JPRS ID: 9193 NEAR EAST/NORTH AFRICA REPORT

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• Content Type: REPORTS

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F'OR OF'FICIAL 1_!SE nNL},
JPRS L/9193
15 July 1980
Ne~rr E~st ~lorth Africa Re ort
p _
CFOUO 25/80)
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~;'PRS L/9193
15 July 1980
- NEAR EAST/NORTH AFR~CA REPORT
(FOUO 25/80)
CONTENTS
INTER-ARAB AFFAIRS
BADEA President: Reactivate Cairo Chartex
(Chedly Ayari Interview; JEUNE AFRIQUE,
4 Jun ~0) ....o .............o....................... 1
Briefs
Aral~s Aid Itali~an, Basque Militants 3
Gafsa Attack Planning 3
ALGERIA. _
- Ben Be11a Statement Responds to Newspaper Query
(JEUNE AFRIQUE, 11 Jun 80) 4
Co~ents on State~ent, by Hamid Barrada
_ Text of Statement
IRAN
Khomeyni Power Structure Analyzed
~ (Carlo Rossella; PANORAMA, 19 May 80) 13
- Life in Tehran Transformed by Revolution
(PANORAMA, 26 May 80) ........................o,..o,. 17
Changes in Everyday Life, by Ca.rlo Rossella
Friend of Bani-Sadr Interviewed, Paul Vieille
Interview
Executio~n of Only Feminist Minister Described
(PARIS MATCH, 23 May 80) 22
- a- [III - NE & A- 1.21 FOUO]
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Oil Industry Subordinated to National Interests
(Lanfranco Vaccari; L'EUROPEO, 27 Ma.y 80) �����o������� 26
IRAQ
Organizations Said To Be Foradag Coalition To Overthrow
Regime
(REUTER, 20 Jun 80) 31
MAURITANI~1
_ New Wave of Repression Expect~d After President's Tour 32
(Abdelazia Dahmani; JEUNE AFRIQUE, 4 Jun 80)
~riefs 34
Special Adviser 34
Officer Takea to Bush .
PEOPi~E' S DEMOCRATIC REPUBLiC OF YEMEN -
Background Given for Isma'il's Ouster
- (AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI, 25 Apr-1 May 80) 35
TUNISIA
Political Prisoners Released, Masmoudi Goes on Hunger
Strike 40
(Abdelazia Barouhi; JEUNE AFRIQUE, 11 Jun 80)
WESTERN SAHARA
Recent M~oroccan Offensive Seen as Decisive ia Sahara 43
(JEUNE AFRIQtTE, 28 May 80)
Briefs 49
Polisario Assets Noted
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INTER-ARA,B A,F~AIRS
BADEA PRESIDENT: REACTIVATF CAIRO CHARTER
Paris JEUNE AFRIQUE in French 4 Jun 80 p 49
[Interview with Chedly Ayari, president of the BADEA (A,rab Bank for A~r~,can
Economic Development), by Samir Gharbi on 19 May, place not given]
[Text] Arab-African cooperation must be reactivated. That is the opi,nion
of the president o.~ the BADEA, Tunisian Chedly Ayar~. We met with him on
19 May, 1 month af;:er his unanimous reelection to a second S-year term.
If the Arab ministers of finan~e (governors of the Bank) in this manner
renewed their confidence in him, such actior~ r.elates in particular to the
closeness of his management. The reserves, which were zexo at the time
the Bank was started in 1975, totaled $86.5 million (18 bill~on C~'A [Afri,can
Finaacial Community] francs) at the end of 1979. For Ayari, the primary
reason for this financial health is "respect for their commitments by all
- the member states."
Specialized in Arab multilateral aid to non-Arab African cnuntries, the
BADEA had granted $332 million (70 billion CFA francs) in gifts and loans
as of 31 December 1979.
However, Arab-African cooperation seems to be getting its second wind.
With little diversification, it is almost limited to financial aid ($4
billion or 850 billion CFA francs from 1973 to 1978) on the one hand and
to political support in the conflict with Israel on the other hand. A1so,
a few months from the second Arab-African summit (scheduled for ~he end
of the year), a certain amount of disenchantment is noted.
JEUNE AFRIQUE: BADEA credits experienced a marked decline in 1979: $49
million compared to an annual average of $71 million between 1975 and 1978...
Chedly Ayari: That was not a tren~ oriented decline but rather a cyclical
decrease or, if you prefer, a situational decline. This was due princip.ally
to two factors. On the one hand, the maturation of projects is particularly
_ slow in Africa. Since the BADEA finance,s only part of the total project
cost, other ienders must be sought; and above all the financial participation
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of the state itself must be obtained. Occasionally, that takes a long time.
On the other hand, there is political instability. In 1979, for example,
two projects, one in Uganda (livestock raising) and the other in Chad
(refinery) could not be implemented because of political problems. The
~3ADEA was to have participated in these projects in the amount of about
$20 million.
JEUNE AFRIQUE: But it is also said that you practice parsimonious management.
Chedly Ayari: Effectively, my management is very cautious. I do not think
it healthy to accumulate pro~ects without assuring the institution's conti-
nuity in time. It will not be until after 1984 that the BADEA wilZ ask
its stockholders for an increase in its resources. From now until then,
- the Bank will not be lacking in the means for intervention. Therefore,
it will not reduce its loans waich should total $75-80 million in 1980.
JEUNE AFRIQUE: As the diractor of an Arab bank exclusively responsible for
Africa, what is your eval~aation of Arab-African cooperation 3 years after
the Cairo ~ummit?
Chedly Ayari: In my opinion, we should reactivate the Caixo Cha,rtex, f~,nd
new forms of cooperation, particula.rly at the level of commercial exchanges
and private investments, and make cooperation more effective. For coopera- _
tion should not be limited to transfers of financial resources which one
day will dry up.
COPYRIGHT: Jeune Afrique GRUPJIA Paris 1980 ,
8143
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INTER-ARAB AFFAIRS
BRIEFS
ARABS AID ITALIAN, BASQUE MILITANTS--Algeria, Libya, South Yemen and
certain Palestinian factions are rep~rtedly workj.ng with the Red Brigades
of Italy and ETA Basque militants. This is the conclusion of West
European intelligence who have decided to cooperate in fighting terrorism
in Europe. According to their reports, Algeria is reportedly training
Basque commandos at a police school and the Yemeni Army is providing
similar training. [Text] [Paris JEUNE AFRIQUE in French 25 Jun 80 p 46J _
GAFSA ATTACK PLANNING--Boumedienne, not Qadhdhafi, ordered 2 years ago the
27 January 1980 attack at Gafsa. His aim was to start the Tunisian revo-
lution. At least this is what Qadhdhafi confided to one of his friends,
adding that he had merely placed a training camp at the disposition of the
Algerian services and commandos. [Text] [Paris JEUNE AFRIQUE in French
25 Jun 80 p 46]
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ALGERIA
BEN BELLA STATEMENT RESPONDS TO NEWSPAPER QUERY
Comments on Statement
Paris JEUNE AFRIQUE in French 11 Jun 80 p 17
[Article by Hamid Barrada]
[Text] A year ago, Ahmed Ben Bella, the first president of independent
Algeria, moved from total imprisonment to surveiled freedom. However, we
do not know a great deal about what he is thinking. That is because although _
his guardian angels permitted his many friends to meet with him in his Msila
villa, 300 km from the capital (at least early on, before the continual `
~ wave of visitors made them uneasy), they had always maintained an almost
impenetrable wall against journalists.
A colleague from a peripheral French radio, Europe No 1, did manage to con-
tact him. By telephone. However, the only thing we derived from their
brief conversation was that he was in good health and that his voice had
aot changed. JEUNE AFRIQUE had resigned itself to gathering testimonies
from friends who had talked with him (see JEUNE AFRIQ~~ No 978). An Arab
newsman, unable to obtain an interview with Ben Bella, made one up! More
scrupulous, an Iranian newspaper, ETTELA'AT, published a real i:~terview =
a couple of months ago. However, only a few bits of it were disseminated
outside Khomeyni's country.
