in the constancy of the proportion of the Northern Caucasian .
population. In approximately this same period (1926-1974) the dynamics of
the birth rate level in the Northern Caucasus changed in the following way
, per 1,000 persons: in 1926--35.5 persons;l in 1940--33.1; 1950--22.1;
- 1960--24.0; 1.970--16.3; and in 1974--16.7 persons.2 =
Caleulated by counting the number of children up to 1 year of age per 1,OQ0
population according to the 1926 census (6, p 168). -
ZCalculated according to the data (12, p 46, 47; 18, p 77; 19, p 82). .
:
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Even according to strictly comparable data the birth rate of the population
of ti~e Northern Caucasus has dropped from 33.1 percent in 1940 to 16.7
percent in 1974, or by almost SO percent. Such a twofold decrease in the
birth rate leaves little hope that it wil~ return to 1940 levels in the
future. For the so-called indigenous population of the Northern Caucasus,
which includea the representatives of national minorities, the indicators
for birth rate calculated according to traditional methods are either absent
in the ma~ority of cases or cannot be used in comparisons because of the
differences in the reference base of the calculations. For this reason the
_ detected tendency can be revealed by comparing the indicators for the birth
rate of the village pogulation in a region with a consideration of the fact
that most of tHe indigenous population lives in these villages (Table 1).
Tab le 1 -
Birth Rate of the Village Population in the Northern Caucasus
(Number of Births per 1,000 Persons) (15, p 12)
Region 1950 1960 1966 1970
Northem Caucasus 23.0 27.5 20.3 17.4 -
Including
- Krasnodarskiy Kray 23.0 23.0 15.0 13.7
Stavropol'skiy Kray 22.1 24.6 17.4 14.6
Rostovskaya Oblast 20.8 19.3 13.2 12.7
Dagestanskaya ASSR 29.5 43.5 37.9 32.5
Kabardino-Balkarskaya
ASSR 20.4 33.2 27.8 20.8
Severo-Osetinakaya ASSR 19.0 24.8 18.9 15.7
Checheno-Iugushskaya ASSR 27.8 39.2 28.2 23.1
Although the table shows the various intensities with which the birth rate
. has dropped in regions with a majority of Russian-Ukrainian and indigenous
_ populations, nevertheless in the latter the.indicator under analysis is
beginning to slowly drop. The reasons for such an ethic differentiation in
- birth rate in the country have been discussed broadly in demographic
literature and in most cases they are of a transient nature. The main
thing is that the drop in the birth rate level is occuring in various groups
- of the popu~ation with varying intensity.
We of course cannot assert that this tendency acts at any given moment as an
immutable systematically-functioning process. Not only can ~there be
- divergences, they are apparently unavoidable, especialZy with regard to the
lesser peoples of ~he Northern Caucasus. Thus, the results of the survey
conducted 3.n 1972 showed that "the women of the main nationalities of the
autonomous republics are standing up for limiting the number of children with
an orientation toward families with few children," (16, p 22). Even eo,
some nationalities differ quite significantly in their reproductive behavior. ~
Whereas the people of Severo-Osetinskaya ASSR are closer to the peoples
that have a lo~ birth rate, those of Kabardino-Balkarskaya ASSR occupy a
more intermediate position, thereby separating one type of reproductive
behavior from another. The peoples of Checheno-Ingushskays ASSR and
Dagestanskaya ASSR, on the other hand, maintain the tradition of a high
birth rate (16, p 23).
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All of these peoples, in addition to being neighbors, have similar histories
of socio-economic development and find themselves in practically identical
conditione of development at the present time. Apparently, covert
national characteristics sometimes supercede the conditions that might
negate them. Moreover, the latter may not alwaye be identical. In Dageatan,
for example, even the expenditures from public consumer funda per person,
which under conditions of socialism should theoretically not be related to
the-territorial level of socio-economic development, in 1970 comprised only
69 percent of the levels in Rostovskaya Oblast (17, p 75).
Consequently, insofar as real life confirms the idea that the demographic
status of a population is determined by the level of development of socio-
economic factors we are correct in "writing off" the r~se in the indicators
of the birth rate in the national rayons of the Northern Caucasus to their
lag in technical and economic progress. Population specialists from OON
[Department of Social Sciences of Academy of Sciences, USSR] write even more
categorically on this subject. "With some exc~ptions," they write, "th.e
higher the gross coefficient of reproduction the lower the average level
of economic and social develapment as measured by various indicators,"
(8, P 262j.