To a question asked subsequently by the Tehran newspaper, in all likelihood
in writirig and trivial ("How can imperialism and Zionism be eradicated?"),
Ben Bella could hardly resist the urge "to give free reigii to his thoughts."
He wrote over 20 pages in a small and fine hand. For the first time, he
gave us a sample of his political thoughts.
We realize that durir.g his long captivity (14 years) he did a lot of thinking, -
read a great deal (the wicked languages, according to Roger Garaudy in
particular) and resurfaced the ideas which seemed to him untouchable a long ~
time ago. The chief of state, who received the Lenin Prize in Moscow in.
1964, aoes not hesitate to write today that the LTSSR and the socialist camp
are an integral part...of the Western world. For the former secretary-general
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of the FLN, the single party is a single evil. It is above all clear that
Khomeyni has made a deep impression on him and that he has no doubt about
the Islamic revolution's having been called upon to "enrich the world."
On page 30, we have published Aen Bella's text; and, although we had to
abridge it, we were caxeful to retain both its logic and freshness. In this -
profession of faith, certain proposals will not fail to seem naive and
utopian, if not confused. However, in our opinion, therein lies the essence
- of the text. The essence resides in this profusion of ideas, this thirst
_ for change, this outpouring of sincerity, traits which assure continuity -
between the Ben Bella of yesterday and the Ben Bella of today and which
always evoke sympathy.
Text of Statement
Paris JEUNE AFRIQUE in French 11 Jun 80 pp 30-34
[Text] To a succinct question (see p 17) dealing with enormous problems,
an equally succinct reply is permissible: wc must first eradicate the
roots of imperialism and Zionism from ourselves, for nowhere else have they
found a better refuge. Zionism and imperialism have installed themselves
within us, before they were in Palestine or in the United States. It is
on the dung heap of our hearts that these two poisonous weeds are growing
in profusion. Let us do away with this dung heap, and they will perish.
Let us return to God without associating anything else with Him; let us
make of his teachings the fundamental rule of our life, to bring about his
Kingdom first here on earth. In short, let us prepare a real plan for a
civilization qualitatively superior to that offered by the capitalist _
Western world and bring within its domain the so-called socialist Western
- world. Who does not in fact now see that the capitalist and s~cialist
world~ in the final analysis are only two nonantagonistic expressions of
one and bhe same civilization emptying out onto the consumer society? Who
does not agree, consideration given to the proliferation of multinational -
como:nies operatii.n,g in the ~ociallst wor~d, that the latter are in the -
process of b~inging about on earth, between the two systems, an integration
as perfect as the union brought about in the skies by Apollo and Soyu2 II?
We would have to invent a science and a new technology in the service of
objectives different from those sPt by the Western military-industrial =
complex. One of the levers favoring such an orientation is constituted by
Moslem funds deposited in Western banks which serve all the more to rivet
to our ankles the chains of our dependence. By so doing, we would be giving
to the wealth buried in the soil of Islam a utilization more in line with
~ the message of our Prophet, God bless him. _
A Different World Order
Strangely--but is it so strange?--natural gas and oil are principally Moslem
natural gas and oil, if we add to the Arab countries Iran, Nigeria, Indonesia
and even the USSR and China, since these resources are to be found in Moslea~
- regions which at present are causing a problem. -
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It was on the Arabian peninsula that the prophets of the people of the Good
Book saw the light of day. An enormou~ supply of spi,ricual energy was dis-
charged there to enrich the world. Centuries later, energy came forth-mate-
rial energy this time--which has become indispensable to th~ functioning of
an enormous machine, basically in the service of the West, for its well-
_ being and prosperity, conceived by a rational philosophl~ which is fundamen-
- tally unknown to ~is and which has led to a formidable waste of the physical -
and human potentiali.ties of the planet.
It is the end of this waste that we should hasten. The new form of energy
should not belie the primary spiritual energy by serving another god: the
god of the dollar. We will only succeed in this effort if we take our
distance from the capitalist world order. Only if we create a different -
world order, even if in the initial stages it is merely embryonic. That
was the most important question on the agenda of the Afro-Asian cor.ference
which was held in June 1965 in Algiers and which the 19 June coup d'etat
rendered without object. The Bandung conference had taken note of the
_ decolonization phase; the Algiers conference studied the methodology for
passage to real decolonization through the establishment of a new world
order. This idea must not die, nor shauld the seed rot undergroud. Aowever,
in view of tt~e important po].itical event~ which have since taken place,
- particularly the new course in China and the event~ which are shaking
Southeast Asia, this idea can be taken up again Frithin the Mosl.em framework.
_ Crowning Infamy
- The gigantic efforts and sacrifices made by our peoples have enabled us to -
only ob~ain a flag and national anthem for each country. But the real content
of that which we inherited is adulterated merchandise. Up tc now, and in
order to dominate us, the West has needed armies and cannoneers. Today,
it is enough for the West to have a technology diploma, which it keeps to
itself. A considerable tapping of our physical and human potentialities
follows therefrom. Our able-bodied men emigrate to Europe by legions in
search of their daily bread; about 70 percent of our degreed population
follows the same path, as does our oil and gas. Members of the r~ew middle
class are profiting from this bastard system and their funds are also
emigrating to the West. In this harmful s}~stem,.technology plays an essential
role.
As a vehicle of exploitation, technolflgy is not neutral; in the final analy- ~
sis, ir_ determines a view of the world and life, a way of being and thinking.
However, it is that which we are eager to teach our children: we make them
potential emigrants for whom, when they reach adulthood, the paradise on
earth can be found nowhere else but Paris, London or New York.
There is no future for us if we do not first call this technology into
question, since science gave birth to it. Every ci~ilization endows itself
with science and technalogy suited to the meeting of its objectives. The
science and technology which we must create in all sectors would be designed
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to serve man in his totality, contrary to Western science and technology,
which have become an end in themselves, atomizing this man.
We must stop the brain drain to the West and arrange for the return of those
who are already there. This will not ~ust be theoretical, if we promota
scientific research in order to move more quickly than the Westerners _
~ (petrodollars would be more than sufficient for that purpose) and above all
if there is a political c limate favorable to creativity. One has only to
- listen to Professor E1 Baz, the geologist working for NASA, who revealed
that before emigrating to the U.S., he had in vain proposed various projects
to the Arab League and Egypt, his country. Rather than help the Americans
get to the moon before the Russians, he said in substance, it would have
been better for his science to help discover more water in Egypt. That is
the first contradiction: namely the ord~r of the capitalist world, which
gives us no future other than a life of inediocrity.
The second contradition which should be brought up is that of the Moslem '
political regimes. Imperialism needs in-country accomplices tQ have its
- violence shouldered by our peoples. The theft and gigantic loss of our
physical and human potentialities, the sterilization of our energies, this
role of servants which sticks to our skins, it is first and foremost the
Moslem leaders and their broad clientele who swallow it. Bribes, speculation,
the purchase of hotels, restaurants, business funds, holdings on the Riviera
or on the eastern coast of the United States (where one Algerian nouveau
riche owns two airline companies), cash [de nu] purchases of houses in Germany,
chateaux, regular charter flights organized from the Emirates to the night-
clubs on the Riviera; these are a few examples of a daily scandal which is -
reported complacently by the iveatern press.
The infamy is crowned by funds of Arab origin--which in 1975 already totaled
$121 billion, according to estimates of the Chase Manhattan Bank, deposited
in Western banks of which a not inconsiderable part--this should be under-
' scored--is under the inf luence of the Zionist lobby. I should ad~ to this
the heavy shares purchased by certain Moslem countries in multinational
companies, such as Fiat, I~Iercedes, Lockheed and Lonrho.
- How is it possible to doubt the complicity of our leaders with capitalism
when we know that no Mos lem chief of state or government--with a single _
excevtion, but whose visit is causing a problem--has yet traveled to Tehran?