Although we do not accept this conclusion unconditionally it still has a
certain meaning and is confirmed by data from the USSR to a certain degree.
The gross coefficient of reproduction in 1958-1959 in the RSFSR was 1.27
and in Turkmenskaya SSR--2.48; in 1974-~975--0.98 and 2.83 respectively
_ (11, p 7). In other words, in the Turkmen SSR, which lags somewhat behind
- the RSFSR in the level of socio-economic development, moat of the population
practically is not limiting reproduction.
Undoubtedly in the national regions ef the Northern Caucasus, eRpe~ially in
~ rural areas, the eict~re will be significantly ~loser to the data of the
- Turkmen SSR than to that of the RSFSR. This can ~e e~aluated indirectly
by the value of the grosa reproduction coefficient in Dagestan, which in
1970 in r~4ra1 areas was 2,623 and in cities--1,128 (5, p 9). However, no
matter how specific the differencea in the reproduction levels of
_ the population, from the point of view of the goals that were expressed in
the given article more importance should be attributed to the conclusion that ~
the ethnic differences in birth rate "have begun to decrease gradually"
(16, p 35), including among the nationalities of the fourth ethnic group,
- which includes the indigenoua peoples of the Northern Caucasus, where "the
number of children ia alreAdy being limited," (16, p 30).
- Thus, an analysis of the data provides us with a basis for supposing that the
drop in the birth rate in the Northern Caucasus, which is occurring with -
varying intensity in various ethnic groups, is unavoidable and not accidental.
In very general terms this is related to the reorientation of new genera-
- tions of families to limit the number of children in cities as well as in
rural areas (Table 2).
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Table 2
~ Dynamics of Average-Size Familyl
(1970 in X of 1959) _
Region City Rural Total
Population Population Population
~raenodarskiy Kray 1Q0.0 97.0 97.0
Stavropol'skiy Kray 100.0 100.0 100.0
Rostovekaya Oblast 97,p g~,p 97~0
Adygeyskaya Autonomous Oblast 100.0 100.0 100.0
Karachayevo-Cherkesskaya
Autonomous Oblast 103.0 107.0 102.0
Dagestanskaya ASSR 108.0 122.0 115.0
� Kabardino-Balkarsk~ya ASS~ 103.0 112.0 105.0
Severo-Osetinskaya ASSR 102.0 102.0 102.0
Checheno-Ingushskaya ASSR 108.0 124.0 118.0
Northern Caucasus 100.0 105.0 100.0
The average family size in Stavropol's::iv Kray and in Adygeyskaya
Autonomous Oblast remained unchanged for+10 years in all categories of the
population; in RGStovskaya Oblast it decreased by 3 percent; in Krasno-
darskiy Kray the siz~ of the city family did not change, but that of the
rural family decreased by 3 percent.
There is a totally different pictcire in the national Ablasts of the Northern
Caucasus. Here there haa been a tendency toward an increase in the averayge
. aize of the family. In general the data in the table shows a spmewhat- -
altered variant of the universal phenomenon--even when there is an increase
in the aize of the family, the city "abjects" more to this process than
the village. If we take the size of the city families of indigenous
populations as the standard, then the corresponding indicator in the rural
area is an average of 12.1 percent higher than in the city. The ratio of
these factors is 1:7. for Avarets people , i.e. the size of the city families
corresponds fully to the size of rural families. On the other hand, in
Cherkessiya, Kabardinsk and Karachayevsk the size of city families is 24
percent lawer than that of rural families.
- Thus, some representatives of indigenous peoples living in cities have lost
the ties with the tradition of having many children per family and with
conditions in which the o1d norms of reproductive behavior would be reformed.
As the results of much research show, this phenomenon is common to any
population living in cities which has lost a firm tie with the village. -
However, if we judge by the censuses of 1959 and 1970, not all categories
of the population of the Northern Caucasus has moved to a low .birth rate.
The intensity with which the size of the family in the city is changing
enables us to formulate ideas about the future general bi:navior of families
r~ardin~ the number of children.