At a time when an immense sun is rising in Iran and when all the Moslem _
world is as if illuminated by it, at a time when an immense hope is being
bor.n in tbe hearts of the overwhelming majority of Moslems, the leaders
maintain a silence of complicity, when they fail to express open hostility -
_ vis-a-vis the greatest event which has occurred in the Islamic world for
centuries.
There is or.ly one reason for their attitude: fear. The liquidation of the
contracitions of which I have spoken should be accompanied by a deepening
of ideology as well as by an exegesis effort to update certain socioeconomic
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information about Islam. More generaily, we must give proper responses. to
the fundamental problems of our tim~as. L'p to now, agologetics has constituted
an essenti~l arm. That is a childish attitude. The hour of maturity, of
creation, t~as sounded.
Single Party, Single Evil
A kind of development favoring agriculture; .light industrialization, the .
creator ot jobs, to develop an integrated, self-centered economy designed
to create an interr.al market and satisfy essential national needs, these
are some of the lines of force of an action aimed at decreasing the harmful
effects of technological dependence; dependence also as regards wheat which ~
- has become the strategic weapon par excellence of the United States, In
the meantime, it would be proper to bring into a healthy condition, to
slowly digest the major industrial developments by means of their parti:al
or total stoppage. -
We must also change r:irection i n the sector of education and culture. And
to do this, we mus;t take our distance with reduction ideologies, in the
first place with rationalism and its perversions.
The problem of the exploitation of man by man is central. Moreover, it
is for lack of having resolved this problem that the Western system has
failed. However, our misfortunes also began quite early when---near the
end of the Othman caliphate, excepting th~ Ali caliphate--exploitation
- appeared in our own system. We must yield to the evidence: men who call
themselves Moslems can perfectly well exploit other Moslems, How are we
to expurgate this poisonous fruit from our system?
Islam can give the answer to this question and first and foremost in Iran.
Generalized self-management which leads to a kind of self-government, making
of the commune, village or district the center of essent~al decisions in
the life of citizens is in a position to suppress exploitation by means of
the transparency which it creates in the relations between leaders and led.
For a pedagogy of the revolution, perhaps we sould adopt terminology familiar
to Moslems and speak of "choura" (consultation which governed the conduct
of the early caliphs). However, "choura," called upon to confer economic
- power ~ipon producers particularly, would remain without. effect, without
political power.
The damaging effects of this demiurge; i~e., the single party, should be
denounced. In a place where it existed--it being this glorious party: the
FLN in Algeria--the most promising experiments came to a sudden end. A
fatality seems to attach itself to all these parties under the cover of
which there was an increase in speculation, abuses of authority, denial of
individual rights; this led to talk, in places where the single party holds
sway, of the single evil.
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Exploitation began with the disappearance of the "choura" and with Moawiya.
- We must return to the period of Ali ta engage in deep ref lection on instru-
ments of power suitable for the assuring of a real exercise of "choura"
and expurgate all forms of exploitation in our society. Of course, our
problems are difEerent from those of the Medina society 14 centuries ago,
and the o~casion calls for innovation. However, the goal remains the same:
to aboli sh the exploitation of man by man.
Proscribe Secessicn
Tl~e Moslem world is confronted by other problems the solution to which will
condition its furure: problems of non-Islamic minorities in the land of
Islam; problems of Islamic minorities living in non-Islamic lands; problems
of the struggle against hunger; problems of racism and imperialism; problems
of eco.logy; etc.
How would the Islami.c world be in a position to irrigate, inseminate and
enrich the world, if this selfsame enrichment w~.s not experienced as such
by minorities living in Islam land, such as ttie Jews or Christians?
Racism, this poison which corrupts everything, is thing that is most
widespread. It is true that in the history of racism Isl:lm's dossier,
and this is to its honor, is one of those with the lea~~ materials in it.
Tolerance, this beautiful flower, grows in Islam lan:i and at times has too
_ heady fragrance. To maintain, however, that no forr.~ of racism has never
seen the light of day in Islam land is a raci~t cor.~eption of history. We
must take a look without complacency at these deep, ~old and troubled waters
within ourselves. Moreover, Moslem minorities have the sacred duty of
defending respect for their values, with weapons in hand if neFd be. But
the very mou~ent that they are respected, secession should be proscribed.
e~
- U.S. Monopoly
Aid to developing countries, the struggle against hunger, action on behalf -
of ecology, of a qualitative relationship between ma.n and nature, are a
number of plans which could change the face of the world. Moslem money
invested in the West would be fully ample for this purpose. The freezing
of Iranian assets by the U.S. after the affair at the American embassy in
Tehran expressly calls for better utilization of that money. To save our
brothers in Allah who are dying of hunger every day in the Sahel, to halt
- the drying up of La.ke Chad, to supply Africa with potable water, to put an
end to terrible tropical diseases which are overwhelming 1 billion persons.
The sanguine West, which is too well nourished, prefers to concern itself
with diseases which are proper to the consumer society of the northern
hemisphere: cancer, poliomyelitis, cardiovascular diseases, etc. Malaria, .
bilharziasis, trypanosomiasis, leishmaniasis or leprosy are of but moderate
interests to the budget allocated by the WHO for its campaign to eradicate
= thege six diseases which totals only $20 million, not even the price of a
modern warplane.
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Qnly such action rather than this dialog of the deaf called north-south can
change the face of the world. In this undertakin~, we have a decisive ~
weapon, on ~ondition that we knot~ how to use it: oil and gas. For the
machine wh:ich is perpetuating the domination o� capitalism is dependent
upon them for its functioning.
Up to now, oil and gas have riveted the chains of domination even more
closely to our ankles, so miich so that a. numUer of us think that these ,
natural riches are a misfortune for our peoples. It is up to us to make
of them ar, irreplaceable gift from the heavens. By restricing the produc-
- tion and sale of th~se products, by directi.ng part of this production toward
the southern hemisphece and another part toward Western countries which
support these ~bjectives. -
A simultaneous act~on should be undertalcen: the manufacture of proteins
~ from hydrocarbons. For we know that the intelligence of an indivi~ual, -
indeeci his aesthetic sense, depend upon a balanced diet; i..e., a diet rich
in protea_ns, particularly in the early years of his life~ Such considera- -
tions have 1pd the U.S., a big producer of soybeans, wliich contain many
vegetable proteins, todecide at one tim~ to ban their export. Doubtless
so that in 20 years the brains of th~se who live there will be the best
organized and that the greatest number ~f Nobel prizes wil]. be found there.
_ For the Glory of God
- The ?foslem world coul.d without a doubt succeed in this historical undertaking.
As proof thereof, take a lcok at what is happening in Iran and everywhere
in Islam: th~se 6~J-70 perr_ent of Syrian. hajjs making the pilgrimage to
Mecca who are unner 25 years ot age; those mosques in Algeria invaded by -
those under 20 who also sleep there and busy themselves from Thursday to '
- Friday by holding classes there; those Filipinos who have been. defending
their faith with arms since Philli_p II of Spain; that ~rofound thirs*_ of
young Moslems to build the city of God on earth is also seen in the accession
of Islam into the very heart of the modern Babylon that has the name of
U.S.; it is the increasingly numer~us conversions to Islam among the i:~habi-
tants of the northern hemisphere; it is an entire eontinent, Africa,
according to the Chri.stian missionaries thEmselves, which is in the process
of becoming the continent par excellence of Is1am; it is that force which
grips us to the inmost depths of our being, in the face of injustice, arid
when the. hour of sacrifice arrives, which makes us cry out for the glory
of God: "Allah Akbar."