1The table was composed from the works (9, pp 442-444; 10, pp 212-213).
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I~UK Ul~i''1(:lAL U~L~ UNLY
The queation arises: Is this process accidental? Of course only the
- results of the latest (1979) cenaus will enable us to answer this
unequivocally. However, from the theoretical point of view and on the basis
of our preceding discussion it is possible already now to provide an
anewer, although this presupposea the elucidation of a more general
mechanism for the action of factors which provide the basis for the given
tendency. In addition we should remember that in ita effect en the level of
the birth rate the effect of one factor sometimes neutralizes that of
another. For this reason it is probably not possible in an isolated _
analyais of influences to determine which factora act equally. -
The solution can be found in the stiudy of a public institution in which the
a.forementioned factora would be woven into a mechanism of interactions.
In our opinion the family is such an instituzion. F. Engel~ called it a
"molecule of society (2, p 51), or the "simplest and .primary form of
social ties for the aim of production," (1, p 98). F. Engels discusses tre
gcals of the family based on monogamy: 1)economic--pioducing the me~ns of
production and consumer well-being on the basis of private property and -
private housework and transmitting them through offspring; 2)reproduction-- _
_ continuing the line ttirough the children (1, p 2). These family goals could
n~o�t. be self-contained while the level of joint production depended on the
number of children in the family. And conversely, the production of children
within the same framework did not have a purpose without the assumption of
the combined labor process in the future. -
. The absolute interrelationship of the a5orementioned goals made the
indepEndent and conscious destruction of the family an almost hopeless goal. -
- 'The relationship between the great solidity of the family and the large~ '
_ family size was objectively secured through tt~e very nature of people's
- activities. In the Northern Caucasus, for example, even in 1926 the -
proportion of family members helping in work to the total number of
individuals having purely agr~!cultural occupations was 66.8 percent; and -
in national okrugs--64.4 percent (6, pp 286-293). In other words, the agri-
cultural activities of the population, over 90 percent of which lived in
rural areas, occurred primarily within the framework of the family. In this
we have the extensive participation of women and children in production.
The economic stimulation of parents to have children to secure production,
even within the framework of simple reproduction, is existant here.
Consequently, concentrating production within the framework of the family
plus the sum total of circumstances which did not allow the wom3n to over-
step the very limited framewr~rk of social activities were the reasons for
~the solid family-marital relations on the one hand and for the large family
size, frequently purposefully so, on the other. For this reason in
quantitative term3 divorces were rarQ. According to our calculations in the
entire population of the Northern Caucasus in 1897 the number of divorced
- per 1,000 population was only 0.33 people,l and in 1926--2.5 people.2
1Calculated from book (6i p 431). Calculations were based on the idea that
the number of divorced people is double the number of divorces.
2Calculated by the same method.
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The period of limiting personal property an~ rhe simultaneous period of -
collectivization in our country meant the mass socialization of labor,
_ primarily in agriculture, which in itself created a new, higher productivity
of public ~abor. Another important result of the political socialization
of labor was the formation of a new molecule in the formation of the village
equal to one found in the city--the production collective. Labor in the
_ collective baeically alters the social status of inea~~ and women, and the
more acute the change, the more women participate in public production.
For this reason in the city the public status of women i~ progressing more
rapidly than in the village based or. the very nature of :urban production
with its foundation in co~+lective labor of large masses of people. _
With the arrival of the epoch of the socialized form of labor the economic
; bases for the existence of old large families are eroded. The conditions
which secured the unity of the two basic family goals are gradually
receding into the past, leaving behind the growth of faae~ily instability.
The relationship between the goals is lost, as is the common goal of the _
family. If the economic possibilities of marriage partners are great,
the dissolution of the marriage does not mean a loss of independence for
the partners, so that the potential stability of the family is lost. This
- circumstance was noted by A. I. Gozulovyy with regard to the Northern
Caucasus. t1The independent sources of the means of existence," he writes,
"play a de~~sive role in divorce, especially in the youthful years,"
(6, p 425). We feel that the following dynamics of divorces in the Northern -
' Caucasus per 1,0~0 population are not accidental: in 1897--0.33 people -
divorced; in 1926--2.5; 1940--1.4; 1950--0.4; 1960--1.6; 1965--1.9; 1970-- -
3.3 and 1973--3.3 persons.3
_ It is true that some people feel that in the national republics of the
Northexn Ca.ucasus there has been no tendency toward an increase in
d~vorces (14, p 30). Here the situation is much more complex. First of
all, the divorce statistics include only those of ZAGS [Civil registry
office] documents on divorces, which do not have to be filed. Secondly,
in the national republics of the region where over half of the indigenous
_ population lives in rural areas, the practice of obtaining these documents
is even less widespread. In addition, with indigenous peoples there are
still cases in which marriages and divorces are not registered at all or
_ are registered very late. For this reason the actual number of divorces
and marriages amotig the iad~genous population is significantly higher than
_ those that are officially registered.
- In presenting the mechanism for the interrelationship of factors acting
simultaneously to decrease the birth rate coefficient and the stability of
the family we prtm~rily noted the economic reasons for the process. There
are also derivative reasons. These include the fact that "the woman fears
_ being left alone with children and the epouses do not want to be tied down
- n in view of potential possibilities for divorce,"(7,p 14,5?.
Data for 1940-1973 is based on the works (12, pp 46-47; 18, p 77; I9, p 82~,
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_ Thus, the old method with which the unification of the basic goala of the -
family occurred is not possible now except:in the r�e~ral family perhaps in
a truncated, limited form. An entire system of ineasures is possible to
= make the urbsn family more stable and to increase the number of children
in the family. ThP literature presents a complete system of economic
measures. It is noteworthy, however, that their gradual implementation _
in our country is being accompanied by a drop in the birth rate and a -
_ growth in divorces. This is proof that once the economic bases for the =
formation of families has changed, their regu~ation by means of purely- -
economic facLOrs already cannot be ;;ustified. Apparently it is time to
propogandize the essential stereotype of famiiial behavior on a scale of -
the entire society. This is an integral part of demograptiic policq; the :
~ necessity of which was discussed by L. I. Brezhnev in the review speech -
at the 25th CPSU Congress. ~
In our opinion this is the s~hematic presentation of the ob,jective mechanism
_ of the ir.terrelationship of factors resutting in the changes in the
demographic behavior of the population. Of course, real life is limitlessly
richer than any scheme. Divergences,.and somet~mes essential ones, are
unavoidable. Nevertheless, as a whole the aforementioned tendency hae
an objective basis.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
- 1. Marx, K., Engels, F. "Sochineniya" [Works], vol 21.
2. Marx, K., Eng~Zs, F. "Sochineniya;" voI 20.
- 3. Bondarskaya, G. A. "Rozhdayemost' v SSSR" [The Birth Rate in the USSR], `
~ Moscow, 1977.
4. Valentey, D. I. "Problemy uprevleniya protsessami razvitiya
narodonaseleniya" [Problems in the Management of the Processes of
Developing the National Population], VOPROSY FILOSOFII, 1978, no 2.
5. Gadzhiyev, A. G., et. al. "Voprosy ispol'zovaniya trudovykh resursov
Dagestanskoy ASSR" [Questions in Utilizing the Labor Resources of the
Dageatanskaya ASSR], Makhachkala, 1976.
6. Gozulov, A. I. "Morfologiya naseleniya" [Population Morphology],
Rostov-na-Donu, 1929.
7. Darskiy, L. Ye. "Formirovaniye sem'i" [Formation of the Family],
_ Moscow, 1972.
8. "Determinanty i posiedstviya demografieheskikh tendentsiy" [Determinants
and Consequences of Demographic Tendencies], Vol 1, Part 2, New York, ~
1973.
10 -
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9. "Itogi Vseaoyuznoy perepisi naseleniya 1959 g. RSFSR" [Results of the
All-Union Census of the Population of the RSFSR in 1959], Moscow, 1963, -
10. "~togi Vaesoyuznoy pere~~6ei naseleniya 1970 g." [Results of the All- -
Union 1970 Cenaus), Vol 7, Moscow, 1974.
11. Kvasha, A.; Kiseleva, G. "The Reproduction Teadency in the Population
of the USSR" in colleetion:' "Vozobnovleniye pokoleniy nashey strany"
[Renewing the Generations of Our Conntry], Issue 23, Moscow, 1978.