However, our approach would be withcut effect if it were to develop in
isolation. On the contrary, it is by our joining together in a multiform
action, in the open, building the revolution stone by stone, embracing not
only Moslem man but man per se in a warm totality, which is proger to him,
that this action has the greatest chance of succeeding. It is religion,
philosophy or ideology which make man and woman better, which leave on
living beings and nature a clear imprint of their powerful genius. It being
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r'ux urr~tt;lEU, u~~ UiVLY
~
understood that the day~ of a single system, a single ideology, a single
religion are a thing of the past. The faithful of Islam will only be able
ta give it a new face by removing from it the pyramid erected over the
- centuries, since the white colonists, having discovered a continent, assas-
sinated an entire race: the "red race," to which should be added the 100
mill~on black Africans assassinated during slave trade of disgraceful memory
w~en multitudes of inen, women, old people and children were assassinated
by colonialism, the victims of the Inquisition, world wars, fascism, Nazism,
Gulags, insane asylums, racist~ bombs in Hiroshima and Nagasaki (unnecessary _
because the war had been won) and then the defoliants, these products which
make men mad by c~estroying nature, which were poured onto Vietnam by the
~ tuns.
The w'esi:ern countries have in turn occupied the summit of a pyramid. At
� the vet:y top, the Yankee is enthroned today, standing solidly on the shoulders
of other ~eoples of the central countries: the Japanese, Russian, German,
French and Fnglisi~ peoples, wj_th these peoples in turn reposing on other
- shoulders. The approach of the lower levels is characterized by a fierce
battle. The battle is to the one who climbs most quickly on the shoulders
of his neighbor, it being understood that the bloodiest shoulders belong to
those who find themselves closest to the ground; all of this with the
encoLragement of the one who is enthroned at the top of the pyramid and
_ his immediate followers.
- The position is all the mure advan~ageous because blows and kicks have been
generously distributed. Look at the Arab world: Algeria versus Morocco,
Libya versus Tunisia, North Yemen versus South Yemen, Iraq versus Syria!
However, the entire Third Worid offers a striking illustration of this.
Its 41 countries constitute the base of this pyramid. They are so poor
that theq are incapable of honoring their public debt and, to survive, they
are being kept "afloat" by international ck~arity.
A Steep Road
' This pyramid is the greatest infamy in the history of mankind. We must
~ remove it at any price: ~o that an agent of the state of Brazil will no
_ longer s~~ll an Indian girl for the price of an oil stove; so that other
Judges, as reported by Mohamed Ali, are no longer castrated in the U.S.;
~ so that the sacrifice of Nelson Small Legs Leigna of A2berta will not have
_ t~een in vain; so that others like Philomene from Angola, whose lower body
w�as already paralyzsd, will not be hanged by other racists hyenas as in
Nam~bia; so that young women will not be stabbed in the back as they were
~ at the Mogadiscio airport; for all the Tel el-Zaatars...
Because, in the final analysis--and we must never, never forget it--this
pyramid has been erected o~ a tomb which they would like to quickly cover
with earth, the tomb of our Amerindian friend, this present-day Lazarus
. whom we must help to resuscitate, for his burial would be that of our
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hopes in a world reconciled with him whose construction otherwise would
remain as if blemished by a cripplii7g vice.
- As you see, my response is a long one. I ask the pardon of those who find
a peremptory tone in it in places. I humhly recognize that I have ventured
onto a steep road. I am above all a mar. of action. ~iot a theoretician.
I thought tl-.at I would do something useful by allowing others ~.nd first
of all my brothers in Islam to have the benefit of my experiences. That e
is my only excuse.
[Signed ] Ahmed Ben Bella `
COPYRIGHT: Jeune Afrique GRUPJIA Paris 1980
,
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IRAN
KHOMEYNI POWER STRUCTURE ANALYZED
Milan PANORAMA in Italian 19 May 80 pp 98-103
[Article by Carlo Rossella with contributions by Alberto B. Mariantoni:
"And Allah Created Chaos")
[TextJ The regime's strong man in Iran is now Mohamed Beheshti. He is an
ayatollah, 55 years old, heavyset, with an attractive beard.
- During the reign of Shah Pahlavi, Beheshti was the "Friday ayatolla" at
- Hamburg. His ideas are elementary: Shiism, complete identification
between church and state; total aversion for the west and for any kind of
modernization; a welfare, agricultural-pastoral-commercial economy on a
purely subsistence level, financed by oil revenues; complete Islamization
_ of customs, of the schools and of society implemented through a permanent
cultural revolution. Beheshti's party is the strongest in Iran. Administered
directly by the ayatollahs and the mullahs--who along with the mosques, are
rooted in every village and maintained by a social base composed of the
poor (mostaz'efin) peasants, the petty bourgeoisie--the Islamic Republic
Party is a kind of local Christian democracy. Welfare and petty patronage
(the mullahs have the means; the state finances them and in that way they
can support millions of unemployed and disinherited) are the party`s two
great points of strength. In the first round of elections it obtained two-
thirds of the seats in Parliament.
Supported by the people, backed by what is actually a small army, the
"pasdaran" (run by priests with machineguns, th~ guardians of the revolution
control the country and Khomeyni considers them a true "power of God
Beheshti and his organization are a state within a state. When he speaks,
his orders cannot be ignored. He wanted university instruction to be
completely Islamized; he wanted the leftist students to leave the universities;
and President Bani-Sadr allowed dissia::nt youths to be fired upon, and the
masses of the mostaz'efin attacked the educational institutions.
When he writes in his newspaper ISLAMIC REPUBLIC, he often does it to launch
new political campaigns (he was the first to speak of the American Embassy
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as a"nest of spies"), to attack leftist youths (he simply considers them
agents of the CiA), to criticize the efforts of President of the Republic
Abolhassan Bani-Sadr, his principal enemy and adversary.
The ideas of the two main protagonists of Iranian political life are, in
f.act, diametrically opposed. After the revolution, Bani-Sadr would like to
restore order to the country, to make the bureaucracy function, to begin -
economic planning (he told PANORAMA, "We could not survive for more than 9
months with the bloc"), to restore legal powers to the state transforming
, Iran into a modern and democratic nation inspired by Islam but also by
socia.lism.
Beheshti, instead, absolutely does not want Bani-Sadr to consolidate his ~
position. He thinks about a Persia of the beautiful times of antiquity,
dominated by religious leaders, isolated from the rest of the world.
Those close to President Bani-Sadr admit that the clash between Islamic
traditionalists and reformist (even Bani-Sadr has a profound religious culture
and, much more than Beheshti, is a theologian of Shiism) within the revolu-
tionary council is very harsh. Above all, after the failure of the American
blitz, Beheshti's positions were strengthened. The ayatollah, who is also
president of the Supreme Court, had a committee named to investigate the
presumed pro-American fifth column, invoked a new purge of the armed forces
(the army, the navy and the air force, even though they are run down, are
nevertheless Bani-Sadr's dependable military arm), asked and obtained the
militarization of millions of persons "to stand guard against external
attacks," proposed the revival of the tribunals and the so-called revolutionary
coc~nittees.
The further disi;ltegration of presidential power, the dispersion of centers
of decision; the shattering of the revolutionary policy line in ideological
diatribes, the r.i.valry among Moslem groups can lead Iran, as President
Bani-Sadr informE~d PANORAMA, into an explosive situation. On 4 May, during
an all-out power struggle, Bani-Sadr went so far as to write in an editorial
in ISLAMIC REVOLUTION--the daily representing his group of modern religious
persons and reformist intellectuals educated at Stanford and the Sorbonne--
that "khomeyni's great ability, which so far has permitted him to prevent
a decisive clash between the priests and the intellectuals, was seriously
damaged." In asking for "the unity of all Moslems," in imploring for "law
and order" in Iran, Bani-Sadr practically asked his adversaries for a truce.
Beheshti had no intention of granting it just a few days before the second
round of elections. By controlling the assembly, Beheshti will in fact be
- able to restrict all the powers of the president of the republic. The
formation of the new government and the appointment of the prime minister
must be submitted to the judgment of the Islamic Republic Party (Bani-Sadr
does not have an actual party, and instead enjoys a popular following
guaranteed by the friendship and protection of Khomeyni).