12. "Narodnoye khozyaystvo SSSR ~..1~65" [The National Economy of the USSR in
1965], Moscow, 1966.
13. Nekrasov,~N. N. "Regional'naya ekonomika" [Regional EconomicsJ,
Moscow, 1978.
14. Perevedentaev, V. "Snova o aem'ye" [Agai:~ About the Family], SMENA,
, 1978, no 10. ~
15. "Problemy trudovykh resursov Kabardino-Balkarsko,y ASSR" [Problems in
Labor Resources of the Kabardino-Balkarsk~ya ASSR], edited by M. Ya.
Sonin. Nal'chik, 1975.
lb. "Ska~'ko detey budet v sovetskoy sem'ye" [How Many Children There Will
Be in the Soviet Family], Moscow, 1977.
17. Shevchenko, L. F. "The Equal Distribution of Public Consumer Funds
Among Individual Administrative Rayons of the Northern Caucasus," in
_ collection: "Razvitiye i rasmeshcheniye proizvoditel'nykh sil Severnogo
Kavkaza" [~he Development and Distribution of Production Forces in
the Northern Caucasus], Rostov-na-Donu, 1972.
18. VESTNIK STATISTIKI, 1971, no 12.
19. VESTNIK STATISTIKI, 1'975, no 12.
COPYRIGHT: Izdatel'stvo "Ylym". "Izvestiya Akademii nauk Turkmenskoy SSR,
_ seriya obshchestvennykh nauk", 1979
8228
CSO: 1823
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DEMOGRAPHY
ECONOMIC COSTS, EFFECTS OF RESETTLII~NT F$OM RUR.AL AREAS WEIGHED
Moscow VESTNIK MOSKOVSKOGO GOSUDARSTVENNOGO UNIVERSITETA, SERIYA GEOGRAFIYA
in Russian No 1, 1980 pp 97-100
[Article by A. I. Alekseyev, H. V. Zubareti�ich, and T. M. R~gent: "An Attem-
pted Study of the Effectiveness of the Resettlement of Residents of Rural -
Settlements in the Non-Chernozem Zone of the RSFSR"] ~
[Texc] The nonconformity of the pattern of rural settlement in the non-
Chernozem zone of the RSFSR with current economic and social requirements
demands an attentive gtudy. The small size of the settlements hinders con-
centration of production and the raising of the level of services for the
rural population. At the present time various ways have been suggested for
resolving the problem of dispersed settlement in the NChZ [non-Chernozem -
zone], but collective aettlement, that is, the complete resettlement of res-
idents from amall nonprospective rural settlements into a~few (1-2 per farm) ~
large settlements equipped with public services is considered to be the
most basic method. Although the process of collective settlement is exam-
- ined in the given work, the authors, nevertheless, do not consider it to be
the only way of reorganizing the dispersed rural aettlement of the NChZ.
J
- In order Co determine the effectiven~ss of collective settlement in the non-
Chernozem zone, we inveatigated eight farms in Vologodskaya Oblast, inclu-
ding four "unresettled" farms, where no work on collective settlement has ~
been done at all, and four " collectively settled" farms, in which an organi- -
~ed intrafarm resettlement is being .~arried out (thera did not turn out to -
be any completely resettled farm in Vologodskaya Oblast).
Of the "unresettled" we selected farms typical for the three zones of the
- oblast: southeast, northeast, and the western zone, and also farms typical
for the suburban areas of the oblast center the city of Vologoda. These -
- farms were approximately identical in the number and composition of the
people, but differed from each other according to their economic and geo-
graphic position and communications wi~h oblast and rayon centers. As far -
- as thoae farms being "collective:.y settle3" are concerned, the selection
here ~aas very limited although the authors in their basic work also attem- ~
_ pted to trace the dependency between the socio-economic situation under
conditions of collective settlement which had begun and the level of their
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communications with local centers of dispersed sett.lementso All of the kol-
- khozes and sovkhozes of Vologodskaya Oblas~: in which collective settlement
is being carzied out.are located in an area within 1-2 hours of transport
_ $ccessibility to the oblast center. The procese of collective settlement
ie practically nonexistent in peripheral territories. ~
~ ~
Attempts to determine the direct economic effectivenesa of collective set-
tlement resulted in.the following conclusion: The ecomm~ic benefite (actual
and potential) being obtained from the concentratioa of population are still -
much less than the expenditures needed for ~hia process. Evidently, the
greatest benefits to be gained are from the concentration of production for
_ improving the management of a farm, but it is very difficult to tum.this
"share" into an economic and social effect, to which we are indebted for
the concentration of the population.