The only ploy capable of preserving for Bani-Sadr at least a part of his
power is the relationship with Khomeyni. The Imam sees Bani-Sadr every day,
they spend hours together, they discuss everything point by point.
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Bani-Sadr's friends say, "For Khomeyni, Abolhassan is like a son. The Imam -
wanted him rather than a religious person to be the pre~ident of the
republic and the people voted for him en masse. The Imam listens to him.
In Paris they thought together about what Iran would be after the revolution."
But Khomeyni, the only true depositary of power in Iran (he need say only one
word to mobilizE millions of p~rsons and cause the disappearance of any
protagonist from the political and religioiis scene), cannot alcaays listen
to Bani-Sadr. Everyorie explains in Tehran, "He supports one or the other
according to the moment, distributing rewards and punishment, seeking however
to avoid decisively strengthening anyone in order to avoid aroiising dangerous
ambitions. Khomeyni wants to decide everything, always to have the last worde"
During this period, and within the revolutionary council they let it be
clearly understood that his sympathies go to th.e more traditionalist ayatollas
from Behesti to Rafsanjani, to Koeni, the spiritual assistant of the students
who hold the American hostages prisoner.
In the Kurdish provinces, the guerrilla struggles of the independents have
been transformed into real bloody battles, the independent fighters on 1 May
refused the truce of.fered by Bar_i-Sadr. In the mostly Arab zone of Khuzistan -
the first fires of a guerrilla warfare which promises to be desperate were
'''o'===~ ,.:c ~raq~ :~Cl:1CL services. The first shots of a guerrilla
battle which promises to be desperate, and the attack on the Iranian Embassy
in London, are examples.
In Azerbaijan millio*~s of followers of shariat Madari, the moderate ayatolla
so dear also to the bourgeoisie of the Teheran bazaars, harbor hatred for a
regime dominated by the more extreme revolutionaries like Behesti. Within
the army, tape cassettes are circulated with the recorded speeches of the
shah, of Shapur Bakhtiar and generals of the old regime such as Oveyssi.
The ex-Savak agents terrorize the people with their attacks.
If the danger of territorial disintegration provoked by independence wars
seems distant, if the counterrevolutionary efforts of the supporters of the
shah and of Bakt?tiar certainly are not a danger (but what will the next
American moves be?), much more alarming for the regime are the activities
of the leftist groups who are disappointed by the revolution. "Our voice
no longer reaches Khomeyni," declared the leader of the mujahiddin Mas~ud
Rajavi told PANOR~. He was forced by the Imam himself to withdraw from
political competition for the presidency of the republic. Faithful to the
ideas of Ayatollah Taleqani, a historical figur~ of the revolution, supporters
of a solid program of social and revolutionary reforms (abolition of private
property, workers' councils, people's army), the mu~ahiddin admit with
scorn that "For the past year, nothing has changed for the poor people of
Tehran." Rajavi and hi.s followers (they number severa]. tens of thousands,
they are well armed, they are of proletarian and petty bourgeois origin,
and they enjoy growing support) criticize a revolutionary process that is
made up "only of slogans," they do not admit, even though they are Moslems,
heavy interference by the mullahs in civilian life.
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Possible natural allies of Bani-Sadr in his fight against the clerical and
integralist right, the mujahiddin are now the largest group opposing the
regime (however they recognize the supreme authority of Khomeyni) after the
president had to tolerate, due to Be:iest~ti's pressure, their expulsion from
the universities. In those days in mid-April armed clashed at Tehran and
other cities of the country between pasdaran, young mujahiddin and the fedayin
of the people (an organization that is practically illegal, with 40,000 armed
militants of Marxist-Leninist leanings) were bloody. In the middle of this
is the president who cannot give orders and who a few hours before the
elections, through ex-Prime Minister Mehdi Bazargan, tried to reach an
- agreement with the mujahiddin to form a front of lay candidates to set up
against the Islamic integralists. Over all the others is the Imam Khomeyni
with his great charismatic abilities and his refined alchemies.
COPYRIGHT: ~1980~ Arnoldo Mondadon Editore S.p.a.
6034
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IRAN
LIFE IN TEHRAN T;ZANSFORMED BY REVOLUTION
Changes in Everyday Life
Milan PANORAMA in Italian 26 May 80 pp 105-110
[Article by Carlo Rossella: "What a Life for Allah!"]
[Text] The radio transmits only official communiques, military marches
and revolutionary songs such as "A11ah o Akaar, Khomeyni Rahabar" (Allah
is great, Khomeyni is our leader). The television is f.looded with debates,
round-table discussions, religious conversations, intermintable stories
broadcast live about parades, processions, marches, funerals. The
English-language channel, at one time a delight for all the foreigners
living in Tehran, was canceled. A story is circ~ilating: "Why don't we
have color television any more?" an Iranian wcr~a~rs. "Because the
ayatollahs and the mullahs dress in black and white" another replies.
In the capital's movie houses, truculent posters full of people with ugly
faces and bearing weapons, announce only f ighting f ilms. The unfailing
"Battleship Potemkin," a series of Italian neorealist masterpieces (from
, "Giuliano," by Francesco Rosi to "Sacco and Vanzetti," by Giuliano
Montaldo), somber stories about commandos and paratroops (the Four of the
Wild Goose), shotgun full-length features with heroes of Kung-fu and
karate. The night clubs are closed. The theaters are quiet. Writers
like Qolamhoseyn Sa'edi await the "thermidor." The discotheques (there
is a Club 54 even in Tehran) have been tzansformed into barracks for the
pasdaran (the guardians of the revolution, the militia of the regime)
and for th~a komiteh (Islamic political control co~nittees, an institution
between the secret police and the neighborhood police).
On 20 March, the Islamic new year's day, at the Hyatt Hotel, one of the
most luxurious in Tehran, the pasdaran and the komiteh, in the name of
Allah, stopped a great festivity with the music of the Bee Gees and
women in see-through dresses instead of the traditional chador. Rock
cassettes, jazz records, Western classical music (from Beethoven to Mozart)
are off limits even though the records and tapes are available on the
, black market. Alcohol is prohibited; beer (traditional for Iranian
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peasants) is considered a"drink of the devil." Whiskey, always Johnnie
_ Walker Red Label imported secretly fro~u Pakistan, is found on the black
market and in rials, the local currency, costs the equivalent of 50,000 -
lire. Vodka, made in Tehran cellars with crude stills, costs 15,000 lire.
Available on every corner, [dinstons, the only American cigarettes sold
clandestinely, cost 2,000 lire per package. Importation of automobiles
is prohibited. In the Shemiran Quartex, the luxury section of Tehran,
the boutiques and luxury shops are selling off the latest Dior creations
and the latest Rolexes.
The high salaries have been decreased by h~lf: Doctors, dentists,
engineers, specialized technicians, Jewish shopkeepers, flee the country
despite strict regulations on emigration (they are required to pass
through strict police control; substantial bribes are paid to the mullahs).
Almost 1 million well-do-do Iranians and monarchists have left the country.
- Other hundreds of thousands of taghouts, those who have a nostalgia for -
westernization and the old regime, wait to lea,ve. An Iranian writer
told PANORAMA, "Under Khomeyni life is joyless and without pleasure.
Things ~aere better when they were worse." The Islamic revolution also
controls the most private aspects of life. Adultery is punished by the
death sentence. Sexual relations between two unmarried consenting adults
must be ratified (under pain o~ corpoxal punishment) by the mullahs through -
the "sigheh," the declaration of temporary concubinage.
Pasdaran and komiteh go into houses; they search closets and drawers;
they check books and newspapers; they observe clothing and furniture.