~.'he only.debit item which is reduced during the process of collective set-
. tlement is the wage fund for administrative personnel, which is reduced ae
_ a result of the elimination of small farms, warehouses, and so on, expendi-
tures for transportation, as a rule, increase since the distances for trans-
porting fodder are increased as a result of the enlargement of farms. Ex-
penditurea for maintaining services are not reduced because, in the first
- place, it is very seldom that there are existing inetitutions for public
services in aettlements that are being collectively settled and, in the
second place, even the elimination of a few small enterprises does not re-
sult 3n a reduction of expenditures for services. Inasmuch as the exiating
level~ of aervices is insufficient, the necessary expenditure for the con- _
atruction and operation of service oriented enterprises in future settle-
ments are much greater than the savings resulting from the elimination of
amall enterpriaes.~ Other production and nonproduction expenditures also
increase dur~ng the process of collective settlement.
ihe economic effectiveness of collective settlement may also be found in a =
reduction of the migratory efflux of ttae population from nonprospective
aettlements to.locations beyond the farm. It was intended that the collec--
tive settlement process will change the structure of this migration and the
- ma3or portion of those leaving small settlements will move to the prospec-
tive settlements of their own farm, that is, primarily to the farm center.
_ 'However, it has turned out that in the farms being "collect,ively settled"
the intensiveness.and the direction of the efflux of migranta from nonpro-
spective settlements exhibit practically no differentiation from the state
of affairs in the "unresettled" farms.~ ~
A quite evident effect lies in the fact that the rate of the reduction of
- the number of peap.le in the farms being collectively settled ie slightly
less than in the populated farms (respectively 1.5 and 2.1 percent annual-
ly). This takea place as a result of the more rapid growth of the pro~pec-
tive settlements, which, on the whole, takes place at the expen~e of mi-
grants from other farms. The managers in th~ farms being collectively aet-
tled reason as followa: A family attracted fram the outside means addi-
tional workers, but a resettled family does not chauge the balance of labor
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resources. Besides, collective resettlement, of even those capable of work- ,
ing, ia teeld iiack because of the large portion of elderly people among the
population in nonprospective villages. It is not yet possit~le to resettle
the whole population, it is only poasible to resettle those familiea consis- -
ting of inembere capable of working, which means that the aged are to be left
behind without any kind of assiatance with reapect to services (shopping and
so on).
Beaides, the advantages of prospective settlements are not yet so great that
. they would compensate for the inconveniences connected with moving, and the
conditions for the cultivation of one's personal suBsidiary plot are usu-
ally much better in nonprospective settlements.
Among the 200 resettled families queationed by us the overwhelming ma~ority
owned livestock for their personal use prior to the resettlement, but after
- resettlement less than half continued to own liv~stock. This was caused
by two basic reasons: 1) the nature of the building and planning of the
new settlements (multistory buildinga, the absence of ad~acent plots of
land and suitable outside buildings); 2) a shortage of fodder due to the
absence of pastures and hayfields near the new settlementa. The firat of
~ these reasona is to be eliminated in accordance with the decisions of the -
July Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee (1978), but ways for resolving
the second question are less clear. It turns out that as a result ~of re-
� settlement fodder which was previously prepared by r~:~ gQOple themselves ~
near their own homes must now be acquired with considerably greater expend- -
itures. Evidently, it is necessary to find ways to resolve this problem,
otherwise the unwillingness on the part of the peuple to resettle into new ,
settlements will become even greater.
" The social effectiveness of resettlement first of all manifests itself in .
the fact that living conditions, on the whole, improve. Of the people re-
_ settled 77 percent consider that living conditions improved after. resettle-
ment. The basic portion of the resettled people ia made up of young famil-
ies, for ~hom the cultivation of a peraonal eubaidiary plot was not so
important , and the higher level of aervices (for 95 percent of the reaet-
_ tled people) and impraved working conditiona (for 63 perc2nt), on the whole,
create much better living conditions than in the nonprosppctive aettlements.
The level of services and utilities for housing was also raised. For each
100 resettled families 63 percent have central heating, 90.5 percent gas
and 67 percent indoor plumbing. Moreover, it should be noted that not
one sirigi~ reaettled family previously had central heating or indoor plumb- -
- ing, and only 7.5 percent had gas prior to resettlement. The age etructure
of the population is improving in the new population centera of the farms
_ being resettled, the number of machine operators among all the people em-
ployed is increasing, and the number of workers involved in nonmechanized
1. True, the ma~ority of such families receives products from the personal
subsidiary plots of their parents, who continue to live in the nonproapec-
tive settlements; their houses are used as a kind of "dacha" [summer vaca-
tion home] for the children by many of the resettled families.
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work is decreasing. However, these changes in the atructure of the popula-
tion are not eo great, which ia primarily the result of th~ small acope of
the resettlement program.
The authora attribute the fact that there has been no reduction in the mi-
gratory efflux from farms being resettled to the low rate of resettlement, -
which is in turn explained by the int~ufficient concentration of capital in-
veatmenta. In three of the four farms being resettled only 20-25 percent
of all the necessary expenditures for resettlement were made in the last ~
10 years, and expenditures for resettlement amounted to an average of
40,000-60,000 rublea annually. In one farm alone the suburban Rodina
Ko].khaz in Vologodskiy Rayon approximately 80 percent of all expenditures
were made with an intensiveness of a~proximately 200,000 rubles annually, -
and here reaettlement is approaching completion, the migratory efflux has
become incomparably smaller. It should also be taken into consideration
that in Vologodakaya Oblast no more than one-two tenthe (of the approximate- -
_ ly 400 farms) are being resettled, that is, farms similar to the one we
atudied, and in all the remaining farms there is practically, no resettle-
ment at all. -
The low rate of resettlement does not yet make it possible to evaluate the -
_ changes which are taking place in the structure of the intrafarm ayatem of
diapersed settlement. A reduction in the number of population centers is
_ taking place in all the farms we studied basically at the expense of small
centers not exceeding 25-50 residents, but the basic reason is not resettle-
ment, but a migratory efflux and natural attrition. At the present time the
ma~ority of the rural population living in small peripheral settlements con-
aists of elderly people no longer capable of working. This group no longer ~
has any desire to foresake the lifestyle to which it has become accustomed.
~ As was noted above, from the point of view of economic effectiveness ~here
is nothing to be gained from resettling pensioners in prospective populatiai
centers. However, one should not forget the social necessity of providing
the rural aged with all necessary services. Here the utilization of port-
able types of services is the most rational.
The chief conclusion of our work: collective resettlement is economically
- and socially effective only when it is completelq carried out within a rea-
sonable period of time (not more than 10 years). When this proceas is drag-
ged out over a protracted period of time and is accomplished at a slow rate,
a reduction of population efflux is not observed at least within the first
10 years, nor is there an essential improvement of the popu'lation structure.
Let us repeat that we came to this conclusion on the basis of a"selection"
from four farme being "resettled", of which only one.is close to the comple-
- tion of this progress. Therefore, the results obtained must not be consid-
. ered representative with absolute certainty. But the fact that only one
farm in the whole oblast is completing the process of resettlement (we se-
lected farms with the most intensive resettlement), attests to the very
small scale of the program and its "general totality".
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If our concluaion is correct, the following conclusion arises: The means `
for reaettlement muat be effectively concentrated in a few farms. But this -
is difficult becauee of social considerations: indeed, in this case we
will place all the fai~na in a"line", in which the "last" one will receive
ite ahare in no earlier than 40 years, and until that time the differences
in living conditiona on the farme will become greater. One solution would
be a sharp increase of capital investments in the nonproductive aphere in
~ rural areas basically at the expense of redistributing general expenditures
for the development of agriculture with an increase in the proportion of ex-
penditures for the construction of housing and utilities.
COPYRIGHT: Izdatel'atvo "Moskovskogo Gosudarstvennogo Universiteta", 1980
10576
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