- A suspicion, an anonymous telephone ca11, a personal dislike is enough
to send one up before the Islamic tribunals. If the bourgeois are
controlled because of their consumerist nostalgias, the youths af the
left, the people's fedayin and the mujaiddin, undergo an X-ray investi-
_ gation into their revolutionary activities in the neighborhoods and the
universities. The Islamic reactionaries fear their speeches on the
revolution that was betrayed, they fear their contacts with the prole-
tarians, the mostaz'efin apprehensively observe their declared solidarity _
for the Kurdish rebels who were massacred en masse by the Tehran army. .
~ Coordinated by Sadeq Tabatabai, Savama, the new political police, has
taken the place of the old Savak, the bloody police of the Shah. A
relative of Khomeyni, a nephew of Imam Moussa Sadr (the Shiite religious
leader who disappeared during a trip from Tripoli to Rome), Tabatabai,
ex-deputy prime minister in the Mehdi Bazargan government, has restored
many ex-Savak agents back to theiz previous role. For the political
police, controlled by the most extremist groups of the Islamic Revolu-
tionary Party and not certainly by the moderates of President Abolhassan
Bani-Sadr, there will be considerable work in the coming months. Once
the great and enthusiastic revolutionary wave has passed, criticisms
from the right or left, of the Islamic petty bourgeois regime are des~ined
to increase and ta change, once Khomeyni dies, into real armed rebellion
(everyone in Tehran now has a gun).
is
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In the bazaars until a few months ago there was reliable support for the
Islamic extremists, voter absenteeism incrPased, there was no attempt
to hide the unpleas~nt effects of the trade embargo, the ever.tual naticn-
_ alization of trade, the collapse of industrial production, the lack of
any orderly economic and social legislation. A textile mer~hant told
PANORAMA: "The Yazdbaf factory produced 45 bales of textiles per day
up until the revolution. Now it put.~; only 10 bales on the market and at
a price 50 percent higher because of very heavy inf lation." A rug
merchant said, "The drop in production is due to the absenteeism of workers
who can draw their pay without going to the plant thanks to the protec-
tion of the mullahs and the disorder in the country. We hope that with
the new government la:v and order will return." And that is what Bani-Sadr ~
also wants ("more work and less consumption" he said in his 1 May speech).
But few pay any attention to hi.m in Iran..
A nation of poor and unemployed people, exploi.ted for 3Q years by a
thiev ing economy desired by the shah and by the bourgeoisie who surrounded
him, Iran is in the grip of a classic political-economic-social disorder
which distinguishes the f irst phase of revolutions. The mujaiddin of the '
people, advanced Isl~nics who dream of a country with a socialist economy,
without private property, where exploitation and oppression are abolished,
say, "Now we must pass to the second phase." According to the mujaiddin,
nothing has changed for the poox in the Iran of Khomeyni and ttie mullahs.
- Kept on a mere subsistence level by the Shiite relig ious leaders, through
petroleum income, the disinherited of Tehran, wlio live in the quarters
of the lower city such as Darvazeh-Ghar., wait for houses, food, clothing,
work.
At Darvazeh-Ghar the income of a family of six persons on the average is -
800 rials per day (about 10,000 lire), a kilo of rationed meat costs 130
rials, rice 160 rials per kilo, oil 240 per liter, bread 10, sugar 75 -
- per kilo. But often food staples cannot be found: There is no milk, or -
eggs, meat is found only on the free market and costs 600 rials per
kilogram. As it was under the shah, the poor eat bread and vegetables
even though ~yatollah Beheshti advises that one give to those who have
nothing, and distribute one's income.
Despite the inflation, only opium and books have dropped in price. Before
the revolution a dose of opium cost 1,800 rials. Now it costs little
more than 200 and consumption is increasing (prohiUited by the shah
because of his agreements with the Americans, the cultivation of poppy
has resumed throughout the country). Forced for years to read books
approved by the regime, the Iranians under Khomeyni devour hundreds of
thousands of religious books and revolutionary works. Printed in Farsi
in Moscow, the sacred Marxist and Leninist texts fill the shelves of
bookstores and newsstands. They stand beside strictly Islamized magazines
and newspapers that are all faithful to the word of the Imam. -
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Friend of Bani-Sadr Interviewed -
Milan PANORAMA in Italian 26 May 80 p 111
[Interview with Paul Vieille: "Martyrs, but Dissatisfied"]
[Text] Little more than a year after its triumph,
where is the Iranian revolution going? PANORAMA
asked Paul Vieille, author, with President of the
Republic Bani-Sadr, of the essay: "Petroleum and
Violence." Vieille, a personal friend of Bani-Sadr
- and Khomeyni, is one of the top world experts on the
- Iran situation.
Question: What is the blance sheet of Khomeynism?
~ Answer: There is a fairly extraordinary disoxder under the heavens--
Question: But do you think it is a positive or a negativc balance sheet... _
Answer: It is very difficult for me to reason within such a strict
question. But in any case, the present situation shows that the Iranian
intelligentsia, whether lay or religious, has failed. And I will say
more, it showed its absolute inability. It has betrayed the people.
What has happened does not reflect the wishes of the people. Under these
conditions I certainly would not cry if there were a dictatorship in Iran.
Question: In your articles in PEUPLES MEDITERRANEENS you wrote that you
saw "the revolution take roads that were very different from those which
had been nlanned." FJould you explain the meaning of your criticism?
Answer: The central problem is that of the economy. Bani-Sadr and I
had thought of a concrete revolution which would have taken Iran out of
the one-product economy status of petroleum income. Instead the reverse
happened. The religious leaders continue according to the same economic
logic as the shah: Petroleum and nothing else.
Question: Economically, the Islamic Republic if Iran is in total crisis.
The goverrnnent and the bureaucracy are unable to restore order and to
- undertake a new economic policy. What do you propose?
Answer: Substantially the restructuring of the economy. There is the
possibility of revitaliz~.ng the factories and plants even if Bani-Sadr
is convinced that the economic blockade could stop everything. Political
will is suff icient.
Question: The intellectuals are the great absentees from this revolution
which brought to power the petty bourgoisie and the priests. How did such
a s~ngular phenomenon happen since the intellectuals had been in the front
lines against the shah?
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Answer: The opportunists put themselves at the service of religious power.
Question: But for the new regime was it not better to seek the consensus
of the Int~llectuals rather than the petty bourgeois opportunists?
Answer: But compromises can be made much more quickly with opportunists.
Let us not forget that Iranian society is profoundly Manichean.
Question: SJhat are the chances that the revolution can survive?
Answer: It is difficult to predict. In any case it will always be
victorious. For the Iranians, martyrdom is a satisfaction.
COPYRIGHT: [1980J Arnoldo Mondadori Editore S.p.A.
6034
~ CSO: 4404
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IRAN
EXECUTION OF ONLY FEMINIST MINISTER DESCRIBED
Paris PARIS MATCH in French 23 May 80 pp 80-82
[Article: "How They Executed Mrs Parsa"] _
[Text] Overconfidence ~.ed her to the firing squad. "If I am arrested, I
want to believe in my country's justice. I will explain myself b efore the
judges. I will prove my innocence, she once told her 73-year-old husband,
General Chirin Shokhan, former officer of the commissariat for the Imperial
Army.
She was arrested on 3 February at 3 am. A group of armed men of the Khomeyni
Committee rang the garden gate bell at Mrs Farrokhru-Parsa's home located
in Tehran's residential neighborhood. The 58-year-o1d Mrs Parsa was an
elementary school principal before she became minister of education during
the shah's regime. "You and your husband, follow us. You are under inves-
tigation," laconically announced the squad leader.
- Mrs Farrokhru-Parsa did not even blink. She had long anticipated that this
moment would ultimately come. They had already gathered the new toilet ar-
ticles and clean clothes they would need during their detention. A few
minutes later the old man and his wife climbed into ~a jeep, which drove
away at full speed, siren howling, through the neighborhood of the wealthy
"tarhoutti" to scare those still free with the knowledge that two of them
had been arrested. After a brief stop at the headquarters of the Commit- -
tee, the jeep was back on the highway, then onto a rocky road, up a hill
and finally stopped at the heavy green gates of Evin prison. This was
where, in the past, the shah's opponents had been interrogated and tortured.
Here, since the revolution, the shah's supporters and collaborators have _
been imprisoned and investigated.
Mrs Farrokhru-Parsa was to spend the last 2 months of her life in a ce11.
The new masters of Iran daily subjected her to long interrogation. In
course of time they gathered pr~of~of her guilt. Yet her serenity amazed
those who saw her. Mrs Farrokhru-Parsa was at peace with herself. She
firmly believed she was innocent, and was therefore confident.
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rot~ orrrr,rat, trsr oril.,Y
The trtal oE "the ~ii.~;n.ttar:ies oE the fal.len regime" began on 2"l Apr.il and
was held in ~ brancl ne~v three-slory buiJ.ding in Ghe center of the prison.
Mrs Farrokhru-Par.sa's trial was he].d in a l~~ng, narrow room pro~ected by
an armored door.. I.Ls wfiite walls caere llung taith ~iozens oL photographs
depicttng vfctims oE SAVAK, the shah's secret pollce. A hundred or so
- chair~ were pr.ovided fur the audi.ence. In the baclc ot the room was a
table for the _ji.idges, ~~rith two chair.s facing it f~r tlie defendants,
Farrokhru-Parsa and Numayoun Ansari, for.~mer m:f.ni.ster of housing.
How could one remain ~~naEraid and resist despair or fear at the sight of
this mounting crowd wl~ose incr.easin~ noise grows into an uproar, And
yet ti~e former m:inister. of educat:ton remained stran~ely calm despite the
hostile shouts which greeted her when she came in dressed in gray and
wearing the tchador. Some chanted: "Allah Akbar" (God is almighty).
She had said: "I believe in my country's justice." She and Ansari
stoically withstood 10 minutes of gibes, invect.ive, and threats. Finally,
a side-entrance door opened and three men wallced single file to the table ~
and sat down. A mul:l.ah .led the way, dressed :Ln black and with the tra-
ditional white turban and dark beard. Next came a young man in tight
jeans. Finally, the third person, the oldest of the trio followed, ill- _
shaven and severe-looking in his dark three-piece suit, without a tie--as
appropriate for a revolutionary. They were the judges. The mullah sat on
the right, the young man in the cen~er, and the eldest on the left.
The audience rose then sat doum again and stared at Farrokhru-Parsa. These
simple, fanatical people were all expecting her, the only woman to have
been minister for 6 years in the shah's government, to break down. But
she did not. She remained impassive, always conf ident. The mullah put
on his metal-rimmed glasses. In a monotone he began reading Koran verses -
about justice. He paused, put down his glasses. Then the young man
spoke: "I represent the attorney general and I am one of the three who ~
will decide the defendant's fate. At my s~_cie is the presiding judge whose
f unction is to listen and advise. Beside him sits the .nullah, thP Islamic
prosecutc~r. Both the mullah and myself are in contact with a representa-
tive of ~he Revolutionary Council to decide whether Mrs Parsa and Mr Ansari
are guilty or innocent."
The young man stopped speaking. 'The mullah put on h3s glasses again and
announced: "Today the bill of indictinent wi11 be brought against Farrokhru-
Parsa, former minister of education, liable to the death sentence."
He solemnly scanned the room. The murmuring declined and stopped.
Silence. Then the mullah operted his file and read: "You axe accused of
having fired from your ministry militants fighti_ng for the freedom of Iran
and for Islam. You are accused of having helped individuals involved in
spreading corruption in your ministry. You are accused of having helped
the fallen shah's regime which stole Iran's wealth and served the interests
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of the We~tern powers. You are accused of illicit relations with one of
your colleagues, a man named Sartipi. You are accused of having dealt with
Nematollah Nassiri, former chief of SAVAK, who has already been exe~�ted
by Che revolutionary regime for his crimes. You are accused of having
bribed newsmen in order to get publicity and of having spread propaganda
favorable to the imperial family but against the nation. You are accused
of having headed a prostitution network in your own ministry in order to
introduce nice girls to the imperial court, and more specifically to the
shah's brother. Finally, you are accused of war against God."
The defendant remained seated while the bill of indictment was read. She
made no gesture in defense and showed no sign of fear. She willed to stay
confident. And then the attorney general declared in a threatening voice:
"We have all the proof to support each and every one of the charges brought -
against you. We have SAVAT reports showing that you have misappropriated
enormous funds and used the money to buy carpets for your home. We will
show all this during this trial. We will bring the proof of your corrupt
life on earth and prove that you were leading a struggle against God."
Only then did Farrokhru-Parsa emerge from her impassiveness. But her
emotion was so intense that she could only say in a low voice: "I am
innocent and can prove it."
She was determined to be heard. In this country committed to hate, anar-
chism and delation, she would give her own defense. The former minister
refused the help of a lawyer.
The hearing of the witnesses for the prosecution was scheduled for the
second day of the trial. They were scattered through the audience,
chattering, and raising their hands like schoolboys to be heard. One
after another they assailed her with their charges, demanding vengeance.
But it was a woman in her fifties, face worn with grief, who undoubtedly
deeply moved the judges and the audience with her testimony and dealt a
setback to the defendant's prospects. Wearing the tchador, she walked
slowly to the judges' table. She sat down close to a m3.crophone and a
- tape recorder which recorded her grievances: "My husband divorced me a
few years ago, abandoning me and three children to marry a young girl
offered to him as a present by Parsa," she sa3d fixing her eyes on the
woman who had been one of the most prominent of the former regime. "My
husband and this girl, Liba, left for the United States. My husband was
an official in the Ministry of Education and worked closely with Parsa.
She gave him Liba and destroyed our family." The crowd roared menacingly. _
She continued in a staccato voice: She influenced my husband to denounce
my son to SAVAK. He was an engineer and died of the tortures by that wild
beast the political police."
After this confession the session was closed. Incidentally, the hammering
_ by workers making repairs in a n2ighboring room had made it difficult to
hear the witnesses' testimonies.
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Thursday was the third and last day of the trial. This was the day
Farrokhru-Yarsa would be able to defend her.self; a day when--pathetically
con�ident--she stil.l wanted to believe in her country's justice. The
judges cal].ed her to their table to tape her statements. In the past, in
the heyday of the imperial court, she had always appeared made up and
_ sparkling with jewelry. Now, without makeup and simply dressed, she sat
- down before these men with the terrible power to end her life. She knew
it. She stared at them. Finally she spoke: "I am sorry," she signed,
~ "but all the charges brought againt me are unfounded. These charges
have even brought into question my religious beliefs. I am a Shi'ite
Moslem and hope to die in Islam."
Throughout her plea, struggling to escape death, she was interrupted by
shouts. To no avail. Pale, voice ready, she continued her defense:
"From 1968 to 1974 when I was minister of education, I did all in my
power to spread Islam and the Koran. Thus, 15 days after my appoint-
ment, I ordered that Koran classes be organized in elementary ~schools.
I had a deep respect for the Islamic religion. People like Ayatollah
Beheshti, currently Iran's Supreme Court chief justice, and Mr Bahonar, _
member of the Revolutionary Council, could testify that I am telling the
truth." ~
Farrokhru-Parsa went on the reject both the charge of prostitution and
that of romantic involvement with her principal secretary. I swear by
the Koran that there was never anything but a professional relation-
ship between us. I am accused of having stolen public funds. You must
be more specific about how I stole this money!" she challenged the
court. She paused, and for the first time--discouraged--lowered her head.
The presiding judgment told the restless audience that the verdict would
be pronounced later.
When the two revolutionary guards entered Farrokhr.u-Parsa's cell she
was sitting on her bed. It was 4 am, Thursday, 8 May. Several days
before, she had learned from a newsman permitted to visit her that she
had b een sentenced to death. The two men in green denim did not need to
tell her anything. She understood. She ~cat up. She followed them
thruugh a maze of corridors of this prison that had witnessed so many
executions and still echoed with the final footsteps of the condemned.
In a small room, she was allowed to write her last wi11. Then, guards
at her side, the procession continued, finally reaching a building where
a child psychiatrist and a drug dealer were waiting to share her fate.
Farrokhru-Parsa was blindfolded. She did not see the guns aim. She
undoubtedly heard the first bursts of submachinegun fire, but when her
body collapsed she did not hear one of her accusers shout: "Allah
Akbar."
COPYRIGHT: 1980 par Cogedipresse S.A.
- 9591
CSO: 4900
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IRAN
I
OIL INDUSTRY SUBORDINATED TO NATIONAL INTERESTS ~
Rome L`EUROPEO in Italian 27 May 80 pp 41-44
[Article by Lanfranco Vaccari: "What Good Is This Oil?"] .
[Text] "Certainly we have money. All we have is foreign currency. It is .
- like a man who is sitting on a fortune but does not have bread to eat. We
must exchange that treasure for bread, otherwise we will die of hunger."
So said Abolhassan Bani-Sadr, president of the republic. "We are under
economic siege. There are no raw materials. There is no money." So said
Mehdi Bazargan, ex-prime minister, member of the Revolutionary Council.
"Our country, our revolutionary moslem country, can continue to live even
if the Persian Gulf is set on fire and exports of petroleum are reduced to
zero." So said Ali Akbar Mo'infar, petroleum minister.
Sixteen months after the shah was ousted, the revolution is making up its
balance sheet. And it is in the red. But the Iranians do not know it.
Bani-Sadr and Bazargan are happy exceptions in an exalted chorus that says,
"Don't worry, Islam is victorious, its fate is magnificent and progressive."
That is not how it is, inflation is moving along at 50 percent. The unem-
ployed total 2.5 million. Industry, when it is not stopped by lack of raw
materials and spare parts, runs at a fifth of its potential. The economy
has become still more dependent on petroleum income. But above all, when
they tried to use the weapon of crude oil to counter Western economic _
sanctions, petroleum misfired. It is no longer the definitive weapon:
The United States, Europe and Japan survive very well without Iranian
barrels of oil. '
Western stockpiles are full. Winter was mild and there is a decrease in
consumption in the summer. The campaign to save energy has had some result.
The other nations producing crude oil gave no concrete support to Iran. -
Extraction of oil from the North Sea and Alaskan wells can be forced. For
all these reasons, the Iranian petroleum weapon has been blunted. Further-
more, Tehran is finding it hard to sell its crude at $35.00 per barrel. ~
Iran is politically isolated: The nonalined nations let it be known that
they "cannot intervene on its side so long as it holds diplomats hostage."
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It is also isol~lted in petroleum diplomacy: Kuwait has decreased its pro-
cluction by 25 percent but only when it would have been obliged to do it
in any case because of seasonal needs. The attempt at alliance with Libya
has failed and there was proof of this in the recent visit to Tehran by
Tripoli Petroleum Minister Abdessalam Zagar. Saudi Arabia continues to
pump 9.5 million barrels per day, the United Arab Emirates have announced
they are ready to supply all the crude necessary to Japan and Western Germany.
The optimism Mo'infar forces himself to show is supported by few reasons.
Concerning present Iranian exportation of petroleum there are no precise
data: The official. figure is about 1 million barrels per day, but sources
within the Petroleum Ministry, who do not want to be named, say that "it
varies from a maximum of 700,~00 barrels to a minimum of 300,000 barrels."
- Sales which totaled 1.5 million barrels per day in January (sold above all
to the free market, for between $28 and $35) collapsed in mid-February.
Under these conditions, Iran will not even succeed in reaching 10 of the
23 billion doll.ars forecast as in:come from petroleum, for the state budget
for this year. And crude covers 75 percent of total income. At least
until autumn, when in the best of cases the lack of Iranian barrels on the
market will be telt, this country must live without petroleum. What will
it do? "We are under conditions of a war economy," says Ezatollah SaY?abi,
minister of budget planning. "We consider ourselves in a state of war and
we will act acco:dingly," Mo`infar says,
Iran goes to this "war" completely disarmed. There ar.e no plans for pro-
duction and investment. There is not even one industrial plan that is
being realized. Bani-Sadr says: "The only positive result of our work is
that we have increased the price of petrol~um anci d.ecreased production.
But the remainder is all negative." The president is the unly one who tries
to present the reality of the country f or what it is: Disastrous. A high
government official affirms that he resigned last month because "it is "
impossible to work under these conditions." He wants to r.emain annonymous.
"All the others try to hide the sun wiCh their hat. But sooner or later
the people willsee it: And furthermore, in this season, it burns."
For more than a montii there has been talk about an "emergency plan for the
war economy," but it is a mysterious objective. It is predicted that it
will be launched on 21 May and no one can give any information at all about
it a few days from the time it be.comes effective. Deputy Finance Minister
Mustafa Sarra hides his embarassment behind a"no comment" and advised
people to get information from the foreign ministry. It is expected to
involve rationing, but Commerce Minister Reza Sadr still does not know what
products are involved, nor whether they will be distributed through the
' mosques or in other ways.
Sahabi, which is responsible for it, is able only to describe its general
characteristics: "The survival of the country, self-sufficiency despite any
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FOK Or'NiCtAL US~ UNLY
kind of blockade, the extension of Islamic justice and egalitarianism are
among the most important points." This is a good demonstration of what
Bani-Sadr ealls "the verbalism of which we are all prisoners."
- The only concrete measure known is the institution of a series of committees.
Sahabi lists them and describes their tasks: "There is o�e for the ~~onomy _
and then for propagancia, culture, politics and the armed forces. Each one
has subcommittees. They must seek ways to deal with the conditions of an
economy of war and to achieve the great objective of the revolution: Self-
sufficiency and freedom from dependency." The anonymous high official
comments, "These people think the country can progress by the efforts of the
bureaucracy, they talk, they talk, but they have not even one figure, one
bit of data on which to work."
Certainly, there is always the resource of manetary reserves. They amount
to $15 billion. Economist Bahman Kiani maintains, "With that money, there
shouldn't be any problems for the first year." But later? What will happen
if sales of petroleum do not increase? Mo'infar claims to have "so many
_ customers that t~ey have to stand in 1ine," but no one sees them. Iran
could sell to oriental countries as it has already begun L-o do. But they
do not have hard currency and their production of machinery is limited. -
Prof H~issein Baher, who teaches economics at the University of Tehran,
maintains, "The socialist bloc could be a mediator: It could buy our petro-
leum to resell it to the west and in this way provide us with hard currency.
But it would be a sensational political defeaL."
In his crude and coarse style, Mo'infar has a ready solution: "If we are �
not able to give the budget $23 billion, we will tell the people so and we
will cut superfluous expenditures. Now the Iranian budget is divided into
two parts: Current accounts and investments. Ninety percent of the former
is absorbed by the bureaucratic apparatus, the equivalent of predicted
petroleum income. The second involves appropriations for $13 billion. In
part, this is expected to come from taxes and part will represent a deficit.
Bani-5adr says, "This is a rediculous figure if_ related to the needs of the
country, but there is worse: Last year., with a lower figure we were not
even able to spend half of it. And this half we~t into consumption and
imports, not into production."
The regular budget is known only in general terms and it has not yet been _
discussed by the revolutionary council. There is a delay of a couple of
months and, in the meantime, Iran goes along from day to day without even
a monthly budget on the basis of one-twelfth of that of last year. And,
in any case, the cuts cannot be made in the current budget because an
elephantine bureaucracy has to be paid, which is triple that of industrialized
nations, and which works an average of 1 hour and 11 minutes per day. But
cuts also cannot be made in investments, which are the only way to absorb
2.5 million unemployed, 25 percent of the working ~ogulation. -
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r~~ c;~�rrcz.~. trs,. c;r;
It is a fit;ur.e ~a}iich Labor Ministrr. Mc~i~a~Timzlci tic.m